James Talarico: Here Is How They Designed The System To Keep You Poor!

James Talarico: Here Is How They Designed The System To Keep You Poor! — The Diary Of A CEO

The Diary Of A CEO

AI-assisted summary of James Talarico: Here Is How They Designed The System To Keep You Poor! — original source. Check the original for full context.

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Key ideas

  • Texas State Representative James Talarico is mounting a U.S. Senate bid to become the state's first elected Democratic Senator since 1988, pledging a self-imposed two-term limit while securing over 1,000,000 individual campaign donors. (0:00)
  • Talarico argues that trickle-down economics has orchestrated a massive transfer of wealth since 1970, when the middle class received 62% of aggregate U.S. income compared to just 42% today. (19:05)
  • Collecting the existing unpaid taxes owed by the top 1% without raising rates would yield an estimated $172 billion annually, which Talarico states is sufficient to eliminate poverty nationwide. (31:40)
  • Warning that unchecked artificial intelligence risks creating five trillionaires alongside 30% unemployment, Talarico calls for federal regulation, worker protections, and a public AI dividend funded by taxing high-revenue AI firms. (51:42)

Detailed notes

## Background Published on YouTube by The Diary Of A CEO on November 2, 2026, this episode features host Steven Bartlett interviewing James Talarico, an eighth-generation Texan, former public school teacher, and Democratic state representative running for the U.S. Senate. According to the show description, the conversation explores how political corruption and extreme inequality squeeze the working class, addressing systemic economic theft, healthcare monopolies, the risks of unregulated artificial intelligence, and a blueprint for dismantling institutional corruption.

## TL;DR Talarico traces his journey from an abusive household in East Austin through public school teaching and seminary to running for the United States Senate on a platform of structural political reform. He argues that the last half-century of supply-side economics amounts to systemic wealth extraction, advocating for antitrust enforcement against healthcare monopolies, tax compliance for the top 1%, and public dividends for artificial intelligence advances. Addressing hot-button topics like the conflict in Iran, border security, and culture war rhetoric, he urges leaders to dismantle corrupt incentives such as gerrymandering and Citizens United. Throughout, he synthesizes progressive populist economics with Christian theology, calling for active love of political adversaries coupled with uncompromising institutional accountability.

## Atmosphere & style The interview carries a reflective, earnest, and morally charged tone, shifting seamlessly between intimate personal disclosures and sharp systemic critiques. Talarico speaks with the measured cadence of an educator and seminarian, grounding discussions of macroeconomic policy and legislative dealmaking in genuine vulnerability about poverty, childhood trauma, and faith. Bartlett guides the exchange with steady, inquisitive prompts that let the conversation build from raw biographical roots toward high-stakes deliberations on foreign war, automated labor, and democratic survival.

## Bulletin - [00:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=0s) Texas State Representative James Talarico is mounting a U.S. Senate bid to become the state's first elected Democratic Senator since 1988, pledging a self-imposed two-term limit while securing over 1,000,000 individual campaign donors. - [19:05](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=1145s) Talarico argues that trickle-down economics has orchestrated a massive transfer of wealth since 1970, when the middle class received 62% of aggregate U.S. income compared to just 42% today. - [31:40](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=1900s) Collecting the existing unpaid taxes owed by the top 1% without raising rates would yield an estimated $172 billion annually, which Talarico states is sufficient to eliminate poverty nationwide. - [51:42](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=3102s) Warning that unchecked artificial intelligence risks creating five trillionaires alongside 30% unemployment, Talarico calls for federal regulation, worker protections, and a public AI dividend funded by taxing high-revenue AI firms.

## Key takeaways - [00:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=0s) Extreme wealth concentration alongside widespread childhood poverty represents a moral and spiritual crisis rather than a healthy capitalist economy. - [13:48](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=828s) Electoral success and effective public service require structural political reforms—such as eliminating gerrymandering and overturning Citizens United—over relying on political personalities. - [15:36](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=936s) Decades of supply-side economics following the 1971 Powell Memo shifted the economic model from shared prosperity to corporate enrichment and public disinvestment. - [20:32](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=1232s) True free-market competition has been eroded by crony capitalism that delivers socialism for the rich via bailouts and rugged individualism for the working class. - [31:40](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=1900s) Closing tax loopholes for luxury corporate deductions and simply enforcing existing tax laws on the top 1% would unlock roughly $172 billion annually. - [37:55](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=2275s) Vertical monopolies in healthcare, such as pharmacy benefit managers controlling both insurers and drugstores, artificially inflate costs and demand federal antitrust breakups. - [42:16](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=2536s) Federal oversight of artificial intelligence must establish worker protections, child mental health safeguards, and deepfake restrictions rather than leaving rules to tech billionaires. - [47:58](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=2878s) Because generative AI trains on public intellectual property and collective knowledge, the public deserves compensation through a dedicated AI dividend. - [55:41](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=3341s) Performative language policing and academic jargon in progressive politics alienate working-class voters by prioritizing intellectual validation over solving kitchen-table issues. - [01:01:55](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=3715s) A sustainable immigration framework requires rejecting false political extremes by pairing strict border security with an earned, legal pathway to citizenship. - [01:06:27](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=3987s) Congress must reassert its Article I constitutional authority to oversee military conflicts and withhold funding for foreign wars that lack clear objectives or exit plans. - [01:17:03](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=4623s) Gospel-based faith demands actively loving political adversaries while simultaneously holding public officials accountable for unethical conduct. - [01:23:03](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=4983s) Sustaining long-term public advocacy without burnout requires maintaining an active inner spiritual life alongside outward political action.

## Detailed walkthrough ### [00:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=0s) The Rigged System and Crony Capitalism

The conversation opens with a sharp indictment of the economic and political realities facing everyday Texans. James Talarico points to the staggering contrast between extreme individual wealth and widespread hardship across the state: an environment where a local resident can become the world's first trillionaire while one in five children in Texas lives in poverty represents, in his words, an acute moral crisis. He underscores that three individuals now possess more wealth than the entire middle class combined, arguing that the promise of a government “of, by, and for the people” has been hijacked by structural corruption. When asked point-blank whether the Governor of Texas is corrupt, Talarico answers directly in the affirmative.

Everyday people across the state are working harder than ever simply to afford baseline necessities, yet they find themselves struggling to survive. Talarico explains that this is not an accident or personal failure, but the natural outcome of a system deliberately designed against the working class. Rather than functioning under a fair, competitive market economy, the state and the nation operate under crony capitalism. Addressing why Democrats fell short against Donald Trump, Talarico observes that working Texans were drawn to promises of economic stabilization, lower living costs, an end to foreign forever wars, and the release of the Epstein files—promises that remain unfulfilled well over a year into the administration. At the same time, he frankly concedes that critics were right to call out the Biden administration's failure to handle the southern border.

As the host points out, roughly 58% of viewers are not yet subscribed to the channel, pausing briefly to ask the audience to support the production before diving into Talarico's historic bid. If victorious in the upcoming November election, Talarico stands to become the first Democratic U.S. Senator elected in Texas since 1988, positioning him as an unconventional figure frequently discussed as a future presidential contender.

[02:14](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=134s) Growing Up With a Single Mom Who Escaped Abuse

To explain the principles that guide his public service, Talarico traces his roots back across eight generations of family history in Texas, reaching back to when the territory was still part of Mexico. He was raised by a single mother, a preacher’s daughter from South Texas who moved to Austin at the age of nineteen. Working exhausting overtime hours, she dedicated herself to securing a safe and dignified life for her child, while consistently carving out time from her demanding schedule to volunteer at church, in classrooms, and across the community.

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Path of Early Resilience accDescr: Diagram illustrating Talarico's mother escaping domestic abuse and raising him in Austin. subgraph S1["Domestic Threat"] A["Abusive birth father<br/>with drinking problem"] -->|"Escalating physical violence"| B["Emergency exit in Ford Escort"] end subgraph S2["Temporary Survival"] B --> C["Temporary stay at workplace hotel"] C --> D["East Austin apartment<br/>(Crib inside the closet)"] end subgraph S3["Long-Term Stability"] D --> E["Mark Talarico enters family,<br/>providing support and stability"] E --> F["Formation of public service<br/>and teaching vocation"] end ```

Behind that fierce maternal commitment lay an escape from domestic terror. When Talarico was an infant, his 21-year-old biological father—a high school dropout wrestling with severe alcohol addiction—became increasingly violent. Following an abusive episode, his mother acted decisively: > “And that night her love for me rose to meet that abuse from him. and she packed all our stuff into her little Ford Escort and she drove me to the hotel where she worked, begged the manager to let us stay in in one of the rooms until we found a little apartment in East Austin.”

With no physical space for a separate nursery in their modest East Austin apartment, Talarico slept in a crib set up inside his mother’s clothes closet—a corner she took pride in brightening with pictures and toys. While he harbored intense childhood anger toward his biological father, maturity and his own background as an educator have brought a measure of nuanced compassion. He notes his mother recalled the man could not recite the months of the year in order, hinting at an undiagnosed learning disability that went unaddressed by the school system of that era, ultimately spiraling into substance abuse and violence. Later in his childhood, his mother met Mark Talarico, who adopted James, gave him his surname, and modeled everyday integrity by doing what was right when nobody was watching.

- Talarico's Texas lineage spans eight generations, dating back to when Texas belonged to Mexico. - His mother moved to Austin at 19 and fled domestic violence when James was an infant. - Early childhood was spent sleeping in a decorated closet crib in an East Austin apartment. - His adoptive father, Mark Talarico, entered his life and raised him with core principles of decency.

[07:35](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=455s) Why He Won't Run for President

Before entering politics, Talarico had set his sights entirely on the classroom, driven by the example of public school social studies and history teachers who had re-anchored him when he was misbehaving and struggling academically as an adolescent. Although his high school classmates voted him "most likely to become president" after observing his leadership as president of the choir and captain of the speech and debate team, he firmly brushes aside modern speculation about running for the White House.

> “I don't think so. Um I I struggled a lot with the decision to run for the US Senate.”

That hesitation stems from deep exhaustion with conventional partisan politics. In the summer following the end of his fourth term in the Texas State Legislature, he actively weighed walking away from political office altogether. Instead of mapping a trajectory toward higher national office, he made the deliberate choice to enroll in seminary at age 31, preparing to follow his grandfather into the Christian ministry. The clarity to bridge these seemingly divergent callings came from a personal conversation with the pastor who had baptized him at age two. The pastor counseled him that an electoral campaign can itself be transformed into an authentic form of ministry if it serves to restore public hope, bring forgotten people into the democratic process, and inspire citizens to recognize the divine image in their neighbors across deep partisan divides.

[09:29](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=569s) Why Talarico Pledges a Two-Term Limit and Rules Out the Presidency

When asked why his dedication to public service would rule out a future bid for the presidency, James Talarico explains that lingering in politics for too long warps an elected official's character and purpose. Having served eight years in office, he has observed that prolonged political careers inevitably blur the boundary between a representative’s core identity and the office they occupy. To guard against this, Talarico has already pledged to serve a maximum of two terms if elected to the United States Senate. He warns that when politicians constantly position themselves for the next higher office, their day-to-day decisions cease to be about public stewardship and instead degenerate into sheer self-preservation, rendering them vulnerable to selling out their values and yielding to corruption. In his view, democracy functions best when leaders serve their communities, maintain well-balanced lives with outside interests, and deliberately step aside to pass the reins to leaders with fresh ideas and energy.

Steven pushes back, asking whether the intense scrutiny, pressure, and political attacks are simply part of the territory that one must endure for worthy work, drawing a parallel to his own experiences dealing with blowback as a major podcaster. Talarico acknowledges that resilience is necessary, but emphasizes the deeply personal toll of running a statewide campaign across a massive and complex state like Texas. The hostility does not fall solely on the candidate; it targets family members and partners who never signed up for public office. Beyond the personal cost, Talarico stresses that his natural aptitude is legislative rather than executive. Unlike a solitary executive making unilateral decisions, he thrives within a collegial legislative chamber where the core task is building diverse coalitions, persuading opponents, and shifting hearts and minds.

- Talarico has pledged to serve only two terms if elected to the U.S. Senate to prevent personal preservation from overriding public service. - Across four terms as a Democratic state representative in a heavily Republican-dominated Texas State House, Talarico has successfully passed 60 bipartisan bills. - The enacted legislation focused on substantive everyday concerns rather than symbolic measures, including early childhood education, teacher compensation, healthcare access, housing affordability, and property tax relief.

> “And from what I've seen being in this now for eight years is the longer you're in this, the more the office and your identity become merged into one thing, where being a senator or being a state rep, if you're doing it for a really long time, it becomes who you are.” — James Talarico

---

[13:48](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=828s) Looking Ahead to 2028 and the Necessity of Systemic Reform

Turning to national politics and the upcoming 2028 presidential landscape, Steven notes that shifting geopolitical dynamics—including tensions with Iran—and the rapid economic disruption of artificial intelligence appear to be swinging polling trends back in favor of the Democrats. When asked which prospective contenders he favors among high-profile figures such as Kamala Harris, Gavin Newsom, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Bernie Sanders, or Pete Buttigieg, Talarico clarifies that his experience in state-level governance means he does not have close personal relationships with these national figures. Nevertheless, he is broadly receptive to fresh leadership capable of shaking up a calcified political establishment.

However, Talarico emphasizes that his personal endorsement and vote will not hinge on standard platform rhetoric or single-issue promises regarding healthcare, education, or housing. While those policy areas remain close to his heart, his eight years as a legislator have convinced him that trying to fix individual social outcomes without first repairing a broken political apparatus is futile. For Talarico, the defining qualification for any prospective president in 2028 must be an uncompromising dedication to deep, structural reform—attacking the root mechanisms that allow special interests to paralyze the democratic process.

- The essential criteria Talarico sets for evaluating 2028 candidates include aggressive commitments to eliminating big money from elections, abolishing partisan gerrymandering, and overhauling the Supreme Court. - Talarico argues that debates over institutional mechanics are often dismissed as mere "inside baseball" or dry procedural questions, yet they represent the primary obstacle to passing any meaningful economic or social relief.

> “And so when I'm thinking about my criteria for evaluating who I'm going to vote for or who I'm going to support, it's going to be who is thinking and talking about comprehensive political reform, including getting big money out of our politics, banning gerrymandering, overhauling the Supreme Court, all these things that feel like inside baseball, that feel like process, it has to be the top priority because if we don't fix the system itself, we're not going to make progress on all the issues we care about.” — James Talarico

---

[15:36](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=936s) The Rise of Democratic Socialism, the Broken Promise to Youth, and the 1971 Powell Memo

Addressing the increasing prominence of democratic socialism—exemplified by figures like Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Zohran Mamdani—Talarico roots its rising popularity in genuine economic desperation rather than theoretical ideology. Traveling across Texas, he encounters working-class citizens who are toiling harder than ever, often juggling multiple jobs, yet remain utterly incapable of covering daily essentials like groceries, gasoline, utility bills, and lifesaving prescription drugs. He notes that this disillusionment cuts sharply across generational lines: millennials and Gen Z pursued higher education and obeyed every rule of the conventional social contract, only to discover that homeownership, starting a family, having children, and retiring comfortably have been pushed financially out of reach.

Talarico traces this modern economic crisis directly to a calculated shift initiated five decades ago, centered on the 1971 Powell Memo authored by corporate attorney and future Supreme Court Justice Lewis F. Powell Jr. The memo outlined a comprehensive blueprint for corporate America to coordinate resources, deploy massive campaign expenditures across both major parties, install business-friendly federal judges, and dominate media narratives to dismantle the landmark achievements of Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal and Lyndon B. Johnson's Great Society. This strategy ushered in decades of supply-side "trickle-down" economics characterized by top-bracket tax cuts and disinvestment in the general welfare, replacing the robust public investments in infrastructure, healthcare, and education that built the world's strongest middle class during the 1950s and 1960s.

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: The Powell Memo and the Erosion of the Middle Class accDescr: Flowchart contrasting the mid-twentieth-century New Deal model with the corporate blueprint initiated by the 1971 Powell Memo.

subgraph MidCentury["Mid-20th Century Era (1950s–1960s)"] A["New Deal & Great Society"] --> B["Public Investments in Education, Homes, & Infrastructure"] B --> C["Strongest & Largest Middle Class in the World"] end

subgraph PowellStrategy["Corporate Realignment (1971 Onward)"] D["1971 Powell Memo Blueprint"] --> E["Corporate Coordination & Political Campaign Spending"] E --> F["Judicial Appointments & Media Influence"] F --> G["Trickle-Down Economics & Top-Bracket Tax Cuts"] end

subgraph PresentCrisis["Modern Working-Class Reality"] G --> H["Disinvestment in Social Foundations"] H --> I["Severe Affordability Crisis (Groceries, Housing, Healthcare)"] I --> J["Surge in Economic Anger & Democratic Socialism"] end ```

- Young Americans face an unprecedented barrier to basic milestones, with homeownership and raising children becoming unaffordable despite increased productivity. - The 1971 Powell Memo served as a strategic charter for corporate interests to systematically overturn New Deal and Great Society safety nets through lobbying, judicial appointments, and media messaging. - Talarico stresses that widespread frustration over wage stagnation and disappearing middle-class security is not confined to left-wing factions, but resonates across the entire political spectrum.

