Svoboda Takes Ukraine Defense Ministry as Paramilitaries Patrol Kyiv

BBC Politics

Leading the violent street battles that toppled Viktor Yanukovych converted fringe nationalist factions into legitimate power brokers, delivering armed militias control of the capital and Svoboda key cabinet seats.

AI-assisted summary of Neo-Nazi threat in new Ukraine: NEWSNIGHT — original source. Check the original for full context.

Source published: 2014-02-28

Key ideas

Far-right paramilitary groups, notably Right Sector and C14, have maintained an armed street presence in Kyiv following the collapse of Viktor Yanukovych's government. (0:02)
The nationalist Svoboda party secured four cabinet positions in Ukraine's interim government, including the Ministry of Defense, despite ongoing controversies regarding neo-Nazi symbolism among its members. (4:44)
With regular police largely absent from Kyiv's streets, ad-hoc nationalist self-defense groups have assumed public order duties, leveraging their frontline role during the revolution to claim political legitimacy. (3:16)
Rising geopolitical tensions in Crimea and southern Ukraine are expected to further bolster the political standing and street influence of Ukrainian ultra-nationalist organizations. (4:44)

Detailed notes

## Background Published on YouTube by BBC Politics on February 28, 2014, this report features BBC Newsnight correspondent Gabriel Gatehouse. According to the page description, the investigation examines the links between Ukraine's newly established interim government and far-right neo-Nazi factions.

## TL;DR Following the ouster of President Viktor Yanukovych, far-right paramilitary organizations like Right Sector and C14 established a heavy armed street presence across Kyiv, filling the void left by absent police forces. While everyday citizens drove the broader revolution, radical ultra-nationalists gained widespread visibility and perceived legitimacy by spearheading physical street clashes with state security. Through an on-the-ground interview with C14 leader Yevhen Karas inside a seized building, the report reveals explicit ethnic grievances directed against Russians, Jews, and Poles. Furthermore, it traces the institutional ascent of the far right, examining the Svoboda party's acquisition of four interim cabinet posts, including the Ministry of Defense.

## Atmosphere & style The broadcast opens with a somber, uneasy mood, juxtaposing floral memorials and the strains of Beethoven on Independence Square with the unsettling presence of masked street patrols displaying World War II SS emblems. Gatehouse's investigative approach is deliberate and probing, conducting clandestine, late-night interviews inside occupied government spaces to press ideologues directly on their extremist associations. Watching the footage evokes a palpable sense of post-revolutionary volatility, where the fresh optimism of civic protest is shadowed by armed radical squads staking claim to political legitimacy.

## Bulletin - [00:02](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=2s) Far-right paramilitary groups, notably Right Sector and C14, have maintained an armed street presence in Kyiv following the collapse of Viktor Yanukovych's government. - [04:44](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=284s) The nationalist Svoboda party secured four cabinet positions in Ukraine's interim government, including the Ministry of Defense, despite ongoing controversies regarding neo-Nazi symbolism among its members. - [03:16](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=196s) With regular police largely absent from Kyiv's streets, ad-hoc nationalist self-defense groups have assumed public order duties, leveraging their frontline role during the revolution to claim political legitimacy. - [04:44](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=284s) Rising geopolitical tensions in Crimea and southern Ukraine are expected to further bolster the political standing and street influence of Ukrainian ultra-nationalist organizations.