> “And that was a lie because it is way too expensive to buy a home, it's way too expensive to start a family, to have kids, it's too expensive to retire comfortably, and it's because the system itself has been rigged against working people.” — James Talarico

[19:05](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=1145s) Trickle-Down Economics as Theft and the Vanishing Middle Class

James Talarico argues that voters across the country are demanding leaders willing to confront a fundamentally broken and corrupt status quo rather than settling for timid, incremental tweaks around the edges. In his assessment, an economic system should directly reward productive labor rather than the mere hoarding of capital. He emphasizes that the economy is not an unchangeable law of nature, but rather a direct manifestation of collective political and policy decisions that have spent the past fifty years steering resources upward. Condemning this trajectory, Talarico directly asserts: “Trickle down economics in my view is not a theory it's theft.”

The host highlights concrete statistical shifts demonstrating how dramatic this upward wealth transfer has been over the past half-century. In 1970, middle-class households captured 62% of aggregate U.S. income, whereas upper-income households accounted for just 29%. Today, those shares have inverted: upper-income households take in more than 50% of aggregate national income, while the middle class has seen its share collapse to roughly 42%. Over that same period, the proportion of Americans living in lower-income households climbed by 5%, the middle-income demographic shrank by 10%, and the upper-income tier expanded by 5%, illustrating a hollowing out of the traditional middle class.

- **1970 Income Distribution:** Middle class held 62% of aggregate U.S. income; upper-income households held 29%. - **Current Income Distribution:** Upper-income households capture over 50% of aggregate income; middle-class share has fallen to 42%. - **Demographic Shifts Since the 1970s:** Middle-income tier decreased by 10%, lower-income bracket increased by 5%, and upper-income bracket grew by 5%.

---

[20:32](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=1232s) Restoring Shared Prosperity: Real Capitalism vs. Crony Capitalism

When the host questions how this dynamic can be reversed without jeopardizing American productivity, GDP growth, and innovation, Talarico clarifies that his vision is neither radical nor unprecedented. Instead, he points back to the economic model of the 1950s and 1960s, a period characterized by rapid, broadly shared growth and profound innovation. He insists that history and data prove an economy grows faster when it invests deeply in its general populace rather than leaving working families to fend for themselves. Under authentic, classic capitalism, workers were meant to be fairly compensated for their labor and time; today, however, that principle has been replaced by what he identifies as crony capitalism, where market outcomes and wealth distribution are dictated by who possesses the capital to purchase political influence.

Invoking Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., Talarico underscores the double standard embedded in the modern American economy: “We have socialism for the rich and we have rugged individualism for the poor.” He illustrates this disparity through the aftermath of the 2008 Great Recession, when Wall Street executives received federal bailouts and golden parachutes despite precipitating the crisis, while single mothers, nurses, teachers, and construction workers were left to struggle without relief. In contrast to modern shareholder-primacy models, 20th-century American corporate giants like General Motors, Ford, and General Electric operated under a broader definition of stakeholders that encompassed employees, their families, and local communities. Talarico insists that reviving genuine free-market competition requires confronting corporate consolidation and monopolies to ensure growth is shared across society.

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Real Capitalism versus Crony Capitalism accDescr: Diagram contrasting shared-growth capitalism with the modern crony capitalist system.

subgraph Historic["Mid-20th Century Shared Growth"] A["Investments in Workers & Public"] --> B["Broad Stakeholder Model (Labor, Community, Owners)"] B --> C["Shared Economic Prosperity & High Innovation"] end

subgraph Modern["Modern Crony Capitalism"] D["Big Money Buys Access & Policy"] --> E["Socialism for the Rich (Bailouts)"] D --> F["Rugged Individualism for Working Class"] E --> G["Wealth Extracted to the Top Tier"] F --> G end ```

---

[23:13](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=1393s) Policy Blueprints: Unions, Debt Relief, and Taxing the Top

When asked how he intends to implement these reforms from the United States Senate, Talarico outlines a legislative agenda focused on foundational labor and social policy. Beyond raising the federal minimum wage and expanding overtime pay so employees capture the value they produce, he stresses the urgent need to rebuild organized labor. He contends that the decline of the American middle class perfectly mirrors the systematic weakening of unions, clarifying that unionization is not bureaucratic overreach but a vital mechanism for workers to bargain collectively for better wages, benefits, and safety on the job.

Talarico also singles out the compounding debt crisis as an urgent moral emergency, pointing to personal household debt reaching record highs alongside soaring student loan, medical, and credit card balances, as well as the mounting national debt. To reconstruct the middle class, he calls for federal investments in human capital matching the transformative scale of the post-WWII GI Bill, which previously democratized access to higher education. Furthermore, he champions reinstating the expanded child tax credit, noting that its temporary implementation successfully halved child poverty before Congress allowed it to expire. He maintains that funding these programs requires simply having the political fortitude to ensure the wealthiest individuals and corporations pay their fair share in taxes.

- **Labor Protections:** Raise the federal minimum wage, enforce expanded overtime pay rules, and revitalize union collective bargaining power. - **Debt Relief:** Address record-high household debt, focusing specifically on medical debt, student loans, and credit card liabilities alongside the federal debt. - **Family and Education Investments:** Restore the expanded child tax credit to cut child poverty and fund higher education access on the scale of the mid-20th-century GI Bill.

---

[24:44](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=1484s) Systemic Political Corruption: Vouchers and Incentives in Texas

Addressing whether powerful corporate lobbying makes such an agenda impossible, Talarico emphasizes that economic dysfunction is merely an downstream symptom of a corrupted political apparatus. He maintains that lasting economic reform cannot occur until structural political corruption is eradicated and corporate money is purged from elections. Pointing directly to his home state, Talarico highlights how an out-of-state billionaire from Pennsylvania contributed $12 million to Texas Governor Greg Abbott—capitalizing on the state's total absence of campaign contribution limits—to push a private school voucher agenda that redirects taxpayer funds from underfunded public education into subsidies for affluent families whose children already attend private schools.

When asked directly whether the Texas governor is corrupt, Talarico answers affirmatively: “Yes.” However, he clarifies that focusing strictly on personal animus misses the core problem: politicians behave as rational actors reacting to the institutional rules before them. Structural elements like the Supreme Court's *Citizens United* ruling, severe gerrymandering, the entrenched two-party duopoly, and sensationalized media incentives systematically select for corruption and ideological extremism. Talarico insists: “You can get rid of the governor of Texas. You can get rid of whoever you want. Someone else is just going to take their place. And if you haven't fixed the incentives, if you haven't fixed the system, you're going to get the same result.”

- **Texas Campaign Finance:** Texas permits unlimited individual campaign contributions, facilitating massive single donations such as the $12 million out-of-state voucher contribution. - **Education Funding Reality:** Texas currently ranks 43rd nationally in per-student public school funding. - **Core Drivers of Political Dysfunction:** *Citizens United*, partisan redistricting (gerrymandering), closed two-party primary systems, and algorithmically polarized media incentives.

---

[27:32](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=1652s) Billionaires, Trillionaires, and the "Spiritual Sickness" of Inequality

The host presses Talarico on how to reconcile anti-inequality rhetoric with Texas’s success in attracting high-profile founders and job-producing mega-corporations, citing Elon Musk’s relocation of Tesla and SpaceX headquarters to the state. The host notes that while Musk is celebrated as the world's first paper trillionaire due to immense company valuations rather than liquid cash in a bank account, many view him as the quintessential symbol of staggering economic divide.

Talarico rejects the accusation that he is demonizing business leaders, insisting instead that he is bringing necessary humanity and moral clarity to the conversation. He celebrates local business success, innovation, and job creation, but argues that unchecked extremes at the top juxtaposed against pervasive poverty at the bottom represent a deep ethical failing for society. Articulating his stance on extreme wealth disparities, Talarico states: “I think I'm humanizing billionaires because for one of our own residents to become the world's first trillionaire while one in five Texas children live in poverty to me that is a spiritual sickness.” He contends that true economic success must be measured by whether general prosperity rises alongside corporate profits, rather than celebrating private fortunes while one out of every five children in the state grows up in poverty.

[28:48](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=1728s) The Ethical Crisis of Concentrated Wealth and Taxpayer Subsidies

James Talarico argues that extreme wealth disparity represents a moral and systemic failing: “to accumulate more wealth than you could possibly spend in a hundred lifetimes while we have people starving in this one, to me, that means we're not fulfilling our full humanity.” When the host asks what should be done to prevent this, Talarico points out that during the 1950s, the United States maintained a top marginal income tax rate of 90 percent. While he clarifies that rates do not necessarily need to return to that exact figure, he insists the nation once had an economic and political architecture that far more equitably distributed the fruits of labor.

When the host counters that a 90 percent income tax would still leave someone like Elon Musk a trillionaire, Talarico explains that this highlights the deeper problem of letting concentrated wealth and power escape control. Much of that fortune, he emphasizes, was created through public infrastructure and taxpayer investment. Tesla flourished because of funding from the federal government, and billionaires across the country rely on public roads, taxpayer-funded schools, and shared infrastructure to build their enterprises. Society should invest in early-stage innovators rather than subsidizing entrenched giants, with Talarico noting: “I think that we should be investing and taking a chance on the CEOs in their garage, not the CEOs on their mega yacht, because that's where the next great American company is going to come from.”

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Taxpayer Subsidies vs Public Return accDescr: Flowchart illustrating how public funds support corporate giants instead of shared societal benefits.

subgraph PublicInput["Public Investment"] A["Taxpayer Capital & Loans"] B["Public Infrastructure & Schools"] end

subgraph CorporateGrowth["Corporate Growth"] C["Multinational Corporations & Tech Giants"] end

subgraph CurrentOutcome["Current Crony Model"] D["Socialized Risks (e.g. Medicaid Subsidies)"] E["Concentrated Billionaire Wealth"] end

subgraph DesiredOutcome["Talarico's Proposed Model"] F["Shared Prosperity & Reinvestment"] G["Support for Garage Entrepreneurs"] end

PublicInput --> CorporateGrowth CorporateGrowth --> CurrentOutcome CorporateGrowth -.->|"Policy Reform"| DesiredOutcome ```

He criticizes the modern definition of "pro-business," asserting that it has simply become synonymous with being pro-big-business. Multinational companies like Walmart receive disguised corporate welfare: because they decline to provide quality healthcare, taxpayers fund Medicaid for Walmart employees. Talarico summarizes this dynamic with the phrase: “socialism for the rich, rugged individualism for the rest of us.” Returning to an innovative, shared economy is not radical, but rather a proven historic norm that can be revived through comprehensive tax, healthcare, and education reforms.

- In the 1950s, the United States had a top marginal tax rate of 90%. - Federal government loans and investments served as a critical catalyst for Tesla's early growth. - Walmart workers frequently rely on taxpayer-funded Medicaid for essential medical care due to inadequate employer coverage.

---

[31:40](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=1900s) Addressing Tax Loopholes, Unpaid Taxes, and the Wealth vs. Income Debate

The host points out that the wealth of tycoons like Elon Musk is primarily tied up in corporate equity rather than liquid cash in a bank account, questioning how a governor, senator, or government could realistically redistribute or stop that wealth without asset sales taking place. Talarico responds that the immediate priority is closing loopholes that tilt the playing field toward the ultra-wealthy, including provisions that permit deductions for luxury items like private jets and mega-yachts as business expenses, as well as exploiting the carried interest loophole and capital gains treatment. Furthermore, he underscores the massive enforcement gap at the top: “if we just collected the taxes that the top 1% owes, no new taxes, just collecting what's already owed, it would raise something like $172 billion every year. And that's enough to end poverty in America.”

When the host questions whether failing to pay owed taxes would land someone in prison, Talarico clarifies that under-resourced agencies fail to crack down on high-end evasion. As a result, the affluent exploit both legal loopholes and non-enforcement. This imbalance stems from an environment where affluent donors purchase influence, shape legislation, and rig the rules to protect themselves. Talarico notes the absurdity of the current wealth distribution: “Right now, it's three men, Elon Musk, Mark Zuckerberg, and Jeff Bezos, who now own more wealth than the entire middle class.”

The discussion turns to the mechanics of taxing non-liquid assets and the feasibility of a wealth tax. The host notes that many ultra-wealthy individuals avoid traditional income taxes by borrowing money against their stock holdings. Talarico affirms his openness to wealth tax proposals, arguing that working-class Texans currently pay a higher percentage of their take-home pay in total taxes than the state's billionaires. The root cause is not genuine free-market dynamics, but rather systemic corruption:

> “And so, it's why I say we don't have capitalism, we have crony capitalism because it is rewarding those who can influence the political process because it's elected officials who write those rules, right? Who create the tax code, who set education policy, who set healthcare policy.”

- Collecting owed but unpaid taxes from the top 1% would yield approximately $172 billion annually, an amount capable of ending domestic poverty. - Three individuals—Elon Musk, Mark Zuckerberg, and Jeff Bezos—possess more wealth than the bottom 50% of the entire American middle class combined. - Ordinary working Texans contribute a larger share of their earnings in state and local taxes than ultra-high-net-worth residents.

---

[35:51](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=2151s) Inter-State Competition, Federal Policy, and the Role of Wealth

Addressing the risk that state-level wealth taxes cause affluent citizens to relocate—as seen with departures from California to zero-income-tax states like Florida and Texas—Talarico clarifies his position on Texas taxation. He firmly opposes establishing a Texas state income tax, explaining that everyday Texans are already burdened by high sales and property taxes. Because wealthy individuals can easily move capital across state borders, state-level remedies remain limited: “this is the reason we need good federal policy, right? And it's the reason why states can't really tackle this problem on their own.”

Talarico reflects on an appearance he made alongside Dallas Mavericks minority owner Mark Cuban in Dallas–Fort Worth. The moderator teased him about his fierce anti-billionaire rhetoric while seated next to one, prompting Talarico to joke that Cuban is “one of the good ones.” He highlights Cuban's Cost Plus Drugs company as an example of leveraging capital to dismantle unfair monopolies and lower prescription medication prices for working families. Drawing historical parallels, Talarico identifies Franklin D. Roosevelt and Robert F. Kennedy as personal role models who were born into significant family wealth—the equivalent of today's billionaires—yet deployed their leverage to challenge exploitative institutions. He concludes that his ambition is not to punish wealth or eliminate high earners:

> “Charity is important, but what's more important is addressing the systems that make charity necessary. And that's exactly what people like Mark Cuban are doing. So I again, I don't mean to I'm not interested in punishing success. I'm not interested in banning billionaires. All I want is to ensure that we are we're acting like a community again...”

- Texas has a 0% personal state income tax, relying instead on sales and local property taxes. - Mark Cuban founded the Cost Plus Drugs company to bypass pharmaceutical middlemen and provide medications at wholesale markup. - Historical figures like Franklin D. Roosevelt and Robert F. Kennedy demonstrate how individuals from extreme privilege can champion structural working-class reforms.

[37:55](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=2275s) Breaking Up Healthcare Monopolies

James Talarico emphasizes that reforming taxes on the wealthy is not a local question, but must occur at the federal level alongside broader structural overhauls across early childhood education, public schooling, and corporate market power. In particular, he points to extreme corporate consolidation as a perversion of free-market principles. Partnering with Mark Cuban, Talarico has championed an aggressive plan to dismantle healthcare monopolies where a single conglomerate exerts vertical control across the entire chain of care:

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Healthcare Monopolies accDescr: Diagram illustrating vertical consolidation where a single corporate entity controls insurance, pharmacy benefit managers, pharmacies, and hospitals.

subgraph Conglomerate["Single Corporate Conglomerate (e.g., CVS)"] A["Health Insurance Provider"] B["Pharmacy Benefit Manager (PBM)"] C["Retail Pharmacy & Drugstores"] D["Hospitals & Care Delivery"] end

A --- B B --- C C --- D Conglomerate -->|"Reduced Competition"| E["Fewer Choices & Inflated Prices"] E -->|"Prescription Unaffordability"| F["Severe Illness & Preventable Deaths"] ```

Talarico points to pharmacy benefit managers (PBMs)—the corporate middlemen positioned between consumers and prescription drug makers—as a prime engine of crony capitalism. When an entity like CVS controls one of the largest PBMs, a top health insurer, and the nation's biggest retail drugstore network, consumers face diminished choice and inflated prices. The human toll is immediate and fatal: when people cannot afford their prescriptions, their conditions deteriorate. Referring to the sweeping legislative cuts passed in Washington the previous year, Talarico underscores that independent estimates projected 51,000 Americans would die needlessly every year because access to basic health depends on income:

> “We're talking about our neighbors dying because we have a system that determines your health care based on how much money you make.”

- The consolidation of health insurance companies, hospital systems, and retail drugstores into singular corporate giants eliminates competition and drives prices up. - Mark Cuban and James Talarico developed a joint framework targeting federal antitrust actions to dissolve healthcare conglomerates and eliminate abusive PBM middleman pricing. - Nonpartisan estimates projected that recent federal healthcare cutbacks would cause roughly 51,000 preventable American deaths every single year.

---

[40:12](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=2412s) Sponsor Break: Function Health & Cometeer

Steven Bartlett pauses to speak directly to business owners and founders regarding the severe physical and mental strain of executive leadership. Reflecting on launching his first company at 21, he describes the invisible toll that relentless decision-making takes on personal health. Bartlett shares that full-panel biomarker screening through sponsor Function Health revealed he suffered from low omega-3 levels and deficient vitamin D—a consequence of working long hours in windowless studios. Those findings prompted him to restructure his mornings around direct sunlight walks to reset his circadian rhythm. Function offers more than 160 lab tests and specialized imaging access. Bartlett then introduces Cometeer, a precision flash-frozen coffee founded to bypass conventional brewing machines and plastics, noting that even the former president of Nespresso chose to invest after tasting it.

- Function Health provides comprehensive biomarker tracking via 160+ individual lab assays for roughly the equivalent of one dollar per day. - Cometeer utilizes hyper-concentrated, flash-frozen coffee capsules to preserve extraction balance without artificial processing or single-use brewing plastics.

---

[42:16](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=2536s) The 3 Priorities for Regulating AI

Steven Bartlett turns the discussion toward artificial intelligence and robotics as the most disruptive forces facing the modern economy. Tech leaders warn that the financial rewards of AI will flow disproportionately to frontier research laboratories and hardware vendors like NVIDIA, leaving the broader workforce exposed to unprecedented labor displacement. While national political figures approach the technology through competing lenses—such as Bernie Sanders warning about worker impacts and Donald Trump framing it as an existential geopolitical race against China—Talarico describes how ordinary Texans are torn between excitement over AI-driven cancer cures and deep dread over systemic economic dislocation.

Talarico criticizes the federal government, the U.S. Senate, and Congress for being effectively missing in action while sophisticated foundation models advance uncontrollably, citing recent vulnerabilities and unauthorized breaches in OpenAI models as proof that self-regulation is failing:

> “It is shocking that our US Senate, our Congress, our federal government has really been MIA as this technology has developed faster and faster and has done so in dangerous ways.”

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Talarico's Three AI Regulatory Pillars accDescr: Three foundational priorities proposed for a federal AI regulatory framework: workers, children, and democracy.

Root["Federal AI Regulatory Framework"]

subgraph Pillars["Core Priorities"] P1["1. Worker Protection"] P2["2. Child Safety & Mental Health"] P3["3. Democratic Integrity"] end

Root --> P1 Root --> P2 Root --> P3

P1 --> O1["Shorter working hours & job enhancement rather than displacement"] P2 --> O2["Protections against predatory chatbot dynamics & youth self-harm"] P3 --> O3["Mandatory labeling & disclaimers against political deepfakes"] ```

To replace the federal vacuum, Talarico details three non-negotiable regulatory pillars he would champion in the U.S. Senate: 1. **Worker and Economic Protections:** Ensuring automation augments human labor, elevates worker compensation, and shortens the workweek, rather than creating unmitigated job losses. 2. **Child Welfare:** Halting the predatory patterns pioneered by social media algorithms, particularly after reports of vulnerable adolescents seeking therapy from unregulated AI chatbots that encouraged self-harm. 3. **Democratic Safeguards:** Enforcing strict transparency and mandatory disclaimers for synthetic political media, noting that even digitally savvy generations can no longer reliably distinguish reality from generative deepfakes in Senate campaigns.

---

[46:45](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=2805s) Should Billionaires Write the Rules for AI?

Bartlett raises Elon Musk's projection that the world will see more than one billion humanoid robots within a decade—each performing at five times the productive output of an average human—with major assembly pipelines already running in Texas at Tesla's Gigafactory. Bartlett questions whether any policy framework can realistically insulate blue-collar and service workers when autonomous machines achieve superhuman output at fraction-of-human operating costs.

Talarico insists that technological inevitability is no excuse for public surrender. Society must not allow corporate titans to construct the regulatory and economic architecture of automation to suit their own balance sheets:

> “We cannot let AI or robotics become yet another arena where billionaires are writing the rules for the rest of us.”

He argues that the sheer civilizational magnitude of artificial intelligence places it in a historic bracket occupied by only a handful of previous scientific breakthroughs: the Manhattan Project, the development of nuclear weapons, the Cold War space race, and the creation of the public internet. Because the systemic impacts of artificial intelligence will likely eclipse all four, leaving its governance entirely in the hands of private venture capital guarantees a massive transfer of power away from the public interest.

[47:58](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=2878s) Public-Private Innovation, AI Dividends, and the Threat to Drivers

James Talarico contrasts the rise of artificial intelligence with major technological leaps of the past. Historical breakthroughs were structured as public-private partnerships where the public helped establish the rules of engagement alongside private sector enterprise. AI development, by contrast, is being driven almost entirely by a small handful of individuals operating for-profit corporations without broader public input. Talarico warns that leaving the rules to the wealthiest and most powerful will repeat the patterns of the prior fifty years, where all economic gains flowed upward while working people suffered. Because AI models are trained on the public's collective intellectual property, he argues that citizens are owed a direct stake in that wealth.

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Public-Private Model vs Current AI Trajectory accDescr: Comparison between historical public-private partnerships and the current private-driven AI model with proposed remedies.

subgraph Historical["Past Major Innovations"] A["Public-Private Partnerships"] --> B["Broadly Shared Rules & Public Oversight"] B --> C["Collective Benefit & Guardrails"] end

subgraph Current["Current AI Development"] D["For-Profit Tech Corporations"] --> E["No Public Democratic Input"] E --> F["Wealth & Gains Flow Exclusively to the Top"] end

subgraph Proposed["Talarico's Proposed Model"] G["Recognition of Public Intellectual Property"] --> H["AI Dividend Policy"] H --> I["Reinvesting AI Wealth into Human Ingenuity"] end ```

Steven Bartlett points out the immediate real-world trajectory of this disruption by looking at transportation, highlighting the rollout of autonomous cybercabs across Texas that operate without steering wheels or pedals. He shares an anecdote about a conversation with the CEO of Uber, who directly told him that ride-share and driving jobs are destined to disappear. In Texas alone, driving represents the primary payroll occupation for roughly 400,000 workers; factoring in gig platforms like DoorDash and Uber pushes that figure past half a million people whose livelihoods are hanging in the balance.

- Approximately 400,000 Texans work as professional drivers as their primary payroll occupation. - Factoring in gig-economy delivery and rideshare platforms (Uber, DoorDash), well over 500,000 Texans rely directly on driving for their income. - Talarico argues for an "AI dividend" to compensate the public for the unauthorized use of their shared ingenuity and ideas: “If they're going to use our ideas, if they're going to use our ingenuity, then we deserve to be to get compensated um for the use of that intellectual property.”

[50:21](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=3021s) Rejecting the False Choice Between Safety and Human Supervision

When Bartlett asks how policymakers can realistically manage disruption of this magnitude, Talarico rejects the framing that society must choose between technological innovation and human employment. While autonomous driving can improve highway safety and reduce road fatalities, he disputes the assumption that human supervision should be eliminated entirely. He argues that deploying massive 18-wheelers on Texas highways without a human professional monitoring the system presents unnecessary dangers, just as commercial aviation relies on trained pilots despite having advanced autopilot systems that fly planes automatically.

Bartlett pushes back, questioning why a vehicle would require a human supervisor if empirical data proves autonomous driving is statistically safer than human driving. Talarico maintains that human comfort, oversight, and emergency intervention remain indispensable. He argues that framing the issue as an either-or decision—between safer transit and the eradication of working-class careers—is an artificial dichotomy manufactured by corporate leaders trying to maximize margins rather than public safety.

- Talarico draws a direct analogy to commercial air travel, noting that while modern aircraft fly themselves autonomously for the majority of a flight, passengers and society rely on having a licensed professional at the controls when unexpected errors occur. - He emphasizes the need for democratic participation in setting industry standards: “And so again, if we're making these decisions together instead of just a few billionaire CEOs making the decisions for all of us, then we can reject some of these false choices that are presented to us.”

[51:42](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=3102s) Humanoid Robots, 30% Unemployment, and Doubling Down on Human Ingenuity

Bartlett brings up a demonstration video produced by Figure AI, which compared a humanoid robot to a human worker on a factory packaging line. The demonstration underscored the harsh productivity gap: while a human employee requires sleep, restroom breaks, and rest, the humanoid robot continuously flipped packages without interruption. Bartlett notes that despite tech leaders softening their public messaging when backlashes occur, the writings of frontier AI lab founders dating back to 2016 make it clear they expect a total overhaul of the labor market.

Talarico acknowledges his own limitations as an elected official learning about frontier technology and admits the warnings he has received from industry insiders are alarming. One AI expert told him the current trajectory could produce a society characterized by "five trillionaires and 30% unemployment." To counter this imbalance, Talarico proposes taxing high-revenue AI corporations and redirecting that capital into public entrepreneurship grants. These grants would fund everyday people who have creative ideas, artistic pursuits, or commercial inventions but lack access to elite networks of venture capitalists—mirroring public investments that originally catalyzed early-stage companies like Tesla and the internet itself.

- Talarico relays a grim forecast shared with him by an AI insider: “And I was speaking to to someone who's uh done a lot of work in AI, and he said he's worried that we are headed toward five trillionaires and 30% unemployment.” - He advocates funding human-specific capabilities through dedicated grants: “You know, I think about the need to invest and double down on what only human beings can do, doubling down on human creativity, on human ingenuity, right?”

[54:29](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=3269s) Learning from the Social Media Failure: Regulating AI for People

Bartlett questions whether elected officials actually possess the foresight or institutional capability to pass effective regulatory frameworks, reminding Talarico that governments historically failed to act on social media until the damage was already done. Talarico agrees that the handling of social media serves as a textbook negative example. Regulators allowed tech platforms to operate completely unchecked, which resulted in algorithms preying on youth, worsening mental health, and harming the broader public.

Instead of waiting for AI to inflict similar widespread damage before reacting, Talarico calls on lawmakers to enter the arena proactively. He grounds his political philosophy in the core principle that economies exist to serve human flourishing, not the other way around. If Silicon Valley executives demand human dislocation as an inevitable price of progress, democratic institutions must step in to stop it.

- Talarico stresses the need to learn from social media's unchecked growth: “Like that's that should be a negative example, right? Because we let social media companies run wild and they ended up praying on our children.” - He summarizes his overarching economic philosophy: “This is a fundamental belief that I have that the economy is for people. People aren't for the economy, right? that that is a that is a guiding star for me.”

[55:41](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=3341s) The Shift in Politics: Wokeism and Performative Culture

Bartlett turns the discussion to the broader cultural and political shifts of recent years, citing Elon Musk's acquisition of Twitter as a catalyst for intensifying culture-war debates. In particular, the term "wokeism" became a potent political weapon deployed by the right against the Democratic Party. Bartlett highlights that even progressive figures like Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (AOC) have recently sought to distance themselves from that brand, with AOC characterizing "woke 1.0" as crazy and acknowledging that 2020-era progressive narratives damaged the public perception of the party.

Talarico reflects on the damage wrought by performative politics, observing that the debate strayed away from core human values into linguistic gatekeeping. Instead of rallying the public around shared moral foundations—such as the simple truths that racism is wrong and all individuals deserve basic dignity—activists and institutions adopted insular vocabularies originating in academia. He argues that policing language and shaming people who do not speak the latest academic jargon alienates working-class voters, fractures coalitions, and prioritizes the personal vanity of the speaker over genuine progress.

- Bartlett notes AOC's admission: “Recently um AOC came out and said that woke 1.0 was crazy. Sort of distancing herself from the 2020 progressive political narratives um that I think maybe in hindsight have hurt the party a little bit or at least hurt the perception of the party a little bit.” - Talarico diagnoses the core flaw of academic language policing: “Instead, you're doing you're performing a kind of politics that's about your own intellectual and emotional needs and not bringing people together to solve real problems.”

[57:18](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=3438s) Why Democrats Lost to Donald Trump

Steven asks James Talarico for his diagnosis on why Democrats lost to Donald Trump across recent cycles, focusing especially on the 2024 presidential election. Talarico explains that traveling throughout Texas in 2024 revealed widespread hardship tied directly to the cost of living. Voters told him they disliked the way Trump spoke to people and felt deep concerns over January 6th, yet they believed he could restore economic stability. During 2017, 2018, and 2019, life felt manageable, prices were lower, and middle-class families had an easier path forward. While wealth and power had been consolidating at the top over the previous fifty years under trickle-down economics, cheap consumer goods masked the damage of stagnant wages and systematic cuts to public health and education. The post-pandemic surge in inflation shattered that balance, squeezing working families from both ends through flat earnings and spiking expenses.

People looked for relief and placed their trust in Trump’s promises to lower everyday expenses, drain the swamp, release the Jeffrey Epstein files, and end foreign wars. Talarico notes that several of his own family members voted for Trump based on those exact grievances. However, more than a year into the current administration, Talarico argues those commitments have fallen apart: tariffs have driven consumer costs up, an unsought war in Iran drains an estimated billion dollars a day while spiking fuel prices, the Epstein files remain withheld, and Washington corruption has only expanded. He views his senatorial campaign not as a partisan vehicle, but as an outreach effort to disillusioned voters who feel conned, building a broad coalition of working people determined to challenge the status quo. If elected, he intends to work constructively with President Trump whenever doing so serves Texas.

> “The increase in inflation was kind of like the the straw that broke the camel's back, right? You'd had 50 years of trickle down economics of stagnant wages for middle class and working-class people, systematic attacks on education and healthcare. You had all of that happening, but you had cheap goods.” — James Talarico

- **Economic context**: 2017–2019 represented a baseline where everyday prices remained low enough for families to absorb wage stagnation. - **The squeeze**: Post-pandemic inflation combined flat wages with spiking retail prices, exposing fifty years of systemic economic erosion. - **Unmet campaign pledges**: - High consumer prices persisted and rose further due to widespread tariffs. - A new war in Iran drains roughly $1 billion per day while driving up fuel costs. - Epstein documentation remains unreleased. - Political corruption expanded rather than being eliminated.

---

[01:00:42](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=3642s) Assessing Donald Trump as a Person

When asked for his assessment of Donald Trump as an individual, Talarico stresses that he does not know him personally, making it essential to balance strengths and weaknesses fairly. On the positive side, he acknowledges Trump’s ability to communicate in a clear, concise, and punchy manner that connects with ordinary people. He credits Trump with a readiness to smash through bureaucratic gridlock to take action, alongside a genuine sense of humor and lighthearted presence that modern politics often lacks.

Conversely, Talarico points out significant character liabilities. He criticizes Trump’s tendency to prioritize personal ego above the country, make erratic, chaotic choices without deliberation, pursue self-enrichment for his family, and obsess over public popularity at the expense of core convictions.

> “I think the president does have clear strengths. I think he's able to communicate in a way that's clear and and concise and powerful to people.” — James Talarico

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Talarico's Assessment of Donald Trump accDescr: Diagram breaking down the positive and negative traits James Talarico identifies in Donald Trump. subgraph Strengths["Observed Strengths"] S1["Direct, clear communication"] S2["Willingness to bypass bureaucratic gridlock"] S3["Natural sense of humor and levity"] end subgraph Weaknesses["Observed Flaws"] W1["Elevating personal ego above public good"] W2["Impulsive, chaotic decision-making"] W3["Appetite for financial self-enrichment"] W4["Chasing popularity over core principles"] end ```

---

[01:01:55](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=3715s) Comprehensive Immigration Reform and the Border

Addressing the southern border, Talarico agrees that immigration was a decisive factor in Trump’s election and acknowledges that the Biden administration mismanaged border enforcement. Drawing on accounts from state house colleagues representing border districts and his personal ties to Laredo—where his mother was raised—he recounts widespread disorder under previous federal handling. However, he cautions that national policy has simply swapped one extreme for another: federal enforcement now deploys masked agents in unmarked vehicles, detains five-year-olds, and deports long-standing small business owners.

Talarico rejects the political framing that pits border control against immigrant dignity, insisting that true reform must deliver both. Border security is an essential element of public safety—which he ranks as the single most critical duty of government, above even education and healthcare. Simultaneously, he insists that establishing lawful, orderly avenues for workers and entrepreneurs is necessary to sustain national economic health.

When asked specifically about undocumented youth who arrived as children, Talarico recalls his time teaching DACA recipients and Dreamers in Room 112 at Rhodes Middle School on the west side of San Antonio. He describes them as deeply patriotic students who hold a clearer reverence for American opportunity than many politicians in Washington. For both long-term undocumented residents and those brought into the country as minors, he advocates for an earned legal pathway to citizenship embedded in comprehensive immigration legislation.

> “You can have a secure border. You can you can it is not racist to want to know who's coming into this country, right? You can do all that while also building more legal pathways for folks to come here the right way.” — James Talarico

- **Personal connection**: Talarico’s mother grew up in Laredo, Texas, giving him direct insight into border town challenges. - **Teaching experience**: Taught undocumented and DACA students in Room 112 at Rhodes Middle School on San Antonio’s west side. - **Core immigration pillars**: - Strict physical and operational border security to protect public safety. - Transparent legal channels for workers, entrepreneurs, and families. - A definitive pathway out of the shadows and toward citizenship for Dreamers and established undocumented residents.