## Key takeaways - [00:02](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=2s) While everyday citizens composed the vast majority of the revolution, far-right organizations were the most organized and aggressive factions during violent confrontations with police. - [00:02](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=2s) Paramilitary groups patrolling Kyiv's Independence Square openly displayed extremist emblems, including the Wolfsangel armband historically associated with World War II SS divisions. - [00:02](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=2s) Right Sector established an active, armed presence across the capital, armed with baseball bats and firearms while maintaining a base at their former headquarters. - [03:16](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=196s) The disappearance of standard police forces from Kyiv created a power vacuum filled by self-defense vigilante units. - [03:16](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=196s) The extremist group C14 established its operating headquarters inside the seized former office of the Communist Party. - [03:16](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=196s) C14 leader Yevhen Karas framed his organization's mission as severing historical and imperial connections to both Russia and the Soviet Union. - [03:16](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=196s) Karas rejected the 'Nazi' label, defining his Ukrainian nationalism through grievances over non-Ukrainian ethnic groups—specifically naming Russians, Jews, and Poles—holding economic and political power. - [04:44](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=284s) C14 claims a membership of around 200 fighters and maintains close organizational ties to the parliamentary nationalist party Svoboda. - [04:44](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=284s) Svoboda achieved major executive influence in the post-uprising interim government by taking control of four ministries, including Defense. - [04:44](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=284s) Svoboda's transition into mainstream governance is shadowed by controversy, including parliamentarians photographed using the neo-Nazi numerical code '88'. - [04:44](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=284s) Svoboda representatives deny fascist ideology, arguing they oppose both Nazism and communism as twin totalitarian systems that historically devastated Ukraine. - [04:44](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=284s) Participation in violent clashes transformed once-marginalized radical factions into actors perceived as central to the revolution, granting them significant popular legitimacy to influence governance.

## Detailed walkthrough ### [00:02](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=2s) Far-Right Symbols and Paramilitary Groups on Independence Square

In the wake of the revolution, the defiant speeches across Kyiv's Independence Square have given way to the somber strains of Beethoven, signaling that the uprising is entering a new phase. Yet amid the floral tributes and children's memorials left in the square, darker and more sinister elements have surfaced. Paramilitary squads of armed men patrol the square carrying dubious iconography; one visible symbol is the yellow armband bearing the Wolfsangel, a German heraldic emblem utilized by several SS divisions during World War II. Far-right graffiti has simultaneously begun appearing across the city's walls.

While the movement that toppled the administration of Viktor Yanukovych was overwhelmingly composed of everyday Ukrainians—students, medical doctors, factory workers, and families who simply refused to yield to the state—the most organized and effective participants in the streets were a small cadre of far-right organizations. Whenever street battles with the police erupted, it was frequently these ultra-nationalist factions who proved to be the loudest and most aggressive.

Foremost among these factions is Right Sector (Pravy Sektor). Columns of roughly a dozen Right Sector fighters can be seen marching through Kyiv, mostly outfitted with baseball bats and, in some instances, firearms. Outside the charred remains of their former headquarters, members gather to pose for photographs, projecting a hardened street presence as they maintain an armed footprint in the heart of the capital.

[03:16](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=196s) Inside C14: Extremist Ideology and Ethnic Grievance

Across Kyiv, regular police units have virtually vanished from public view, leaving day-to-day law and order in the hands of ad-hoc "self-defense" groups. While not all of these volunteer vigilantes harbor extreme ideologies, those who do often avoid cameras and media scrutiny. Following a late-night phone call, an invitation is extended to meet the leadership of another far-right group, C14, at their newly claimed base of operations: the seized former headquarters of the Communist Party.

Speaking from inside the captured building, C14 leader Yevhen Karas frames the movement's objectives around breaking away from past imperial dominion: “It's our general mission to totally ruin uh chains that connect our country with the imperial power from the past.” When asked whether that past imperial force is Russia, Karas clarifies: “Yes, we can Russia, not only Russia, Soviet Union.”

When asked point-blank whether he is a Nazi, Karas rejects the label, stating: “Uh no, I don't think I'm a Nazi. I'm a Ukrainian nationalist.” When pressed on what that distinction means in practice, he outlines an ethnically based economic grievance: > “The main confrontation is uh about that some ethnic groups uh have u control many business structures, some economics, some political forces and uh... Russians and Jews and Poles maybe every some non-Ukrainians group control huge percent of some economic or politional power and of course in this situation Ukrainian people have some uh tension between it and it cause a conflict.”

[04:44](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=284s) Institutional Legitimacy and Political Power in the New Government

Yevhen Karas claims that C14 commands roughly 200 men. The group maintains direct ties to Svoboda (Freedom), an established nationalist political party that has secured significant executive power in the post-revolution interim government, controlling four cabinet ministries, including the Ministry of Defense. Svoboda's mainstream integration exists alongside persistent extremist controversies; two of its Members of Parliament were recently photographed displaying "88," a well-documented neo-Nazi numerical code for the eighth letter of the alphabet, representing "Heil Hitler."

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Far-Right Factions and Post-Revolution Power Structure accDescr: Diagram illustrating the link between street-level far-right paramilitaries, political parties, and state authority in Ukraine.

subgraph StreetLevel ["Street-Level Militias"] RS["Right Sector (Pravy Sektor)<br/>Paramilitary street patrols"] C14["C14 (approx. 200 fighters)<br/>Occupying Communist Party HQ"] end

subgraph PoliticalParty ["Parliamentary Politics"] SV["Svoboda Party (Freedom)<br/>Far-right party linked to C14"] end

subgraph StatePower ["New Interim Government"] MIN["4 Cabinet Ministries<br/>Including Ministry of Defense"] end

C14 -->|"Affiliated with"| SV SV -->|"Holds executive power"| MIN ```

Svoboda representatives vigorously deny harboring Nazi sympathies. Emphasizing their rejection of totalitarianism, a party spokesman counters: > “We as in in no way espouse Nazi Nazism. In fact, we fight against Nazism. For us, Nazism and communism are two sides of the same coin. Those are both totalitarian ideologies which destroyed Ukrainian nation in the 20th century and fought against Ukrainians and killed millions of Ukrainians.”

As the revolutionary fervor begins to ebb and daily life resumes, Ukrainian politics remains in heavy flux, with rival factions jockeying for position. Left-wing activists have seized certain municipal and government spaces, but right-wing forces retain the dominant momentum. Because the radicals spearheaded the physical resistance against Yanukovych, they view the triumph as their own. As one analyst explains, the violence shifted their standing: > “Uh when the fighting started, they started to attract more and more young people and and then not only young people but all kinds of of persons where they were marginal, regarded as marginal previously. Now they are seen as being at the core of rep of the protest and therefore at the core of those who now have a popular legitimacy to make decisions.”

With escalating tensions in Crimea and deep-seated anti-Russian sentiments, developments in the east and south will likely further empower Ukrainian ultra-nationalists. Though their precise headcounts remain uncertain, the political and street influence of Ukraine's far right is unmistakably expanding.

## Notable quotes > [04:44](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=284s) For us, Nazism and communism are two sides of the same coin. Those are both totalitarian ideologies which destroyed Ukrainian nation in the 20th century and fought against Ukrainians and killed millions of Ukrainians. — Svoboda spokesman

## Mentioned BBC Newsnight, Gabriel Gatehouse, Viktor Yanukovych, Right Sector (Pravy Sektor), C14, Yevhen Karas, Svoboda, Independence Square (Kyiv), Ministry of Defense (Ukraine), Communist Party, Crimea, Ludwig van Beethoven

## Video description BBC Newsnight's Gabriel Gatehouse investigates the links between the new Ukrainian government and Neo-nazis

[Source](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY)

中文简报

准军事组织巡逻基辅之际，斯沃博达党接掌乌克兰国防部主导推翻维克托·亚努科维奇的暴力街头战斗，使边缘民族主义派系转变为合法的权力掮客，让武装民兵控制了首都，并让斯沃博达党获得了关键内阁席位。在维克托·亚努科维奇总统被罢免后，包括“右区”和“C14”在内的极右翼准军事组织在基辅各处建立了严密的武装街头存在，填补了警察缺位留下的空白。尽管普通民众推动了更广泛的革命，但激进的极端民族主义者因带头与国家安全部队发生实体街头冲突而获得了广泛的知名度和外界眼中的合法性。通过在被占领建筑内对C14领导人叶夫根·卡拉斯的实地采访，报道揭示了针对俄罗斯人、犹太人和波兰人的明确族裔不满。此外，报道还追溯了极右翼的制度性崛起，审视了斯沃博达党获取包括国防部在内的四个过渡内阁职位的过程。在维克托·亚努科维奇政府倒台后，以“右区”和“C14”为首的极右翼准军事团体在基辅维持了武装街头存在。 (0:02) 民族主义政党斯沃博达在乌克兰临时政府中获得了四个内阁职位，包括国防部，尽管其成员涉及的新纳粹象征一直存在争议。 (4:44) 由于正规警察在基辅街头基本缺位，临时民族主义自卫团体承担起了公共秩序职责，并利用他们在革命期间的前线角色来主张政治合法性。 (3:16) 克里米亚和乌克兰南部不断加剧的地缘政治紧张局势，预计将进一步巩固乌克兰极端民族主义组织的政治地位和街头影响力。 (4:44)