---

[01:05:08](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=3908s) Sponsor: The Diary of a CEO 1% Diary

Steven pauses the conversation to share a practical tool developed for viewers striving toward personal, business, or health milestones. He notes that confronting massive goals can be psychologically paralyzing, like standing at the base of Mount Everest looking up. His team relies on the "1% philosophy"—breaking ambitious targets into tiny, actionable daily steps. After the original batch sold out completely the previous year, the team updated the product line with minor design refinements and new color options, available online at thediary.com.

[01:06:20](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=3980s) The Strategic Quagmire in Iran and Breakdown of Checks and Balances

Steven Bartlett transitions the discussion to foreign policy, pointing out that as a candidate running for the U.S. Senate, James Talarico would have to vote directly on war powers, military spending, and Middle East policy. He notes that the unfolding war with Iran is set to heavily penalize Republicans in the midterms and asks how the United States can possibly find a “golden bridge” out of what appears to be an inescapable conflict. Talarico responds that the nation should never have entered the war to begin with. From his perspective, following the military operation in Venezuela, Washington succumbed to hubris and overconfidence, believing that toppling Iran’s leadership would be a quick, easy fix to longstanding regional friction. Instead, policymakers ignored predictable consequences that prior administrations had already modeled in war games: cornering Iran immediately led them to seize control of the Strait of Hormuz.

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Legislative Checks and Regional Diplomacy Flow accDescr: A flow illustrating how legislative oversight and regional alliances counteract unilateral executive military drift. subgraph Legislative Oversight A["Executive Overreach / Forever War"] --> B["Congress Exercises War Powers"] B --> C["Withhold Military Funding"] end subgraph Strategic Resolution C --> D["Define Explicit Objectives & Exit Strategy"] D --> E["Economic Pressure & Regional Alliances"] E --> F["Secure Strait of Hormuz & Nuclear Deal"] end ```

Talarico argues that the crisis highlights a structural failure in the American constitutional design. The founding fathers never intended political parties to coordinate across branches. Instead of the legislative branch checking executive ambition, party loyalty has turned Congress—the primary branch listed in Article I of the Constitution—into a rubber stamp subservient to the White House. To fix this, Talarico insists Congress must aggressively reassert its oversight authority and withhold military funding until the administration defines explicit objectives and an exit strategy:

> “If we cannot clearly articulate an objective then it is the responsibility of the legislative branch to intervene and to withhold funding for these operations until we can get a clear idea of why we are sending our brave young men and women into another forever war in the Middle East.”

- Talarico recalls growing up in the shadow of 9/11 (being 12 years old in 2001) and witnessing how the Iraq War depleted American youth, billions of dollars, and international moral standing. - He emphasizes the irony and tragedy of repeating identical strategic blunders barely two decades later.

---

[01:10:31](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=4231s) The Human Cost of War and the Limits of Decentralized Conflict

Bartlett counters that previous diplomatic frameworks—including a proposed memorandum of understanding guaranteeing free passage through the Strait of Hormuz and nuclear restrictions—collapsed almost immediately. Bartlett suggests Iran operates on a long-term horizon indifferent to America's four-year election cycles, leveraging a decentralized command structure where cabinet officials like Marco Rubio or Pete Hegseth reportedly admitted they do not even know who is in operational command, jokingly noting that “it takes a while to get the carrier pigeons down to the front lines.”

Talarico acknowledges the operational chaos but maintains that America still wields critical economic leverage and must combine financial sanctions with regional coalitions rather than unilateral military force. The urgency of finding an off-ramp is personal for Talarico, who brings up the recent casualty of 19-year-old Isabella Gonzalez, a Texan who graduated from Hebron High School in Dallas and was killed by an Iranian airstrike in Jordan:

> “Isabella Gonzalez died a patriot. She died a hero and we are grateful for her sacrifice. But our gratitude for her sacrifice should not be mistaken for an acceptance of her death.”

- Talarico stresses that allowing Iran to acquire a nuclear weapon remains an unacceptable catastrophic outcome, confirming that the U.S. cannot afford to project weakness or lose in the region. - He argues that true patriotism requires refusing to treat the deaths of young service members as an inevitable cost of ill-defined military misadventures.

---

[01:13:27](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=4407s) Advice to Donald Trump: Bipartisan Governance and Rebuilding Coalitions

Bartlett asks Talarico what concrete advice he would deliver directly to Donald Trump if the president called him seeking an exit from the Iranian crisis after realizing it could not be resolved like Venezuela. Talarico responds that admitting fault requires humility and self-awareness, which is essential to avoid compounding strategic blunders.

He states that his counsel would center on immediate coalition-building: the administration must summon the congressional leadership of both parties into the decision room and stop governing unilaterally. Furthermore, Talarico argues that the White House must repair ties with international allies that it spent years alienating. When crises hit, global partnerships built over decades are what provide leverage, and resolving the Iranian stalemate will require both domestic bipartisan alignment and coordinated multilateral pressure:

> “I would urge the president to start building that big coalition. I would I would tell him frankly that he's not going to get out of this on his own.”

[01:14:57](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=4497s) Working with Donald Trump and Hopes for the Midterms

When asked whether Donald Trump will fix the broken economic and political system, James Talarico admits he is not particularly optimistic, but he sees a clear silver lining in the upcoming midterm elections. Historically, when an executive's party suffers a severe defeat at the midterms, presidents face two distinct paths: they can either retreat into their partisan corners and double down—a path Trump took leading up to January 6th—or they can heed the electorate's feedback, reverse course, and recalibrate their agenda. Talarico hopes the midterms serve as a profound wake-up call that sparks a rebirth for Trump’s presidency, pushing his administration to engage across the aisle to actually deliver on the foundational promises of the populist movement.

Talarico expresses an open willingness to collaborate directly with the president if elected as the next U.S. Senator from Texas. He argues that the core appeal of the MAGA movement was an economic transformation meant to uplift ordinary working people who felt ignored and left behind by traditional institutions. If Trump genuinely wants to pursue that mission, Talarico insists there is fertile ground for bipartisan cooperation on practical kitchen-table issues. Pointing out that Trump is fundamentally a real estate developer and builder, Talarico says he is ready to work together to slash bureaucratic red tape, build millions of affordable homes, expand access to healthcare, and ensure every child has access to high-quality childcare.

> “If the people of Texas, if the people of this country elect leaders who are going to check the president, I think it could be a rebirth for his presidency.” — James Talarico

- **Executive Post-Midterm Crossroads:** Double down in a partisan bunker or heed voter feedback to alter course. - **The Core Populist Promise:** Restructuring the federal government so it directly supports forgotten and working-class citizens. - **Bipartisan Opportunities:** - Slashing housing regulations to spur the construction of millions of new homes. - Expanding universal access to high-quality, affordable childcare. - Broadening affordable healthcare coverage for working families.

---

[01:17:03](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=4623s) Childhood Faith, The Good Samaritan, and Loving One's Neighbor

Steven Bartlett displays a Bible alongside childhood photographs of an eight-year-old Talarico serving as an acolyte at St. Andrew's Church. Talarico fondly explains his childhood responsibilities: bearing the ceremonial brass lighter to ignite the altar candles at the start of the service and using the attached snuffer hood to extinguish them at the conclusion. Having attended the same church since he was two years old and raised under the guidance of a Baptist preacher grandfather, Talarico explains that Christian faith is not merely a label or a set of rules for him, but the foundational soil from which all his work—both as an eighth-generation Texan public school teacher and as an elected representative—naturally grows.

When asked to define his theological outlook across Christian denominations, Talarico anchors his beliefs directly in the Great Commandment: loving God and loving one's neighbor. He highlights the Gospel story where a lawyer asks Jesus to legally define who qualifies as a neighbor, prompting the Parable of the Good Samaritan. Talarico notes that modern audiences often dilute the word "Samaritan" into a generic term for a helpful bystander, ignoring that Samaritans were the sworn ethnic and religious enemies of first-century Judeans. To convey how shocking the parable was to its original audience, Talarico compares it to Jesus preaching inside the University of Texas's Darrell K Royal–Texas Memorial Stadium and telling a story titled "The Good Aggie" to a hostile crowd of Longhorns football fans. The true, radical demand of the Gospel is not merely showing kindness to people who share your faith, race, or voting record, but actively loving your bitterest adversaries.

> “We’re not just called to love our neighbors who look like us or pray like us or vote like us. We’re called to actively love those who are the most different from us, maybe those we hate the most.” — James Talarico

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: The Radical Definition of Loving Thy Neighbor accDescr: A flow illustrating the Great Commandment expanding from inward community love to outward radical love for adversaries.

A["The Great Commandment: Love God & Love Neighbor"] --> B["The Legalistic Question: 'Who is my neighbor?'"] B --> C["Parable of the Good Samaritan"] C --> D["Priest & Levite walk by"] C --> E["Sworn enemy (Samaritan) binds wounds & pays innkeeper"] E --> F["Radical Theology: Loving rivals, adversaries, and the forgotten"] F --> G["Policy as Ministry: Public education, healthcare, and economic justice"] ```

---

[01:20:26](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=4826s) Viewing Rival Ken Paxton Through Love and Accountability

Addressing his political adversary, Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton, Talarico maintains that his political opposition is rooted in love rather than personal malice. When asked directly if he loves Paxton, Talarico answers affirmatively, calling him a brother in Christ and a child of God while insisting that true love demands strict accountability. He draws an analogy to intervening when an intoxicated friend attempts to drive: grabbing the car keys away and physically blocking the door might appear hostile and confrontational in the moment, but it is an act of deep love aimed at protecting both the friend and the broader community from destruction.

Talarico reviews Paxton’s extensive legal and ethical controversies, arguing that his public record reveals a pattern of self-interest that harms those around him. Paxton was indicted for securities fraud after persuading personal friends to invest hundreds of thousands of dollars into a technology company without disclosing that he was collecting commissions on their investments. He was subsequently reported to the Federal Bureau of Investigation by his own senior executive staff, impeached by an overwhelming majority of his own party in the Texas House, and surrounded by widely publicized domestic scandals. Talarico states that if he sat down with Paxton, he would urge him to get his own household in order before attempting to dictate how Texans manage theirs, adding that unseating him from power is both a service to the state and an opportunity for Paxton to re-evaluate his own soul.

> “Ken Paxton is a child of God. He is my brother in Christ. It doesn't mean there's not accountability, right? Love requires accountability.” — James Talarico

- **The Intoxicated Driver Analogy:** Love sometimes requires taking the keys away by force to prevent catastrophic harm to the individual and the public. - **Securities Fraud Indictment:** Soliciting hundreds of thousands of dollars from personal friends for tech investments while concealing private kickbacks and sales commissions. - **Institutional Rejection:** Reported to federal law enforcement by his own hand-picked whistleblowers and impeached by a conservative Republican-controlled state legislature. - **Dual Objective:** Shielding working families from political corruption while allowing an adversary the space to face personal accountability.

---

[01:23:03](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=4983s) Why He Entered Seminary at Age 31

Talarico explains his decision to enroll in seminary at age 31 while serving in the Texas Legislature. Growing up around his grandfather and his pastor, Dr. Jim, he had long harbored a quiet aspiration to preach and lead a congregation. He admired how pastors quietly shepherd everyday people through life's most disorienting and profound milestones: grappling with deep existential questions of identity and human purpose, sitting beside hospital beds, and counseling families through the grief of losing a loved one. Unlike the expansive reach of podcasts or media platforms, this pastoral care operated on an intimate, neighborly level that left a lasting impression on him.

This pastoral calling resurfaced during his early tenure as an elected official. In his first legislative session in 2019, Democrats had made significant electoral gains across Texas, forcing the Republican majority to govern collaboratively. That bipartisan environment yielded historic school finance reform legislation that poured substantial funding into public education. However, the contrast between the constructive potential of public service and the increasingly abrasive, hyper-partisan climate of state politics pushed Talarico to seek theological grounding, leading him to formal seminary studies to integrate his faith with public advocacy.

> “I saw how my granddad and my pastor, I just really I saw how they how they helped people, how they helped people make sense of their own lives.” — James Talarico

[01:24:40](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=5080s) Balancing the Two Commandments: Why Talarico Entered Seminary

Reflecting on his legislative career, James Talarico describes the sharp contrast between his first term and his second. During his early days, lawmakers managed to pass meaningful bipartisan measures, pouring new funding into public schools and providing property tax relief to working families, leaving him thinking he had the greatest job in the world. By the 2021 legislative session, however, the environment devolved into one of the most partisan, unproductive periods in modern Texas history. Lawmakers enacted the strictest abortion ban in the country, passed permitless carry laws allowing individuals to carry firearms without background checks or licensing, launched campaigns to ban books and whitewash historical curricula, and advanced measures to suppress voting access in a state already recognized as one of the hardest places to cast a ballot. Faced with this gridlock, Talarico began to doubt whether he was genuinely making an impact.

Seeking guidance, he turned to conversations with his pastor and his grandfather. Both reminded him that Jesus provided two core commandments: to love God and to love one's neighbor. Talarico recognized that while he had poured every ounce of his energy into the second commandment—serving his community in classrooms and legislative chambers—he had neglected the first commandment. This realization led him to enroll in seminary while remaining an active state representative. He explains that pairing prayer with action prevents the emotional exhaustion inherent to public service:

> “To me, you need both the inner life and the outer life. You need prayer and action. Those two things go hand in hand. And without it, you burn out.”

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Balance of the Two Commandments accDescr: Diagram showing how loving God and loving neighbor sustain public service without burnout.

subgraph SpiritualCore ["Inner Life (Commandment 1)"] A["Love God / Ground of Being"] B["Prayer, Reflection & Seminary"] end

subgraph PublicService ["Outer Life (Commandment 2)"] C["Love Neighbor"] D["Classroom Teaching & Lawmaking"] end

A --> B C --> D B <-->|"Mutual Sustenance & Balance"| D B -.->|"Prevents Burnout"| D D -.->|"Prevents Isolation"| B ```

- **Legislative Milestones vs. Backlash:** A productive initial session delivering school funding and tax relief gave way to 2021 bills featuring strict abortion bans, permitless concealed carry, book bans, and voter restrictions. - **The Pitfall of Isolation:** Talarico notes that solely focusing on the first commandment risks self-centered disconnection, while focusing entirely on neighborly service without spiritual grounding leads to burnout.

---

[01:27:30](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=5250s) Faith as Trust: The Wells Branch Swimming Lesson

When Steven Bartlett asks what underpins his belief in a higher power and Jesus, Talarico explains how his seminary studies transformed his understanding of faith. Learning Biblical Hebrew and Koine Greek to read the scriptures in their original languages, he discovered that the word translated as "faith" carries a dual meaning: it denotes intellectual assent or belief, but it also translates directly as "trust." For Talarico, faith ceased to be an adherence to abstract theological doctrines and became an embodied, visceral sensation of letting go.

To illustrate this, Talarico recounts learning how to swim as a boy at the Wells Branch Pool in his childhood neighborhood. When he struggled in the water, his swim instructor offered a piece of advice that stuck with him for life:

> “Don't fight the water. Don't hold on to the water. Let the water hold on to you.”

He draws a direct parallel between floating in that pool and resting in divine trust, arguing that modern human existence is consumed by an exhausting effort to control surroundings and manage people. Recognizing oneself as an expression of a deeper reality allows a person to surrender that desperate grip and trust the foundation underneath them.

---

[01:29:39](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=5379s) Reclaiming Faith Traditions Amid Institutional Corruption

Addressing Bartlett's question about why he remains anchored in Christianity rather than another tradition, Talarico acknowledges that religious traditions are intergenerational gifts, but concedes why many modern Americans and young people walk away from organized religion entirely. He notes that Texas and the wider world have witnessed egregious religious scandals, ranging from leaders abusing children to high-profile figures lying and hoarding wealth and power for personal gain.

Despite these failures, Talarico cautions against abandoning inherited wisdom wholesale, warning that discarding thousands of years of practice leaves younger generations stranded in an incoherent universe:

> “I understand where that temptation to just reject the whole thing comes from. But there is a there is a baby in that bathwater. I do worry that a lot of young people are growing up in an incoherent universe because we have discarded the traditions that have been passed down to us through the generations.”

He argues that whether found in Christianity, Judaism, or Hinduism, the core of these ancient faiths contains undeniable beauty, truth, and love, leaving it up to each successive generation to reclaim and embody those values cleanly.

---

[01:31:07](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=5467s) Changing the System Instead of Chasing Personalities

When Bartlett asks for a closing takeaway and inquires how Talarico answers the universal voter grievance that all politicians claim they are different only to deliver the same disappointments, Talarico insists that the public is asking the wrong question. In his view, modern political discourse mistakenly fixates on individual personalities, casting blame on a specific opponent or political party rather than examining the corrupt architecture trapping everyone inside it.

He points out that most men and women enter politics with genuine intentions to help their hometowns, but an unrestrained, broken system slowly reshapes them until public policy serves only the ultra-wealthy. Because he knows the corrosive pressures of institutional politics can warp anyone, Talarico highlights his own self-imposed term limit as an intentional safeguard against institutional decay:

> “The issue is not personalities. This I think is the central problem is we think you know the reason this economy is off track the reason I can't get ahead. The reason that we see corruption is because of politician X right uh or political party Y. When in reality it is a system that traps all of us no matter what good intentions we have going in.”

Rather than waiting for a political savior, Talarico maintains that lasting change requires everyday working people across Texas and the country to organize across deep social divides, taking collective ownership to remake the political machinery itself.

[01:34:24](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=5664s) The Closing Tradition: The Challenge of Winning Texas

Wrapping up the discussion on driving systemic reform, James Talarico expresses his desire that the conversation leaves people feeling empowered and hopeful about the future. Following the show's closing tradition, the host opens the book where the preceding guest leaves a question for the next without knowing who will answer it. The question asks what his biggest challenge is and how he is actively working to overcome it. Talarico reflects that running to represent Texas is a monumental undertaking in every dimension: the state encompasses 18 million registered voters, spans 20 separate media markets across two different time zones, and having once been an independent republic, still possesses the distinct feel and scale of an entire nation. Trying to travel, listen directly to constituent needs, and communicate his values across such vast geography amounts to a logistical, physical, and spiritual test.

Talarico stresses that he is not carrying this heavy burden alone, pointing to grassroots momentum that includes 59,000 registered campaign volunteers, over one million individual campaign donors, and countless supporters offering regular prayers. When the host mentions that recent polling shows him leading by a couple of percentage points, Talarico cautions against taking comfort in temporary margins. James Talarico insists, “The only poll that matters is on election day.” He points out that his opponent is backed by massive financial firepower, highlighting that Elon Musk has already pledged millions of dollars to defeat his campaign. He notes that taking on entrenched power and the world's first trillionaire inevitably makes his campaign the underdog, which is why his team continues to operate as if they are five points behind. Regardless of whether listeners agree with his politics or intend to vote for his opponent, he asks viewers to send positive thoughts and prayers into the universe, reflecting his belief that focused spiritual energy generates meaningful ripple effects in the world.

- **Voter and geographic scale:** Texas includes 18 million registered voters, 20 media markets, and two distinct time zones. - **Campaign operation:** Over 59,000 volunteers have joined the field effort alongside more than 1,000,000 individual financial donors. - **Opposition funding:** Elon Musk has committed millions of dollars in spending against Talarico's campaign.

## Notable quotes > [19:05](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=1145s) Trickle down economics in my view is not a theory it's theft. — James Talarico

> [46:45](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=2805s) We cannot let AI or robotics become yet another arena where billionaires are writing the rules for the rest of us. — James Talarico

> [28:48](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=1728s) I think that we should be investing and taking a chance on the CEOs in their garage, not the CEOs on their mega yacht, because that's where the next great American company is going to come from. — James Talarico

> [35:51](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=2151s) Charity is important, but what's more important is addressing the systems that make charity necessary. — James Talarico

> [01:17:03](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=4623s) We’re not just called to love our neighbors who look like us or pray like us or vote like us. We’re called to actively love those who are the most different from us, maybe those we hate the most. — James Talarico

> [01:24:40](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM&t=5080s) To me, you need both the inner life and the outer life. You need prayer and action. Those two things go hand in hand. And without it, you burn out. — James Talarico

## Mentioned Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Bernie Sanders, Citizens United, Cometeer, CVS, Darrell K Royal–Texas Memorial Stadium, Donald Trump, DoorDash, Elon Musk, Federal Bureau of Investigation, Figure AI, Ford, Franklin D. Roosevelt, Function Health, Gavin Newsom, General Electric, General Motors, GI Bill, Greg Abbott, Hebron High School, Isabella Gonzalez, James Talarico, Jeffrey Epstein, Joe Biden, Kamala Harris, Ken Paxton, Lewis F. Powell Jr., Lyndon B. Johnson, Marco Rubio, Mark Cuban, Mark Talarico, Martin Luther King Jr., Medicaid, NVIDIA, OpenAI, Pete Buttigieg, Pete Hegseth, Rhodes Middle School, Robert F. Kennedy, SpaceX, St. Andrew's Church, Steven Bartlett, Tesla, Texas House of Representatives, The 1% Diary, Uber, University of Texas at Austin, Walmart, Wells Branch Pool, Zohran Mamdani

## Video description Is political corruption and extreme inequality pushing the working class to the breaking point? Representative James Talarico reveals the hidden systemic forces dismantling the American middle class and shares his radical blueprint to fix a rigged political system.

James Talarico is an 8th-generation Texan, former public school teacher, and current Democratic State Representative. As the potential first Democratic Senator elected in Texas since 1988, he campaigns on a progressive platform rooted in comprehensive political reform and unrigging the economy.

_This episode was recorded on September 8, 2026._

*In this episode, he explains:* ■ *The Rigged System:* Why the last 50 years of “trickle-down economics” is not an economic theory, but a deliberate theft designed to transfer wealth from the middle class to the ultra-rich. ■ *Crony Capitalism:* How monopolies in healthcare and lax campaign finance laws allow corporations to essentially purchase politicians, eliminating true competition and driving up prices for average citizens. ■ *The AI Threat:* Why leaving the development of artificial intelligence entirely to profit-driven billionaires threatens to create mass unemployment without any shared public benefits or worker protections. ■ *False Immigration Choices:* How politicians use extreme border rhetoric to divide voters, when the real solution requires simultaneous border security and clear, legal pathways to citizenship for undocumented residents. ■ *Systemic Overhaul:* Why simply electing new politicians changes nothing unless we first dismantle the corrupt incentive structures of gerrymandering, the two-party system, and unregulated corporate lobbying.

00:00:00 Intro 00:02:14 Growing Up With a Single Mom Who Escaped Abuse 00:07:35 Why He Won't Run for President 00:13:58 Who Should the Democrats Run in 2028? 00:15:41 The Rise of Democratic Socialism and the Powell Memo 00:20:32 How to Rebuild the American Middle Class 00:24:57 Is the Texas Governor Corrupt? 00:27:44 Is It a Spiritual Sickness to Be a Trillionaire? 00:31:40 How Do You Tax Wealth That Isn't Cash? 00:35:51 Will Billionaires Just Leave the State? 00:38:20 Breaking Up Healthcare Monopolies 00:40:23 Ads 00:42:27 The 3 Things He'd Prioritize to Regulate AI 00:46:59 Should Billionaires Write the Rules for AI? 00:49:29 Will Self-Driving Cars Wipe Out Driving Jobs? 00:51:52 Is AI Headed Toward 30% Unemployment? 00:55:53 Did Woke Politics Hurt the Democrats? 00:57:30 Why Did Democrats Lose to Trump? 01:00:53 What Does He Really Think of Trump? 01:02:06 How to Fix Immigration Without Extremism 01:05:19 Ads 01:06:27 How Does America Get Out of the Iran War? 01:13:27 His Advice to Trump and Hopes for the Midterms 01:16:57 The Good Samaritan and the Faith That Shapes Him 01:20:26 Does He Love His Rival Ken Paxton? 01:23:03 Why He Went to Seminary at 31 01:27:23 Where Does His Faith in God Come From? 01:30:59 How Is He Different From Other Politicians? 01:34:23 His Biggest Challenge: Winning Texas

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[Source](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpIN6tYC5XM)

中文简报

詹姆斯·塔拉里科:揭秘让你持续贫困的体制设计! 塔拉里科回顾了自己从东奥斯汀的受虐家庭,到成为公立学校教师、就读神学院,再到以结构性政治改革为纲领竞选美国参议员的历程。他认为,过去半个世纪的供给侧经济学实质上构成了系统性的财富掠夺,主张针对医疗垄断企业加强反垄断执法、确保前1%富人群体依法纳税,并向公众发放人工智能技术发展红利。在谈及伊朗冲突、边境安全以及文化战争话语等热点议题时,他敦促领导者废除杰利蝾螈(不公选区划分)和“公民联合会案”(Citizens United)等滋生腐败的激励机制。在整场讨论中,他将进步民粹主义经济学与基督教神学相结合,呼吁在积极关爱政治对手的同时,坚持毫不妥协的制度问责。 得克萨斯州众议员詹姆斯·塔拉里科正发起美国参议员竞选,力争成为该州自1988年以来的首位民主党参议员;他承诺自设两届任期限制,并已获得超过100万独立竞选捐赠人支持。 (0:00) 塔拉里科认为,涓滴经济学自1970年以来主导了一场大规模财富转移;1970年中产阶级占美国总收入的62%,而如今仅占42%。 (19:05) 在不提高税率的前提下,追缴前1%富人目前未缴纳的税款预计每年可带来1720亿美元收入,塔拉里科表示这笔资金足以消除全国范围内的贫困。 (31:40) 塔拉里科警告称,若不受制约,人工智能可能催生5位万亿美元富豪,同时造成30%的失业率;他呼吁实施联邦监管、出台劳工保护措施,并通过对高营收人工智能企业征税来发放公众人工智能红利。 (51:42)

Source quotes

[19:05] James Talarico: Trickle down economics in my view is not a theory it's theft. [46:45] James Talarico: We cannot let AI or robotics become yet another arena where billionaires are writing the rules for the rest of us. [28:48] James Talarico: I think that we should be investing and taking a chance on the CEOs in their garage, not the CEOs on their mega yacht, because that's where the next great American company is going to come from. [35:51] James Talarico: Charity is important, but what's more important is addressing the systems that make charity necessary. [77:03] James Talarico: We’re not just called to love our neighbors who look like us or pray like us or vote like us. We’re called to actively love those who are the most different from us, maybe those we hate the most. [84:40] James Talarico: To me, you need both the inner life and the outer life. You need prayer and action. Those two things go hand in hand. And without it, you burn out.