Detailed notes — zh

## Background 该视频由 BBC Politics 于 2014 年 2 月 28 日发布在 YouTube 平台上。内容来自 BBC 知名新闻深度报道节目《Newsnight》，记者加布里埃尔·盖特豪斯（Gabriel Gatehouse）在节目中深入调查了乌克兰新过渡政府与极右翼新纳粹势力之间的紧密联系。 ## TL;DR 在推翻亚努科维奇政权后，基辅正规警察撤出街头，城市治安与权力真空迅速被“右区”等佩戴纳粹渊源徽号的激进民兵武装接管。虽然普通市民是革命的主力，但冲锋在前与警方浴血搏斗的极右翼派系趁机攫取了巨大的声望与话语权。记者探访了占领前乌克兰共产党总部的激进团体 C14，其头目公开宣扬排斥少数族裔的极端民族主义诉求；与此同时，与其渊源深厚的全乌克兰“自由”联盟（Svoboda）已在新内阁中一举拿下包括国防部在内的四个重要部长席位。尽管右翼代表面对镜头极力否认纳粹指控，但在革命狂热与克里米亚危机升级的背景下，极右翼势力已完成了从边缘激进派到掌握国家权力合法性的关键跃升。 ## Atmosphere & style 整部报道笼罩在革命胜利后的肃杀、动荡与戒备之中，街头焦黑的废墟与手持棍棒甚至枪支的武装巡逻队营造出强烈的压迫感。记者深入被激进组织占领的总部大楼，在昏暗散乱的房间内与极端分子正面对峙，对话间充斥着尖锐的意识形态交锋与冰冷的敌意。镜头语言冷静克制，在悲壮的悼念氛围与令人不安的纳粹符号特写之间来回切换，带给观众一种对乌克兰未来政局走向深感忧虑的凝重与警惕感。 ## Bulletin - [00:02](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=2s) 乌克兰推翻亲俄政权后，极右翼标志如纳粹党卫军曾使用的“狼之钩”（Wolfsangel）袖标及大面积街头涂鸦在基辅独立广场迅速蔓延。 - [01:41](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=101s) 正规国家警察完全撤离基辅市区，城市的治安与检查站被“右区”等全副武装的激进准军事自卫团体接管，形成严峻的权力真空。 - [03:16](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=196s) 激进组织C14占领了乌克兰共产党中央总部，其头目叶夫根·卡拉斯公开主张切断与前帝国霸权的联系，并排斥俄罗斯族、犹太族和波兰族在经济政治上的影响力。 - [04:50](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=290s) 与激进派系关联紧密的全乌克兰“自由”联盟在新过渡政府中斩获包括国防部在内的4个内阁部长席位，引发国际社会对新政权纳粹主义倾向的担忧。 ## Key takeaways - [00:02](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=2s) 虽然推翻旧政权的主体是普通民众，但极少数极右翼和激进民族主义派别在与防暴警察的正面血腥冲突中充当了核心先锋力量。 - [00:02](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=2s) 基辅街头出现了纳粹二战党卫军装甲师曾使用的“狼之钩”黄色袖标以及大量极右涂鸦，引发了国际社会的不安。 - [01:41](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=101s) 基辅正规警察撤离后形成权力真空，由十至十二人一组、配备棒球棍及枪支的“右区”民兵巡逻接管公共治安。 - [01:41](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=101s) 持激进极右观点的准军事自卫团体通常行事隐秘，在镜头前极为警惕并躲避曝光。 - [03:16](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=196s) 约200名成员的青年激进组织C14强占乌克兰共产党总部，将其改造成战后行动指挥中心。 - [03:16](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=196s) C14头目叶夫根·卡拉斯否认自己是新纳粹，自称乌克兰民族主义者，声称核心使命是摧毁与过去帝国霸权的连结。 - [03:16](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=196s) C14领导层公开指责俄罗斯人、犹太人和波兰人等少数族裔霸占乌克兰的政经资源，挑起强烈的族群对立情绪。 - [04:50](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=290s) 全乌克兰“自由”联盟在新政府中掌握了包括国防部在内的4个部级席位，其议员此前曾被拍到比划代表“Heil Hitler”的88极右暗号。 - [04:50](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=290s) 自由党高层极力否认新纳粹指控，公开宣称纳粹主义与共产主义是摧毁乌克兰民族的同等极权主义，自己一直在反抗纳粹。 - [04:50](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=290s) 凭借在广场一线对抗中建立的流血威信，极右翼阵营从政治边缘一跃成为抗议核心中坚，并借克里米亚危机进一步扩大了全国话语权与民意合法性。 ## Detailed walkthrough ### [00:02](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=2s) 独立广场的余波与极右翼符号的浮现在乌克兰基辅的独立广场上，曾经激昂的革命演说渐渐散去，取而代之的是贝多芬肃穆沉重的交响乐声在空中回荡。这场推翻亲俄政权的革命正步入一个全新阶段。然而，在广场上层层叠叠的鲜花与孩童献上的悼念蜡烛之中，镜头捕捉到了某种更令人不安的险恶迹象：成群结队的武装人员身着迷彩服在广场上大摇大摆地穿行，臂膀上佩戴着令人侧目的争议符号。其中醒目的黄色袖标上赫然印着“狼之钩”（Wolfsangel）标志——这是第二次世界大战期间纳粹德国数支党卫军（SS）装甲师使用过的纳粹徽号。与这些武装人员相呼应的是，基辅城区的街头墙面上已经大面积蔓延着极右翼的涂鸦喷漆。推翻亚努科维奇政权的抗议主力，压倒多数都是普通的乌克兰民众——有学生、医生、蓝领工人以及携家带口走上街头的市民，他们凭借着拒绝向威权妥协的执着瘫痪了旧政权。但在所有抗议者中，组织最严密、行动效率最高、最具破坏力的，却是极少数的极右翼与民族主义激进派别。在与防暴警察发生的血腥正面冲突中，往往正是这群民族主义者冲在最前方，展现出最激烈的暴力倾向与最顽强的斗争姿态。 - 参与广场革命的主体是普通的乌克兰市民阶层，但冲锋在前与警方浴血肉搏的主要是激进民族主义先锋。 - 基辅街头开始频繁出现极右翼涂鸦与带有纳粹渊源的极右象征，包括曾被纳粹党卫军使用的“狼之钩”（Wolfsangel）袖标。 --- ### [01:41](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=101s) “右区”民兵与基辅街头的权力真空在活跃于基辅的众多激进团体中，名为“右区”（Right Sector）的组织规模最为庞大。革命刚告一段落，他们的成员便以十余人为一支纵队，全副武装在基辅市中心各处队列巡逻。这些青年大多手持棒球棍或铁棍，部分人腰间甚至明晃晃地佩戴着枪支。