Original transcript

[0:00] for one of our own residents to become [0:01] the world's first trillionaire while one [0:03] in five Texas children live in poverty. [0:05] To me, that is a spiritual sickness. [0:07] Right now, it's three men to now own [0:09] more wealth than the entire middle [0:11] class. As someone who cares about the [0:12] people in my state, that's not the [0:13] future I want. We have to have a [0:15] government of by and for the people. And [0:16] we have to clean up the corruption in [0:18] our political system. [0:18] >> Is the Texas governor corrupt? [0:20] >> Yes. That's a strong thing to say. Well, [0:22] I'm an eighth generation Texan. Was born [0:24] to a single mother, a preacher's [0:26] daughter. She worked overtime to provide [0:28] for me. My birth father became abusive, [0:30] so she packed all our stuff into her [0:32] little Ford Escort. We found a little [0:34] apartment. There wasn't room for a [0:35] nursery, so I slept in a crib in her [0:37] closet. And that fighting spirit, I feel [0:39] like she passed that along to me. But [0:40] also, faith has really been the [0:41] foundation of my life is why I ran for [0:43] office. And I'm trying to love my [0:45] neighbor through public policy. [0:46] >> You're on the verge of potentially [0:48] becoming the first Democratic senator in [0:51] Texas since 1988. So change is what we [0:53] need most right now because everywhere I [0:55] go, people are struggling to survive, [0:57] struggling to afford necessities, and [0:59] people are working harder than they've [1:00] ever worked. And it's because the system [1:02] itself has been rigged against working [1:04] people. We don't have capitalism. We [1:06] have crony capitalism. Why did the [1:07] Democrats lose to Trump in your view? [1:09] >> I talked with a lot of Texans who [1:11] thought he could get the economy back on [1:12] track. They thought he was going to [1:13] lower cost and the Forever Wars, release [1:15] the Epstein files, but more than a year [1:17] into this administration, those promises [1:19] have not been kept. that he was right [1:20] that the Biden administration failed us [1:22] on our southern border. [1:23] >> So, what would you do about that, [1:25] though? And how do you reverse this [1:27] change? And do you have an opinion on [1:28] who you think should be president in the [1:30] next cycle? We should start with Donald [1:31] Trump. [1:34] Here is a strange fact. Most of the [1:36] people watching this right now, about [1:38] 58% of you, aren't yet subscribed to [1:40] this channel. Statistically, that is [1:42] probably you. So, could I ask you a [1:44] small favor? If this channel has ever [1:46] given you any value at all, please could [1:48] you do me a favor and hit the subscribe [1:49] button. It costs nothing. It helps us [1:51] more than you could know. And the bigger [1:52] the channel gets, as you've seen, the [1:54] more we can invest in the guests and the [1:56] production. So, thank you so much. And I [1:57] hope you enjoy this episode. [2:03] James Tarico, if the elections go your [2:06] way this November, you're on the verge [2:08] of potentially making history by [2:10] becoming the first Democratic senator in [2:13] Texas history, which would be the first [2:14] time, I think, since 1988 that a [2:17] Democrat has won in Texas. And also [2:21] people tell me that you might be [2:23] president someday [2:25] because you have a lot of the attributes [2:28] that people think it would take a [2:30] Democratic candidate to become president [2:33] of the United States. So really I just [2:35] want to figure out who you are and what [2:36] you stand for and where you've come [2:37] from. What is that early context that I [2:39] need to understand to understand the man [2:41] that sits in front of me today? [2:42] >> Yeah. Well, I'm an eighth generation [2:44] Texan. So my family's been in the state [2:47] since it was Mexico. was born to a a [2:50] single mother who was a preachers's [2:52] daughter from from South Texas who [2:55] struck it on her own when she was 19 [2:56] years old and moved up to to the big [2:59] city Austin, Texas and and um worked [3:03] overtime to provide for me. She left a a [3:06] dangerous situation to provide a better [3:07] life for me. Yep. This is her. Yeah. She [3:09] showed me what it means to stand up to [3:12] bullies. She showed me what it means to [3:15] fight for the people that you love. She [3:16] was always making time for service. She [3:18] worked a full-time job. Uh she had very [3:20] limited time, but she always carved out [3:24] time to fight for the causes that she [3:26] cared about, to volunteer, whether it [3:28] was at my school or at the church or in [3:30] the community. And so um my service uh [3:34] my public service is inspired by her and [3:37] uh and I would not be here without her. [3:40] >> You said she taught you to stand up to [3:41] bullies. [3:42] >> Yeah. [3:42] >> She was in a abusive relationship with [3:44] your biological father. [3:46] >> Yes. She met my birth father. He was 21 [3:49] years old. He was a high school dropout. [3:51] Uh and he he had a drinking problem. And [3:55] when he drank, he he uh became violent, [3:59] became abusive. And uh one night um [4:03] shortly after I was born, he got [4:06] physical again. And and that night her [4:10] love for me rose to meet that abuse from [4:13] him. and she packed all our stuff into [4:16] her little Ford Escort and she drove me [4:18] to the hotel where she worked, begged [4:21] the manager to let us stay in in one of [4:22] the rooms until we found a little [4:24] apartment in East Austin. And this this [4:26] photo is taken in that apartment. There [4:28] wasn't wasn't room for a nursery, so uh [4:31] I slept in a crib in her closet. And she [4:34] always says that she was very proud of [4:35] that closet, like she decorated it with [4:37] toys and pictures and and that that [4:40] fighting spirit, I feel like she passed [4:42] that along to me. And whether it was in [4:45] the classroom or or in the state [4:47] legislature, like I I have tried to [4:50] fight for the people I love in the way [4:51] that she fought for me. [4:53] >> How do you feel? How do you feel about [4:54] him? [4:56] >> Well, you know, I I remember when I was [4:58] growing up, I felt a lot of anger toward [5:02] him. I feel like as I've gotten older, [5:04] I've tried to appreciate that the things [5:07] that got him to that point. Um my mom [5:09] would tell me that he um didn't know the [5:12] months in order and so she thinks that [5:14] maybe he had a a learning disability [5:16] that that went undiagnosed and things [5:19] are very different now and we're able to [5:20] I know as a as a former teacher that [5:22] we're able to to to catch these [5:24] disabilities and and serve our students [5:27] with special needs. But it sounds like [5:29] he didn't get that and that can derail [5:31] someone and it can lead to substance [5:33] abuse. can lead to to the bottle and and [5:36] then that can lead to to violence and [5:39] abuse. And so I try, as hard as it as it [5:42] is, to recognize that I'm the person I [5:45] am because of him and my mom. And that's [5:47] a hard thing to wrestle with. Um I think [5:49] a lot of people who've had abuse in [5:50] their family um struggle with the fact [5:52] that they come from an abuser. Um I've [5:56] tried to have more compassion for it. Um [5:59] as I've gotten older, [6:00] >> your mom then meets Mark. Yes. Salerica, [6:03] who's your adoptive father, I guess. [6:04] >> That's right. Yep. [6:05] >> And he's the man that's ultimately [6:06] raised you. [6:07] >> Absolutely. Yeah. [6:08] >> Very different. [6:09] >> Yes. Very different. [6:10] >> Than your birth father. [6:12] >> Yeah. [6:12] >> What role has he played in in your life? [6:15] >> Yeah. You know, I I've said before that [6:17] the luckiest thing that ever happened to [6:18] me in my whole life was meeting Mark [6:20] Telerico. And I certainly would not be [6:22] on this podcast. He gave me his last [6:24] name. He raised me as his own. He is [6:26] probably the best man that I know. um [6:30] honest and cares about other people, [6:33] does what's right when even when when no [6:36] one is watching. Um and um and he has [6:39] certainly shaped me into the the man [6:41] that I am today. [6:42] >> If I'd asked you at 16 years old, James, [6:44] if I said, "What do you want to be when [6:45] you're older?" What would you have said? [6:46] >> I had always been interested in [6:48] education and being a teacher, [6:50] particularly around social studies and [6:53] and history. my history teachers when I [6:55] was growing up, they're the ones who [6:57] kept me on the straight and narrow. They [6:59] got me interested in school. I was not [7:00] the best student before then. Uh, and I [7:03] struggled um, you know, to behave in [7:06] class and and be a good student. And I [7:09] feel like it was my passion for for [7:11] social studies, for history, for reading [7:14] that, you know, ultimately kept me on [7:15] that track. And so from that point, I [7:18] did want to go into into being some kind [7:20] of a teacher or a professor so I could [7:22] do that for other people. I read that in [7:24] high school you were voted most likely [7:26] to become president. [7:28] >> I think so. Yeah. Um when I was in in [7:32] school I took on leadership roles. Um I [7:34] was the the president of our choir and [7:37] the captain of our debate team and and [7:39] so I think people you know saw that. Are [7:42] >> are you interested in being president [7:44] someday? [7:45] >> I don't think so. Um I I struggled a lot [7:48] with the decision to run for the US [7:50] Senate. I had considered getting out of [7:53] politics um I guess as I guess it was [7:57] last summer um after my my fourth term [8:00] in the legislature was coming to a [8:02] close. I finished the legislative [8:03] session in in May of last year and I was [8:06] really proud of the work that I had done [8:07] in the legislature but it it is [8:09] difficult work um being in politics and [8:12] so I I you may you may know that I also [8:15] um made the decision to go to seminary [8:18] um [8:18] >> which is Bible school. [8:19] >> Yes. Yeah. studying to become a minister [8:21] like my granddad. Um, and this is [8:23] something that I'd always kind of had in [8:24] the back of my mind. And I I remember [8:27] meeting with my my pastor um who [8:31] baptized me when I was 2 years old, has [8:32] been my pastor since I was a little kid. [8:35] And he told me that a campaign can also [8:38] be a form of ministry. If if you're [8:41] giving people hope, if you're bringing [8:43] people together, if you're helping folks [8:45] see the image of God in each other and [8:48] in themselves, you can do that in a [8:50] political context as well. And I had [8:52] never really thought about that. I kind [8:53] of kept these these things felt very [8:55] distinct to me. And he of course as a [8:58] pastor was helpful in in getting me to [9:00] reconcile um these two vocs and see them [9:03] as potentially one and the same given [9:06] the state of our politics and our civic [9:08] discourse. like the campaign that we're [9:11] building in Texas is is giving people [9:13] hope. It's bringing people into the [9:14] process who haven't been engaged before. [9:16] It's bringing people together across all [9:18] the the many divisions in our in our [9:21] communities and and at its best moments, [9:24] it does feel like that we're doing [9:26] something really really special and [9:28] important. [9:29] >> Why would that exclude you from someday [9:31] also pursuing the role of presidency? It [9:33] sounds like [9:34] >> it may not. But I guess what I'm saying [9:35] is that I think there's a problem with [9:36] people who are in politics for too long. [9:40] I've already said that I've um that I'll [9:42] only be serving two terms uh if I'm [9:44] blessed to to get the opportunity to [9:46] serve for two terms because I do feel [9:48] like when people hang on to these [9:51] positions or are trying to reach for the [9:53] next position, then everything becomes [9:55] about self-preservation. [9:58] It becomes about accumulating power [10:00] rather than serving people. And and [10:02] those are temptations, right, for every [10:04] elected official between those two [10:05] goals. And from what I've seen being in [10:08] this now for eight years is the longer [10:09] you're in this, the more you kind of get [10:12] the office and your identity become kind [10:14] of merged into one thing, right? Where [10:17] being a senator or being a state rep, [10:18] which I am now, if you're doing it for a [10:20] really long time, it becomes who you [10:22] are. [10:23] >> So it's it's no longer a service. It is [10:25] your identity and you do whatever you [10:27] can to protect that, right? Which means [10:30] selling out your values. It means being [10:32] susceptible to corruption. And so I [10:34] guess starting out, I'm trying to like [10:36] always remember that this is a service. [10:39] And I think we need more elected [10:40] officials who have other interests [10:42] besides [10:44] politics and government and um and [10:46] legislating. There are other things that [10:48] I want to do. And there are other ways I [10:49] want to serve and I want to have a [10:53] a well- balanced life, I guess. And so I [10:55] I want to I want to do this cuz I think [10:57] it's important right now. But then I [10:59] want to like I want to give the reigns [11:00] over to someone else. Um someone u who [11:04] has fresh energy and new ideas and and a [11:06] different perspective. And I think [11:08] that's how this is supposed to work. [11:09] >> Could you see yourself running someday [11:10] for the highest office in the land [11:12] president? [11:13] >> No, [11:14] >> you couldn't. [11:14] >> No, I really don't. I'm surprised I'm [11:16] doing this. I'm running for the US [11:19] Senate. And I feel like there's so much. [11:22] I mean, I'm I'm traveling the whole [11:24] state of Texas, which is a a giant [11:26] state, a diverse state, complex state, [11:29] and I'm constantly learning about the [11:31] things I don't know, right? And I feel [11:33] like I'm just um every day on the [11:35] campaign trail cramming for a big test [11:38] in January of next year um to be the [11:40] senator of this state. And and I've [11:44] already seen over the course of this [11:45] campaign how difficult it is, right? and [11:47] the attacks that come your way. The [11:48] attacks on people in your life like your [11:50] family, my my girlfriend, people who [11:53] didn't sign up to to be in office uh or [11:56] run for office are also on the receiving [11:59] end of these attacks. And so I can't [12:01] imagine doing this for for longer than [12:03] two terms. Um do you think pressure and [12:07] attacks are a reason not to do something [12:10] that is worthy? You know, I'm just I'm [12:14] wondering I just, you know, cuz even as [12:16] a podcaster, you get lots of it's a [12:18] different type of pressure. Like it's [12:19] pressure, lots of attacks, lots of [12:21] feedback, etc. But at the end of it, [12:23] like I think I I I love what I get to do [12:25] and I really hope that people benefit [12:26] from it. So to me, that's reason enough [12:28] to continue to do it really irrespective [12:31] of the pressure and the attacks. [12:32] >> I I think that's true, but I think there [12:34] are lots of people who want to be [12:35] president. Um, and so like we should [12:36] give those people a shot if that's the [12:38] job they want. I honestly think that my [12:40] skill set that I've developed is better [12:42] suited for a legislative position. [12:45] >> What's a legislative position for us [12:47] Brits? [12:47] >> Like Oh, yeah. Yeah. So, like uh right [12:49] now I'm a a state rep in Texas, so I [12:51] serve in the state house in the lower [12:52] chamber. I would be um God willing after [12:55] this election serving in the US Senate, [12:57] which means I'm one member of a larger [12:59] team of people. I am trying to build [13:02] coalitions. I'm trying to bring people [13:04] over to my side. I'm I'm trying to [13:07] change hearts and minds in a in a in a [13:10] body and I feel like I'm really good at [13:11] that. I mean, in the state house in [13:12] Texas, even as a Democrat, in a [13:15] Republican dominated body, I've passed [13:18] 60 bipartisan bills over four terms. And [13:21] they're not just like symbolic, you [13:23] know, superficial pieces of legislation. [13:25] like these are major bills on housing [13:27] and healthcare and early childhood [13:30] education, teacher pay, property taxes, [13:32] like the things that are really [13:33] affecting my neighbors. And that is a [13:35] skill set. Um, some people are better [13:37] suited as, you know, as an executive [13:40] making decisions on their own and some [13:42] people are better, you know, working as [13:45] part of a larger team to do something [13:46] ambitious and big. [13:47] >> You must have an opinion on um who you [13:49] think might be, you know, cuz we head [13:51] head towards 2028. If you look at the [13:53] polling data and what's going on [13:54] geopolitically with Iran and lots of [13:56] other issues like AI, um it appears that [13:59] there's a you know the polls are [14:01] becoming a little bit more favorable for [14:02] the Democrats. Do you have an opinion on [14:04] who you think should be president uh in [14:06] the next cycle? Camalas, there's Gavins, [14:08] there's AOC's, there's I don't know, [14:09] Bernie's probably going to run again. Um [14:12] uh Pete Buddha Judge is probably going [14:13] to run again. Yeah. I mean, I don't I [14:15] don't given that I worked at the state [14:17] level, I don't know a lot of these [14:18] people personally, but I I honestly [14:20] think a lot of the people that you just [14:22] named, you know, have a lot of potential [14:23] to be to be good leaders and to deliver [14:27] for this country. And honestly, I'll, [14:29] you know, change is what we need most [14:31] right now. So, I'm excited for anyone [14:33] who who's going to bring some some [14:35] change to this political system. The [14:36] only thing I would say is what I'm going [14:39] to be looking for in in in the [14:41] candidates as they start bubbling up is [14:43] like who is talking about systemic [14:45] reform. There's lots of issues that I [14:47] care about. Education, healthcare, um [14:50] housing, all things that I care about, [14:51] but I've done this now for 8 years and [14:53] I've seen that the system itself is [14:56] what's preventing us from making [14:57] progress on all of those important [14:59] issues. And so when I'm kind of thinking [15:01] about my criteria for evaluating who I'm [15:03] going to vote for or who I'm going to [15:05] support, it's going to be who is who is [15:08] thinking and talking about comprehensive [15:11] political reform, including getting big [15:13] money out of our politics, um banning [15:15] gerrymandering, overhauling the Supreme [15:17] Court, all these things that feel like [15:20] inside baseball, that feel like process, [15:23] it has to be the top priority because if [15:25] we don't fix the system itself, we're [15:27] not going to make progress on all the [15:28] issues we care about. There's been this [15:30] really interesting rise in um democratic [15:32] socialism. [15:32] >> Yeah. [15:33] >> Over the last over the last year or so. [15:36] Yeah. [15:36] >> Obviously, Mayor Mandani has been [15:38] elected to office and you know, people [15:40] like AOC and just the broader democratic [15:42] uh socialism narrative has been really [15:44] popular. What's your perspective on [15:45] that? Cuz it I think of like the the [15:48] Democrats here then I think of [15:49] democratic socialism as being slightly [15:51] different from sort of typical more [15:53] centrist dem democratic um philosophy. I [15:57] I certainly understand where the um [15:59] where the anger is coming from. I hear [16:01] it everywhere I go across the state of [16:03] Texas. Um yeah, I mean everywhere I go, [16:08] people are are struggling to survive in [16:11] this economy. And and it's not like [16:12] people are buying nice clothes or nice [16:15] cars or nice vacations. It's like [16:17] they're struggling to afford [16:19] necessities, [16:21] >> groceries and gas and utilities, [16:23] prescription drugs, that the things that [16:25] you that you need to survive every day. [16:28] And people are working harder than [16:29] they've ever worked, right? Some of them [16:30] are working multiple jobs and they can't [16:33] make those ends meet. And this is [16:36] especially pronounced among young people [16:39] in my experience, my fellow millennials, [16:41] but also Gen Z, because we were promised [16:44] that if we worked hard, if we played by [16:47] the rules, if we went to school, if we [16:49] studied, that we could live the American [16:51] dream. And that was a lie because [16:55] it is way too expensive to buy a home. [16:58] It's way too expensive to to start a [17:01] family, to have kids. It's too expensive [17:03] to retire comfortably. And it's because [17:05] the system itself has been rigged [17:07] against working people. And I would say [17:10] I would go back to the 1970s. Um, in [17:12] fact, you can you can pinpoint this one [17:16] document called the Powell memo uh 1971. [17:18] He was a corporate lawyer who later got [17:21] uh appointed to the Supreme Court. But [17:23] if you read this memo, it's basically a [17:25] blueprint for how corporate interests [17:29] can start to dismantle the Great Society [17:32] and the New Deal um which had come the [17:34] decades before. And so there was a [17:37] feeling that among corporate America [17:39] that there needed to be a a strategic [17:42] plan, a political uh campaign to protect [17:48] their power and amass more power. And so [17:51] the the blueprint says that corporate [17:53] interests are going to unite. They're [17:55] going to spend massive amounts of money [17:56] in our politics buying politicians in [17:59] both parties, elevate corporate voices [18:02] in media, appoint sympathetic judges. It [18:05] goes through kind of a a whole [18:07] comprehensive strategy for how to [18:10] reverse the gains made in the New Deal [18:12] in the Great Society. and and you start [18:15] to see starting in the late '7s, early ' [18:18] 80s, trickle down economics, right, of [18:21] cutting taxes for the people at the very [18:22] top and forgetting about the rest of us. [18:25] And that has really been the story of [18:27] the last 50 years in this country, the [18:28] last five decades. And that's a major [18:31] change from what we saw in the middle of [18:32] the 20th century when our government [18:34] invested in in education and healthcare, [18:38] in homes and highways. Like we we grew [18:42] together. We had the largest, strongest [18:44] middle class in the world in the 1950s [18:46] and 1960s. And now that that middle [18:49] class is disappearing all over Texas, [18:52] all over this country and there's a lot [18:54] of anger about that. And it's not just [18:56] limited to Democrats or Democratic [18:58] socialists. It really spans the [19:00] political spectrum. And people are [19:02] looking for they're looking for leaders [19:05] who are going to take on that broken [19:07] corrupt system. Um, not nibble around [19:09] the edges, not incremental improvements. [19:12] People are looking for wholesale change [19:14] and and their their right to to want [19:17] that change because it is possible to [19:21] build an economy that rewards work [19:24] instead of wealth. That's very possible. [19:26] I mean the economy is just a collective [19:28] a collection of choices that we make [19:30] particularly policy choices and we can [19:32] make different choices than the ones [19:33] that we've made for the last five [19:35] decades. Trickle down economics [19:38] in my view is not a theory it's theft. [19:41] In 1970, middle-class households held [19:43] 62% of all US aggregate income, while [19:45] upper income households held 29%. Today, [19:48] those roles have flipped. Upper income [19:51] households capture over 50% of total US [19:53] income compared to just 42% held by the [19:56] middle class. And if we look at lower [19:57] income families, there's been a 5% [20:01] increase since the 1970s in the sort of [20:04] cohort of people living in the sort of [20:05] low-inccome category. The middle income [20:07] category has reduced by 10% and the [20:10] upper income class has increased by 5%. [20:13] So the direction of travel is that [20:16] there's less people in the middle class, [20:17] there's more people in the lower income [20:18] and there's more people in higher [20:20] income. [20:21] >> Yeah. [20:22] >> How does one reverse that? Because you [20:24] know whatever the sort of economic [20:26] system has been in the United States, [20:27] it's resulted in innovation and GDP [20:31] growth and productivity. How do you [20:33] reverse this change? Well, what I'm [20:36] talking about is not a radical new [20:38] vision for the economy. I'm talking [20:40] about how do we get back to the economy [20:41] of the 1950s and60s where we grew [20:45] together as a nation. And in fact, the [20:47] the productivity, the innovation was, I [20:51] think, more significant when we were [20:53] growing together. I I think the math and [20:56] the past make it very clear that a [20:59] country that invests in its people grows [21:01] faster than a country that abandons [21:02] them. And so, specifically, what am I [21:04] talking about? I'm talking about raising [21:07] the minimum wage, uh, expanding overtime [21:09] pay so that workers can actually benefit [21:12] from the wealth they create. You know, [21:14] capitalism was an innovation. We I think [21:17] we forget that now. The idea that you [21:20] should be rewarded, that you should be [21:22] compensated for your time, for your [21:24] work, that was a revolutionary idea. And [21:28] that's not what we have today. We we [21:29] don't have capitalism, at least not in [21:31] this country. We have crony capitalism. [21:34] >> What's What is that? where the gains in [21:36] this economy go to those who can afford [21:38] to buy access, who can afford to buy [21:41] politicians for control. Do Dr. King [21:44] said something similar. He said, "We [21:46] have socialism for the rich and we have [21:48] rugged individualism for the poor." You [21:51] think about the the bailout, right, in [21:53] in um the Great Recession, right? When a [21:56] lot of the people on Wall Street who got [21:57] us into that mess, they got golden [22:00] parachutes, right? They got taken care [22:01] of by the government. But you got single [22:03] moms out there, you got construction [22:06] workers, you got nurses and teachers who [22:08] are barely surviving in this economy and [22:11] there's no bailout for them, right? It's [22:13] rugged individualism for them. And so my [22:16] only point is that we can create an [22:18] economy where we all grow together, [22:20] where corporations have a broader [22:23] definition of shareholder, right? [22:25] Because you think about GE, you think [22:27] about GM, Ford, these great American [22:30] companies from the 20th century. They [22:32] believed that shareholders [22:35] included their workers, the families of [22:38] their workers, the communities in which [22:40] they operated. So they felt an [22:42] obligation, a corporate ethos that was [22:45] about much more than just their bottom [22:47] line. And so that's what I'm trying to [22:49] get us back to. I'm trying to get us [22:51] back to a point where we are investing [22:53] in our people and and we have growth, [22:55] but it's shared growth. We have [22:56] competition, but it's fair competition, [22:58] not monopolies and consolidation like we [23:00] see today. So, I I guess what I'm trying [23:03] to get us back to is old school [23:05] capitalism where again people are [23:06] compensated for their work. And it and [23:08] it's it's not a system that benefits the [23:10] wealthy and the well-connected only. [23:13] >> And how do you think you can do that [23:14] from a Senate position if you are to win [23:16] in Texas? [23:17] >> Yeah. So, we we talked about a few [23:19] policies um of minimum wage and and [23:22] overtime pay, but I also think we have [23:24] to rebuild labor unions in this country. [23:27] You can almost track the destruction of [23:29] the middle class with the destruction of [23:31] organized labor. And this is not a [23:33] government solution really. This is [23:34] about empowering workers in the [23:36] workplace to be able to negotiate with [23:38] their bosses for better pay, for better [23:41] benefits, for better working conditions. [23:43] I think we've got to do more to tackle [23:46] the debt crisis, both personal household [23:49] debt, which reached an all-time high in [23:50] the first quarter of this year. Um [23:52] whether it's medical debt, um whether [23:54] it's student debt, credit card debt, and [23:56] we should also talk about the national [23:58] debt. Um because both are are moral [24:01] emergencies in my opinion. I also think [24:04] we got to do more on on supporting [24:06] families and children. I think investing [24:09] in education. The GI Bill was a gamecher [24:12] in the middle of the 20th century and [24:13] it's what helped build that middle [24:14] class. We haven't seen we haven't seen [24:17] an investment in higher education at [24:20] that scale um since the GI Bill. You [24:23] know, I think we got to expand the child [24:24] tax credit which cut child poverty in [24:27] half just a few years ago and then it [24:28] was allowed to expire. New families who [24:31] are who are having kids like they need [24:33] extra support if they're going to live [24:35] that American dream. And we can do that [24:36] and we can do we can do all of this if [24:39] we just were willing to tax the people [24:41] at the very top and make them pay their [24:43] fair share in taxes. [24:44] >> Is that easier said than done in in [24:47] light of the forces that are opposed to [24:50] what you've just said? There are, you [24:51] know, big companies and individuals [24:53] lobbying against what you've just said. [24:55] >> Yes. And that's the point. It is a [24:57] broken political system which leads to a [24:59] broken economic system. That that is the [25:02] direction that I think this moves in. [25:04] And it's why I said earlier, I'm looking [25:06] for comprehensive political reform first [25:09] because the only way to unrig the [25:11] economy so that it benefits all of us [25:12] again so that we're all growing together [25:14] again, that work is rewarded, is if you [25:17] clean up the corruption in our political [25:19] system where corporate special [25:21] interests, corporate packs, super PACs [25:24] don't have the same influence in our [25:25] government as they do now. Cuz cuz right [25:28] now, I mean, you know, I think about in [25:30] Texas, there was an out ofstate [25:32] billionaire from Pennsylvania who gave [25:34] our governor $12 million because we [25:37] don't have campaign contribution limits [25:38] in Texas. [25:40] He gave our governor $12 million to pass [25:43] a private school voucher scam, which is [25:46] taking money out of our underfunded [25:48] public schools in Texas. We rank 43rd in [25:50] the nation in per student education [25:52] funding. It's giving those tax dollars [25:54] to wealthy parents who already have [25:56] their kids in private school. So, it is [25:58] a it is literally a transfer of wealth [26:01] from the bottom and the middle to the [26:03] people at the very top. All because of [26:06] corruption in our political system. So, [26:08] I don't think we're going to unrig this [26:10] economy until we get rid of corruption [26:12] in our politics and in our government. [26:14] We have to have a government of by and [26:15] for the people instead of a what we have [26:18] now, which is a government of, by and [26:20] for corporate special interests. Is the [26:22] Texas governor corrupt? [26:23] >> Yes. [26:25] >> That's a strong strong thing to say. [26:28] >> Yeah. I mean, you know, again, the [26:31] system itself is corrupt. The the [26:34] question is which politicians um succumb [26:36] to that and which ones don't. And I'm [26:39] less interested in the personalities in [26:40] our politics. And I'm much more [26:42] interested in the system [26:44] >> because like politicians are rational [26:47] actors for the most part. politicians [26:49] are trying to get reelected for the most [26:52] part. The question is what incentives [26:54] are put in front of them? What [26:55] incentives are is the system putting in [26:57] front of them? And right now, if you [26:59] look at the influence of big money, [27:01] Citizens United, if you look at [27:04] gerrymandering and redistricting, if you [27:07] look at the two-party system, all of [27:08] these social media, [27:12] traditional media, all of all of this [27:14] whole ecosystem incentivizes extremism [27:17] and corruption by design. And and so you [27:21] can you can get rid of the governor of [27:22] Texas. You can get rid of whoever you [27:24] want. Someone else is just going to take [27:27] their place. And if you haven't fixed [27:28] the incentives, if you haven't fixed the [27:30] system, you're going to get the same [27:31] result. [27:32] >> A lot of the the great founders, you [27:34] know, who happen to be also be [27:35] billionaires Yeah. [27:36] >> have chosen Texas as their home [27:39] increasingly. I think about Elon Musk [27:40] building [27:41] >> I think both Tesla and SpaceX in [27:44] >> in your state. [27:45] >> Yeah. [27:46] >> How do you sort of marry these two [27:47] worlds together? Because, you know, Elon [27:49] Musk is now a trillionaire. I think the [27:51] world's first trillionaire. You're [27:53] talking about inequality. I think he's [27:55] been held up by some as the sort of like [27:57] poster child of inequality because he's [27:59] so rich on paper. Again, it's not like [28:02] he has cash in the bank, but it's [28:04] >> it's not like he has a trillion in the [28:05] bank, but his net worth is so high. [28:07] >> So, how do you attract someone like Elon [28:09] Musk to the state [28:10] >> to build his companies and to employ the [28:12] people that he does while also pursuing [28:16] >> equality in the state at the same time? [28:18] How do you marry those things? Yeah, [28:19] some people have asked me if I'm [28:20] demonizing billionaires and I've said [28:22] that I think I'm humanizing billionaires [28:26] because for one of our own residents to [28:28] become the world's first trillionaire [28:30] while one in five Texas children live in [28:33] poverty to me that is a spiritual [28:36] sickness. I want people to be [28:38] successful. I'm proud of of Tesla. Uh [28:41] I'm proud of of the great businesses [28:43] across the state of Texas, across this [28:45] country. Um, when businesses are [28:47] successful, people are successful, and [28:48] I'm all for that. But to accumulate more [28:51] wealth than you could possibly spend in [28:54] a hundred lifetimes while we have people [28:56] starving in this one, to me, that that [29:00] means we're not um fulfilling our full [29:03] humanity. [29:04] >> What would you have done to stop that [29:06] happening? [29:07] >> Well, I mean, we at one point in this [29:09] country, we had, I think it was in the [29:10] 1950s, had a top marginal tax rate of [29:13] 90%. I you know I don't think it needs [29:15] to be that high but we used to have a a [29:18] political system and an economic system [29:20] that more fairly distributed the fruits [29:23] of our labor [29:24] >> on that particular point. If there was a [29:26] tax rate of 90% Elon would still be a [29:28] trillionaire. [29:29] >> Yeah. Well, I mean this is this is the [29:31] problem when you let so much [29:33] concentrated wealth and power get so out [29:35] of control. And I think the thing that [29:37] really upsets people particularly about [29:39] the Elon example is that Tesla was [29:42] successful because of taxpayer dollars, [29:45] right? Tesla got investment from the [29:47] federal government which is why it has [29:50] been so successful. And so if we're all [29:52] going to invest in Tesla in Tesla, if [29:55] we're going to invest in Elon Musk or [29:57] pick your billionaire, right? Most of [29:58] our billionaires, you know, they went to [30:00] schools that we funded, they drove on [30:02] highways that we funded. They benefited [30:04] from infrastructure that we all built [30:05] together. And we're not we're not saying [30:08] they can't be successful. All we're [30:09] saying is that make sure you give [30:10] something back to the country that made [30:12] your success possible. Bring make sure [30:14] there's a ladder for the next guy coming [30:16] up, right? I mean, I I think that we [30:18] should be investing and and taking a [30:20] chance on the CEOs in their garage, not [30:23] the CEOs on their mega yacht, because [30:25] that's where the next great American [30:27] company is going to come from. I've seen [30:29] that when people talk about being pro [30:31] business, what that usually means is [30:33] being pro big business, right? Like all [30:35] the tax breaks go to the giant [30:37] multinational corporations, you know, [30:39] Walmart, we basically subsidize Walmart [30:42] through Medicaid because they don't give [30:43] their employees quality healthcare. So, [30:45] we the taxpayers are giving Walmart [30:47] employees quality healthcare. So, again, [30:49] socialism for the rich, rugged [30:51] individualism for the rest of us. And [30:53] and what I'm trying to get back to is is [30:55] an economy where where the folks who [30:58] work for Tesla, the folks who who [31:01] generate that wealth are also getting to [31:04] benefit from that prosperity. And this [31:06] is not a radical vision. It's what we [31:08] had before. And we had the most [31:09] productive innovative economy in the in [31:11] the world. And I think we can rebuild [31:13] that through better tax policy, um [31:15] better health care policy, better [31:17] education policy. like public policy can [31:19] help us unrig the system so that those [31:23] productivity gains, the wealth that's [31:24] created is more is more evenly shared um [31:27] across people in in our communities. [31:29] >> Cuz in the case of Elon, his wealth is [31:32] equity value in the companies that he [31:34] owns. It's not necessarily cash in a [31:36] bank account. [31:36] >> Yeah. [31:37] >> So I I'm wondering what what any [31:39] governor or government or senator could [31:43] do to [31:43] >> Yeah. [31:44] redistribute that which would have, you [31:46] know, prevented him from becoming a [31:47] trillionaire in the first place. [31:49] >> Yes. [31:49] >> When there isn't necessarily a [31:50] transaction taking place. It's not like [31:52] he's necessarily um sold down huge [31:55] amounts of that equity. [31:56] >> I mean, what we've talked about uh on [31:58] this campaign is is closing tax [32:01] loopholes that benefit the wealthiest in [32:03] this country. You know, there's there's [32:05] crazy stuff in our tax code that says [32:07] you can write off your private jet, your [32:09] mega yacht as business expenses, [32:12] >> right? the carried interest loophole, [32:14] capital gains. I mean, this whole tax [32:17] system that we have now really allows [32:20] the people at the very top to accumulate [32:22] and amass more wealth without any [32:25] taxation. I mean, we I was reading that [32:28] if we just collected the taxes that the [32:31] top 1% owes, no new taxes, just [32:33] collecting what's already owed, it would [32:35] raise something like $172 [32:37] billion uh every year. And that's enough [32:41] to end poverty in America [32:43] >> that that they already owe. [32:45] >> But if they hadn't paid it, presumably [32:46] they're going to be in jail, aren't [32:47] they? If they [32:48] >> Well, no. I mean, one, there's there are [32:50] no resources that actually go to [32:52] cracking down on these tax cheats. [32:54] >> So, they're using loopholes, what you're [32:56] saying. [32:57] >> Yeah. Loopholes in the system. Um, and [32:59] and people who are cheating the system, [33:01] too. It's both. It's both the legalized [33:03] loopholes that you can get away with, [33:04] but it's also people who just know [33:05] they're not going to get no one's going [33:07] to crack down on them. And so I just say [33:09] that as an example of how much this [33:12] system benefits those who can afford to [33:14] buy politicians, those who can uh afford [33:17] to curry favor with elected officials, [33:19] those who can who can write the rules of [33:22] the game so that they're the only ones [33:24] who win. And that's what I think people [33:26] are angry about. That's what I think [33:27] people are tired of across the political [33:29] spectrum. This is I don't think this is [33:30] a democratic thing that I'm saying. I [33:33] really do get the sense that most people [33:35] in this country, they they want success. [33:37] They want businesses to thrive. They [33:39] want business leaders to thrive, [33:41] but they don't want all the gains in our [33:43] economy just to go to a few guys at the [33:45] very top at our expense. Right now, it's [33:48] three men, Elon Musk, Mark Zuckerberg, [33:51] and Jeff Bezos, who now own more wealth [33:53] than the entire middle class. Like that. [33:55] I mean, that that's crazy. And and [33:58] you're not a socialist or a communist if [34:00] you say that. That's crazy. [34:01] >> So, what would you do about that though? [34:03] like at this point. So historic, you [34:04] know, in in the historically you could [34:06] have done something, but now this is [34:07] where we are. [34:08] >> Y [34:08] >> So how would you redistribute that [34:10] wealth? [34:10] >> A fair tax system to start with. [34:12] >> Um they don't these a lot of these guys [34:14] don't pay tax cuz then they're taking [34:16] loans against their equity. [34:17] >> I mean there's all kinds of ideas for [34:19] you know um being able to uh to tax not [34:22] only income but also wealth to make sure [34:24] that those assets that you have are [34:27] being taxed fairly. Um [34:28] >> so you you're pro wealth tax. I I'm [34:31] interested in what kind of wealth taxes [34:33] we could actually implement. I know [34:35] there's challenges on on implementation, [34:37] but I think we should explore every [34:39] avenue to make the wealthiest people in [34:41] this country pay their fair share. I [34:43] mean, just as a percentage of income, if [34:45] we just want to talk about income, I [34:47] mean, working Texans are paying more as [34:49] a percentage of their of their take-home [34:51] pay than the wealthiest people in our [34:54] state. And that just [34:56] >> how come what's the tax rate? I mean, [34:57] this is the problem is that is that the [34:59] tax system has been has been transformed [35:03] by those who can afford to pay [35:04] politicians for for access and for [35:07] control. And so, it's why I say we don't [35:10] have capitalism, we have crony [35:12] capitalism because it is rewarding those [35:13] who can influence the political process [35:15] because it's elected officials who write [35:17] those rules, right? Who create the tax [35:19] code, who um set education policy, who [35:22] set healthcare policy. And if you can [35:24] buy off those elected officials so they [35:26] no longer work for the people but work, [35:28] you know, work for their donors, then [35:30] you get the rig system that we have [35:31] currently. And that's what I think [35:34] people are really [35:36] are really uh disillusioned about. They [35:39] just feel like the whole thing is is [35:41] hopelessly corrupt. One of the the [35:43] rebuttals people have when they hear [35:44] about like wealth taxes or just raising [35:46] taxes generally um is that these [35:48] successful people, these billionaires [35:49] will just move to a different state. And [35:51] I think over the last couple of months [35:54] because California was threatening to do [35:55] a wealth tax there's been a lot