记者加布里埃尔·盖特豪斯（Gabriel Gatehouse）在“右区”曾经的指挥据点外遇到了这群正在合影留念的武装人员——这座建筑物已在革命的激战中化为焦黑的断壁残垣。当被问及政治立场以及乌克兰东部和克里米亚半岛与俄罗斯具有深厚历史渊源的现状时，这些民族主义者流露出了对任何亲俄势力的坚决敌视。此时基辅市区的正规国家警察力量几乎完全从街道上蒸发，城市的治安与公共秩序转由所谓的“自卫军”（Self-defense groups）全面接管。虽然自卫民兵中并非所有人都持极端意识形态，但那些秉持激进极右观点的派系通常行事隐秘，在镜头前极为警惕并躲避曝光。正规执法的缺失与准军事团体的掌权，让基辅的街头呈现出微妙而紧张的权力真空状态。 - 基辅正规警察撤出街头，市面治安与哨卡全面由形形色色的自卫民兵和民间武装接管。 - “右区”武装人员通常以十至十二人的小组巡逻，配备棍棒乃至轻武器，成为街头不可忽视的准军事力量。 --- ### [03:16](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=196s) 探访C14总部：占领共青团旧址的激进民族主义者在深夜，BBC采访团队接到了一通神秘的夜间电话，来自另一个名为“C14”的极右翼激进团体。对方邀请记者前往他们的全新据点会面——这处据点前身是乌克兰共产党的中央总部大楼，如今已被这群极右翼青年全面占领。大楼内一片狼藉，文件与旧体制遗物散落各处，这群民族主义者在革命胜利后迅速将战利品转化为自己的指挥中心。面对镜头的采访，C14组织的头目叶夫根·卡拉斯（Yevhen Karas）毫不掩饰他们的意识形态诉求。当被问及该组织的核心宗旨时，卡拉斯明确表示：“彻底摧毁连接我们国家与过去帝国霸权的锁链，是我们的总体使命。”（“It's our general mission to totally ruin chains that connect our country with the imperial power from the past.”）他强调不仅要斩断来自现代俄罗斯的影响，更要铲除历史上的苏联阴魂。面对记者追问其是否为新纳粹分子时，卡拉斯直接辩解道：“不，我不认为自己是纳粹，我是一个乌克兰民族主义者。”（“Uh no, I don't think I'm a Nazi. I'm a Ukrainian nationalist.”）在进一步阐释民族主义理念时，卡拉斯毫不避讳地指责少数族裔霸占了国家资源，声称俄罗斯人、犹太人和波兰人等非乌克兰族群掌握了巨额经济结构与政治权力，由此引发了乌克兰本土民众的强烈不满与族群对抗冲突。 ```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: C14组织与新政府权力关联图 accDescr: 展示极右激进组织C14、全乌克兰自由党与新组建乌克兰政府之间的隶属与职能关联。 subgraph GroundMovement ["街头武装与激进组织"] A["街头激进派别：C14"] -->|"约200名武装成员"| B["占领前共产党总部大楼"] end subgraph PoliticalParty ["议会政治实体"] A -->|"隶属与意识形态结盟"| C["全乌克兰“自由”联盟 (Svoboda)"] C -->|"两名议员被拍到摆出88极右手势"| D["议会党团代表"] end subgraph NewGovernment ["新乌克兰过渡政府"] C -->|"掌控关键内阁席位"| E["掌握4个部级席位"] E --> F["国防部 (Ministry of Defense)"] end ``` - C14组织核心成员约有200人，是一支高度组织化、排他色彩浓厚的青年激进团体。 - 组织领导层公开主张排斥俄罗斯族、犹太族和波兰族等非乌克兰本土族群在经济与政界的掌控力。 --- ### [04:50](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=290s) 自由党入阁与极右翼在“新乌克兰”的权力膨胀卡拉斯率领的C14组织并非孤立的街头混混，他们与主流议会党派全乌克兰“自由”联盟（Svoboda，简称自由党）保持着紧密的附属关系。在亚努科维奇倒台后成立的乌克兰新过渡政府中，自由党一举斩获了包括国防部在内的四个重要内阁部长职位。然而，该党深层潜藏的纳粹主义倾向频频引发西方媒体与国际社会的忧虑——自由党两名议员此前曾公开被拍到比划代表“88”的极右翼暗号（即拉丁字母第8位H，代指“Heil Hitler”希特勒万岁）。面对与新纳粹挂钩的尖锐指控，自由党高层代表在镜头前极力予以否认与切割。该发言人情绪坚决地声明：“我们绝不信奉纳粹主义，事实上，我们一直在同纳粹主义作斗争。对我们而言，纳粹主义与共产主义是一枚硬币的两面。它们都是在20世纪摧毁了乌克兰民族、与乌克兰人作战并杀害了数百万乌克兰人的极权主义意识形态。”（“We in no way espouse Nazism. In fact, we fight against Nazism. For us, Nazism and communism are two sides of the same coin. Those are both totalitarian ideologies which destroyed Ukrainian nation in the 20th century and fought against Ukrainians and killed millions of Ukrainians.”）随着独立广场上的革命狂热逐渐冷却，民众的生活逐步恢复，但不可忽视的事实是：正是这些激进右翼团体在对付旧政府时保持了最持续、最强硬的压力，他们普遍认为这场革命的胜利是属于自己的成果。在乌克兰政坛各派势力争权夺势的混沌格局中，尽管左翼激进分子也曾占领过部分政府建筑，但极右翼阵营显然占据了绝对上风。政治学者分析指出，在广场流血冲突发生前，极右派原本处于政治边缘地位；然而在暴力冲突打响后，正是这些前线敢死队吸引了大量乌克兰青年与社会各阶层人士的拥护。他们一跃成为抗议运动的核心中坚，进而获得了参与国家决策的“民意合法性”。随着克里米亚半岛局势的剧烈恶化，极右翼所鼓吹的强硬反俄言论正在与公众恐慌产生共鸣，极右翼势力在新乌克兰政治舞台上的话语权正迎来不可逆转的扩张。 - 自由党（Svoboda）在新政权中分得4个关键部长职位，其中包括掌握国家武装力量的国防部。 - 极右翼势力凭借在广场抗争一线建立的“流血威信”，成功完成了从边缘激进派到掌握国家公权力合法性的重大政治蜕变。 ## Notable quotes > [04:50](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=290s) 对我们而言，纳粹主义与共产主义是一枚硬币的两面。它们都是在20世纪摧毁了乌克兰民族、与乌克兰人作战并杀害了数百万乌克兰人的极权主义意识形态。 — 自由党高层代表 > [03:16](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY&t=196s) 彻底摧毁连接我们国家与过去帝国霸权的锁链，是我们的总体使命。 — 叶夫根·卡拉斯 ## Mentioned BBC Newsnight, 加布里埃尔·盖特豪斯, 独立广场, 维克多·亚努科维奇, 右区, C14, 叶夫根·卡拉斯, 全乌克兰“自由”联盟, 乌克兰国防部, 乌克兰共产党, 纳粹德国党卫军, 克里米亚 ## Video description BBC Newsnight's Gabriel Gatehouse investigates the links between the new Ukrainian government and Neo-nazis [Source](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY)

Source quotes

[4:50] 自由党高层代表: 对我们而言，纳粹主义与共产主义是一枚硬币的两面。它们都是在20世纪摧毁了乌克兰民族、与乌克兰人作战并杀害了数百万乌克兰人的极权主义意识形态。 [3:16] 叶夫根·卡拉斯: 彻底摧毁连接我们国家与过去帝国霸权的锁链，是我们的总体使命。

Source quotes

[4:44] Svoboda spokesman: For us, Nazism and communism are two sides of the same coin. Those are both totalitarian ideologies which destroyed Ukrainian nation in the 20th century and fought against Ukrainians and killed millions of Ukrainians.

Original transcript

[0:02] [Music] [0:27] in place of the defiant speeches. is the [0:30] somber strains of Beth Hovven now ring [0:33] out over Independence Square. This [0:36] revolution is moving into a new phase. [0:42] But amidst the flowers and the [0:44] children's tribute, flashes of something [0:46] more sinister. [0:51] Groups of armed men strut through the [0:53] square with dubious iconography. [0:58] That yellow armband is a vulgle, a [1:01] German symbol used by several SS [1:03] divisions during the Second World War. [1:05] Farright graffiti is appearing dorbed on [1:08] the walls of the city. [1:11] The people who brought down the [1:13] government were overwhelmingly ordinary [1:15] Ukrainians, students and doctors, [1:18] workers, and even families. People who [1:20] simply refused to back down. [1:26] But the most organized and perhaps the [1:28] most effective were a small number of [1:30] farright groups. When it came to [1:32] confrontations with the police, it was [1:34] often the nationalists who were the [1:36] loudest and the most violent. [1:41] A group calling itself the right sector [1:44] is perhaps the largest. Its members can [1:46] be seen marching around Kief in columns [1:49] of about a dozen. Mostly they carry [1:51] baseball bats. [1:54] Mhm. [1:55] Sometimes they carry guns. [1:57] We met these men posing for pictures [2:00] outside the burntout remains of what was [2:02] once their headquarters. [2:05] I asked them about their political [2:06] beliefs. [2:28] [Music] [2:35] Mhm. [3:00] What about the east? I asked. What about [3:02] Crimea, where many Ukrainians feel close [3:05] historical ties to Russia? [3:12] locals. [3:16] Police have largely disappeared from the [3:18] streets of Kief. Law and order is [3:20] maintained by so-called self-defense [3:22] groups. Not all hold extreme views, but [3:25] those who do are often shy of the [3:27] cameras. [3:30] We got a late night phone call from [3:32] another group known as C14, inviting us [3:35] to meet their leader at their new base. [3:38] It turned out to be the former [3:39] headquarters of the Communist Party. now [3:41] occupied by the far right [3:43] documents because we don't know. [3:45] It's our general mission to [3:49] totally ruin uh chains that connect our [3:53] country with the imperial [3:56] power from the past [3:58] and that being Russia. [3:59] Yes, we can Russia, not only Russia, [4:02] Soviet Union. [4:03] Are you a Nazi? [4:04] Uh no, I don't think I'm a Nazi. I'm a [4:06] Ukrainian nationalist. [4:08] What does that mean? The main [4:10] confrontation is uh about that some [4:13] ethnic groups uh have u control many [4:17] business structures, some economics, [4:18] some political forces and uh [4:21] which ethnic groups [4:22] uh [4:24] uh Russians and Jews and Pol maybe every [4:28] some [4:30] non- Ukrainians group control huge [4:32] percent of some economic or politional [4:35] power and of course in this situation [4:38] Ukrainian people have some uh tension [4:40] between it and it cause a conflict. [4:44] Mr. Karas says his group consists of [4:46] around 200 men. C14 is affiliated with a [4:50] political party called Suaboda or [4:52] freedom which now controls four [4:54] ministries in the new government [4:56] including the Ministry of Defense. [4:59] Two of its MPs were recently [5:01] photographed brandishing well-known [5:03] far-right numerology. 88 stands for the [5:06] eighth letter of the alphabet. HH [5:10] Hitler. [5:11] We as in in no way espouse Nazi Nazism. [5:15] In fact, we fight against Nazism. For [5:16] us, Nazism and communism are two sides [5:19] of the same coin. Those are both [5:22] totalitarian ideologies which destroyed [5:24] Ukrainian nation in the 20th century and [5:27] fought against Ukrainians and killed [5:28] millions of Ukrainians. [5:30] The fervor of the revolution is [5:32] beginning to fade now. People are [5:35] starting to move on. But it's clear that [5:38] it was the radical groups who kept up [5:40] the pressure on Victor Yanukovic and [5:42] many of them feel that this really is [5:45] their victory. The question is how much [5:48] power will that give the far right in [5:50] the new Ukraine. [5:52] Ukrainian politics is in a state of [5:54] flux. Different groups are jostling for [5:57] position. Left-wing activists have also [5:59] taken control of some government [6:01] buildings, but it's the right that [6:02] appears to be coming out on top. Uh when [6:05] the fighting started, they started to [6:07] attract more and more young people and [6:09] and then not only young people but all [6:12] kinds of of persons where they were [6:14] marginal, regarded as marginal [6:16] previously. Now they are seen as being [6:19] at the core of rep of the protest and [6:21] therefore at the core of those who now [6:23] have a popular legitimacy to make [6:27] decisions. [6:30] With their anti-Russian rhetoric, events [6:32] in Crimea will almost certainly play [6:34] into the hands of the nationalists. No [6:37] one knows exactly how strong they are in [6:40] terms of numbers, but the influence of [6:42] the far right in Ukraine is growing. [6:45] [Music]