of the [35:58] you know the famous well-known founders [35:59] have departed California the Mark [36:02] Zuckerbergs of the world I think a few [36:04] others I've got a long list of them here [36:06] but but is that something you think [36:07] about as well in a world that is [36:09] increasingly global but also just where [36:11] you know these founders can have their [36:12] businesses online on the internet they [36:14] can quite easily move their residents to [36:16] a state that's more preferential whether [36:18] it's Florida or other places. I mean, [36:20] much of the reason why a lot of founders [36:21] have moved to Texas is because there's a [36:23] what is it? A 0% state tax. [36:25] >> We don't have a state income tax. Yes. [36:27] >> Which is a good thing. And I and I don't [36:28] want a a state income tax. Our citizens [36:30] are taxed enough with property and sales [36:32] taxes. But this is the reason we need [36:35] good federal policy, right? And it's the [36:37] reason why states can't really tackle [36:38] this problem on their own. And again, I [36:41] uh I had an event with Mark Cuban uh up [36:44] in up in Dallas Fort Worth. Um, and you [36:48] know, the the moderator interviewed both [36:51] of us and it was a little awkward cuz [36:53] she's like, you know, James, you've had [36:54] some tough words for billionaires and [36:56] you got a billionaire sitting right next [36:57] to you. And I joke that Mark Cuban is [37:00] one of the good ones. Meaning Mark Cuban [37:03] uses his wealth, his power, his [37:05] influence to help working people. If [37:07] you've seen the work he's done on [37:08] prescription drugs, cost plus drugs is a [37:10] great company that is actively making it [37:13] easier for people to afford their [37:15] medicine. And that's true throughout [37:17] American history. If I think of Franklin [37:18] Roosevelt, I think of Bobby Kennedy. [37:21] These were political heroes of mine. [37:23] They were trust fund babies. These were [37:25] the billionaires of their day. But they [37:28] used their their power to take on these [37:32] systems that are hurting people. And it [37:34] wasn't just through charity. Charity is [37:36] important, but what's more important is [37:38] addressing the systems that make charity [37:40] necessary. And that's exactly what [37:41] people like Mark Cuban are doing. So I [37:43] again, I don't mean to I'm not [37:44] interested in punishing success. I'm not [37:46] interested in banning billionaires. All [37:49] I want is to ensure that we are we're [37:52] acting like a community again as a [37:55] country that we have a responsibility to [37:58] each other. Uh and you can be successful [38:00] while also paying your fair share and [38:02] ensuring that we we're investing in [38:04] young entrepreneurs. We got an education [38:06] system that's empowering the next great [38:08] business leader. [38:09] >> So you're saying that the the tax [38:10] changes would need to happen on the [38:11] federal level. [38:12] >> Yes. Along with a lot more. It's not [38:14] just tax. I mean I I'm talking about [38:16] major changes in education and early [38:19] childhood in in in healthcare in [38:21] blocking consolidation. Uh, one of the [38:23] things that Mark Cuban and I laid out [38:25] together was going after healthcare [38:26] monopolies because you basically you can [38:29] now have one company that owns the [38:31] health insurance company, the hospital [38:35] and the pharmacy allin one. And so [38:38] there's again when I say this is not [38:39] capitalism, [38:41] less competition means fewer choices [38:44] which means higher prices for people. [38:47] >> So these monopolies in our healthare [38:49] system, that's an example of crony [38:50] capitalism. CVS owns one of the largest [38:53] PBMs. [38:54] >> They own a pharmacy benefit manager. [38:57] They're it's basically like a middleman [38:59] between you and the prescription drugs [39:00] you buy. [39:01] >> But they own one of the big PBMs. They [39:04] own one of the big health insurance [39:05] companies. And they own the largest [39:07] network of drugstores in the country. So [39:10] Mark, Cuban and I were talking about a [39:12] plan to actually break up those [39:13] healthcare monopolies and create more [39:15] choices, more competition, more [39:17] capitalism so that we can lower prices [39:19] because at the end of the day, like if [39:21] you can't afford your prescription [39:23] drugs, you get sick and sometimes you [39:25] die because of it. The big ugly bill [39:27] that passed last year in Washington made [39:29] a lot of cuts to healthcare. The [39:31] nonpartisan estimates were that as a [39:34] result of those cuts, 51,000 Americans [39:37] were going to die needlessly every year. [39:39] So, I just want to ground us also in the [39:41] in the real world ramifications of these [39:44] policy decisions. It's not just [39:46] theoretical. We're talking about our [39:48] neighbors dying because we have a system [39:52] that determines your health care based [39:54] on how much money you make. Uh based on [39:56] how much money your parents make. A lot [39:57] of these are kids who don't even work [39:59] yet. And so there is a real urgency that [40:01] I feel that a lot of Americans feel that [40:03] we have to we have to we have to pursue [40:06] wholesale transformational change in our [40:09] political and economic system. [40:12] I want to speak to the business owners [40:14] listening and watching right now. I know [40:16] what it's like to be personally [40:17] responsible for every decision. I [40:18] founded my first company at 21 years old [40:20] and honestly the pressure can be [40:22] immense. It's the kind of mental load [40:24] that takes its toll below the surface. I [40:27] recently did some tests through fast [40:28] sponsor function which got me thinking [40:30] about that invisible impact. I found [40:32] that I had low levels of omega-3s. I had [40:35] deficient levels of vitamin D probably [40:38] because I sit inside this dark room all [40:40] day. 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[42:16] In terms of the the economic system and [42:20] we were talking there a little bit [42:21] about, you know, average workers and [42:24] their pay and their their livelihoods. [42:26] One of the big sort of protagonists in [42:29] this story is now artificial [42:30] intelligence and how disruptive that's [42:32] going to And I've sat here with so many [42:33] of the like you know the stakeholders in [42:36] that industry and heard some of the most [42:38] crazy predictions around robotics and [42:40] generally around AI. I mean one of the [42:43] the sort of big headlines at the moment [42:45] is that there'll be significant job [42:47] disruption and a lot of that value is [42:48] going to acrue to the big technology [42:50] companies that are the frontier labs and [42:52] the nvidas of the world. It appears to [42:54] me when I when I ask very very smart [42:56] people in technology what is the biggest [42:58] concern at the moment for the US [43:00] economy? It is dealing with this AI [43:03] challenge. Yeah. [43:04] >> But I know Bernie Sanders has been very [43:06] vocal about it recently. Donald Trump [43:08] has said that we need to win against [43:10] China. [43:11] >> Yeah. [43:12] >> Um how are you thinking about AI and the [43:14] impact it's going to have on Texans? [43:15] >> Yeah. I think when I travel around the [43:17] state of Texas, I get this question a [43:19] lot. A lot of people are thinking about [43:20] AI and there's competing reactions to [43:23] it. A lot of us, including me, feel [43:26] excited about some of the the benefits [43:29] of artificial intelligence. I met with [43:31] an AI entrepreneur who's talking about [43:34] how he's going to cure chronic diseases, [43:36] maybe cure cancer. I mean, that that's [43:38] exciting for me. I think exciting for [43:40] most people. And then a lot of Texans, [43:42] including me, feel a lot of anxiety [43:45] because our leaders, those who are who [43:47] should be writing the rules of the game, [43:50] have their head in the sand. I mean it [43:53] is shocking that our US Senate, our [43:57] Congress, our federal government has [43:59] really been MIA as this technology has [44:02] developed faster and faster and has done [44:06] so in in dangerous ways um as we saw [44:09] with the the recent hacking from from [44:13] Open AI's model. And so I think what [44:16] people are hungry for is a regulatory [44:19] framework to ensure that we are [44:21] developing these technologies, that [44:22] we're winning the AI race, and we're [44:24] doing it responsibly, we're doing it [44:26] safely. We're doing it in a way that's [44:28] going to ensure AI works for us and not [44:31] against us. And I think that is what I [44:34] think most people want to see from their [44:36] leaders, from their policy makers, cuz [44:38] right now it's just um no one is minding [44:41] the store. [44:41] >> Do you know what does that mean [44:42] specifically? Do you have any ideas what [44:44] that means? [44:45] >> Yeah, I think if I, you know, if I was [44:48] in the US Senate helping develop this [44:50] regulatory framework, there are three [44:52] things I would prioritize. [44:54] One is protecting our workers, [44:57] protecting our economy, making sure that [44:59] AI technologies are improving jobs, [45:02] making jobs easier, um allowing workers [45:05] to spend less time on the job and more [45:07] time doing the things they love with the [45:09] people they love. Uh the second thing I [45:11] would prioritize is children. We've seen [45:14] how social media companies have prayed [45:18] on our kids have taken advantage of our [45:20] kids have led to, you know, a spike in [45:25] in self harm and depression and anxiety [45:27] among young people. I very much worry [45:30] that without regulation, AI technologies [45:32] may do the same thing to young people, [45:34] to future generations. You've seen the [45:36] horror stories of of kids going to to AI [45:40] for therapy, for counseling, and [45:42] sometimes those AI [45:45] chatbot have helped those kids harm [45:46] themselves. Um, the third thing I would [45:49] prioritize is our democracy because [45:53] we've already seen AI deep fake ads in [45:56] political campaigns. We've seen it in [45:57] this campaign in Texas for the US [45:59] Senate. And you know, I I've always [46:02] prided myself as a millennial on being [46:04] able to differentiate between fact and [46:06] fiction online, right? A lot of [46:08] millennials like me will roll our eyes [46:10] at our grandparents who get tricked by [46:12] stuff on Facebook, but I mean, I'm [46:15] seeing it happen [46:17] to me, right? I I I increasingly can't [46:20] tell the difference between AI deep [46:23] fakes and and reality. And I think a lot [46:26] of people feel that alarm that these [46:29] these technologies are getting so good [46:31] that you really can't tell the [46:32] difference between fact and fiction. And [46:33] most of the time there's no disclaimer [46:35] required. And so again, there's a lot [46:37] that needs to happen. But if I was [46:39] developing a framework of regulation for [46:41] AI, those would be the three things that [46:43] I would I would prioritize. [46:45] >> So Elon said that there will be within a [46:47] decade over a billion humanoid robots. [46:51] over a billion humanoid [46:54] robots and that those robots will be at [46:57] least five times the output of a human [47:01] >> and he's I think it's these robots are [47:04] being built in your state in Texas at [47:06] the Gigafactory there um and at the [47:08] other sort of Tesla factories that he [47:10] has but how is it possible to protect [47:12] workers when there's a billion humanoid [47:14] robots in the world now like Elon's [47:16] timelines have sometimes missed a little [47:17] bit [47:18] >> but generally you know he as an [47:20] entrepreneur and his company so being [47:21] able to do things that are like almost [47:22] indistinguishable from magic at times. [47:25] >> Well, here's the key and connects to the [47:27] the conversation we were just having. We [47:30] cannot let AI or robotics become yet [47:33] another arena where billionaires are [47:36] writing the rules for the rest of us. [47:38] You think about I try to always think [47:41] about historical parallels. Um, and the [47:44] only parallels I can think of in modern [47:47] history are the Manhattan project, the [47:50] development of nuclear weapons, the [47:51] space race, and the development of the [47:55] internet. This AI probably will be more [47:58] consequential than those three [48:01] innovations. [48:02] But the thing that's different is that [48:04] all three of those innovations were done [48:06] as a public private partnership. Right? [48:10] We as a country were deciding the rules [48:13] of the game and we were doing it um in [48:16] partnership with with great private [48:18] sector companies. This innovation is [48:22] very different. This is being done in [48:24] the hands of a very small number of [48:26] people running for-profit corporations [48:30] without input from any of the rest of [48:31] us. [48:32] >> And we can't allow that to happen. We [48:33] we've seen already, we talked about the [48:35] last 50 years, when you let the richest [48:38] people in this country, the most [48:39] powerful people in this country, write [48:40] all the rules, all of the gains, all of [48:43] the benefits will flow to those at the [48:45] top, and we're all going to get screwed. [48:47] I could see the same thing happening [48:49] with AI. Working people in this country [48:51] deserve a say and a share in that AI [48:54] future. And whether that looks like an [48:56] an AI dividend, some kind of policy to [49:00] ensure that all of us are benefiting [49:03] from the wealth that these technologies [49:05] create because they're using our [49:07] collective intellectual property. If [49:10] they're going to use our ideas, if [49:11] they're going to use our ingenuity, then [49:13] we deserve to be to get compensated um [49:16] for the use of that intellectual [49:18] property. If the technology plays out, [49:20] how they're forecasting and how on the [49:22] current direction of travel, then if you [49:25] just think about driving as an [49:26] occupation, I we all watched those [49:28] videos of these new cyber cabs rolling [49:30] out around Texas where they have no [49:32] steering wheel, no pedals at all, and [49:34] two seats in the front and the car just [49:35] drives itself autonomously. From my [49:38] rough estimates, approximately 400,000 [49:40] people in Texas work as professional [49:42] drivers as their primary payroll [49:45] occupation. But if you factor in like [49:47] gig workers that are on the Ubers, the [49:48] Door Dashes, which by the way, you know, [49:50] the founder of uh the CEO of Uber sat [49:52] there and told me those jobs are going [49:53] away. [49:54] >> Um it's more it's more than half a [49:56] million people that rely on driving as [49:57] an occupation. Texas is leading the [49:59] charge against towards autonomous [50:01] vehicles where you need no driver. [50:03] >> It would appear to me logically that on [50:05] this direction of travel there's going [50:06] to be significant job disruption. This [50:07] is even outside of humanoid robots and [50:09] so on. And and I wonder like how you [50:12] know there's okay an AI dividend [50:14] >> but um I just wonder how people like you [50:16] are thinking about that level of [50:18] disruption that theoretically could [50:19] happen really really quickly and [50:21] rejecting the false choices right [50:23] because it is possible to to benefit [50:26] from some of these technologies um you [50:29] know some of these self-driving cars [50:31] will make us all safer on the roads [50:33] which is great but the idea that that [50:35] has to replace a human being the fact [50:37] the idea that these technologies don't [50:39] need a human supervisor. To me, that's a [50:42] that's a false choice. [50:43] >> Why would it need a human supervisor? [50:45] >> I mean, I would hope, especially if [50:46] we're talking about like 18-wheelers [50:48] barreling down Texas highways, I would [50:50] hope there's a human being there to [50:52] monitor these technologies. If you if [50:54] you think about even if the data [50:55] suggests that it's it's more safe [50:58] without the human, [50:59] >> you think I'm all for taking advantage [51:01] of of the safety features. Um I I just [51:03] think about airplanes, right? The fact [51:05] that airplanes mostly fly themselves. [51:07] I'm still very comforted by the fact [51:08] that there is a trained professional [51:10] behind the controls in case anything [51:12] goes wrong. And so again, if we're [51:15] making these decisions together instead [51:17] of just a few billionaire CEOs making [51:20] the decisions for all of us, then we can [51:22] reject some of these false choices that [51:24] are presented to us. And we can figure [51:26] out a way to both take advantage of the [51:28] benefits of these technologies like [51:30] making our roads safer, making cars [51:31] safer, reducing fatalities, and ensuring [51:34] that we are protecting human beings in [51:36] the process. I I just fundamentally [51:37] reject the idea that we have to choose [51:40] between those two things. [51:42] I watched a video the other day of um a [51:44] factory and they had the humanoid robot [51:46] doing the packaging process and they had [51:47] a human next to them and they were just [51:49] demonstrating the productivity [51:51] difference between the humanoid robot [51:52] that was flipping the packages versus a [51:54] person who had to sleep and go to the [51:56] toilet and all those kinds of things [51:58] >> and the a video by figure AI and the [52:00] video concludes with the fact that the [52:02] humanoid robot was more productive [52:03] essentially and it did need to sleep and [52:05] obviously all those kinds of things. So [52:06] I think also about that level of work [52:07] and I don't know I've just I'm in search [52:09] of a of a good answer to um this [52:13] question of like job disruption that [52:14] seems to be logically on the way. The [52:17] big frontier labs their CEOs in AI have [52:19] all forecasted job disruption [52:21] increasingly. They changed their tone a [52:23] little bit when it becomes unpopular, [52:25] >> but if you look through their writing [52:26] since 2016, they're saying that the [52:28] economy is going to have to drastically [52:30] change in light of this technology. So, [52:32] I I spoke with an expert on AI cuz I'm, [52:35] you know, when you're in these [52:36] positions, when you're in elected [52:37] office, you suddenly realize all the [52:40] things you don't know. You're having to [52:42] make crucial decisions on things that [52:43] you may not be an expert on yet. And so, [52:46] I'm trying to get smarter on this every [52:48] day. And I was speaking to to someone [52:50] who's uh done a lot of work in AI, and [52:52] he said he's worried that we are headed [52:54] toward five trillionaires and 30% [52:57] unemployment. [52:58] >> H [52:58] >> And that terrifies me, right? right? As [53:00] someone who cares about the people in my [53:02] state, that's not the future I want. And [53:05] there's still time for us to make these [53:07] decisions together. What kind of AI [53:08] future do we want? This is not something [53:10] we're subjected to. Yes, we're going to [53:13] see disruption. We've seen disruption [53:14] from from past technologies, but if [53:16] we're making decisions together as a [53:18] country, then we can both weather some [53:21] of those disruptions and we can come out [53:23] stronger on the other side. You know, I [53:24] think about the need to invest and [53:27] double down on what only human beings [53:29] can do, doubling down on human [53:31] creativity, on human ingenuity, right? [53:35] I've talked about the need for [53:36] entrepreneurship grants. You know, if [53:38] we're taxing these AI companies, some of [53:41] that revenue can go go toward investing [53:44] in folks who have a a great idea for a [53:47] business or a an invention or a piece of [53:49] art. [53:51] But these these people don't know a [53:52] bunch of wealthy investors. And so we're [53:55] going to invest in the little guy just [53:57] like we did with Tesla, just like we did [53:58] with the internet. And those innovations [54:01] have have more than paid for themselves. [54:04] And so I want us to do more of that. [54:06] Finding out what is it that human beings [54:08] alone can do and doubling down on that [54:12] creativity, that ingenuity. Again, [54:13] that's just an example of if we all come [54:16] together and we think seriously about [54:19] this problem um and decide that we're [54:22] going to make decisions together, the AI [54:25] future can can look very differently [54:27] than the path that we're headed on. [54:29] >> Do you have faith that elected officials [54:31] can [54:32] can pass through this and arrive at a [54:34] conclusion? Because if you think through [54:35] I don't know how social media was [54:37] handled, we tend to handle it after the [54:39] fact. that. Yeah. Like that's that [54:40] should be a a negative example, right? [54:43] Because we let social media companies [54:45] run wild and they ended up praying on [54:47] our children. They ended up um hurting [54:50] our kids. They ended up hurting all of [54:51] us, not just kids. And and so we should [54:54] learn from that example and and realize [54:58] that if we're going to do this and I if [55:00] this technology is coming, if this [55:02] innovation is coming, let's figure out [55:04] as a community, as a nation, um how [55:06] we're going to respond and what policy [55:08] frameworks we need to put in place to [55:10] ensure that again AI is making our lives [55:13] better and easier and less stressful and [55:16] not hurting people. This is a [55:17] fundamental belief that I have that the [55:19] economy is for people. People aren't for [55:20] the economy, right? that that is a that [55:23] is a guiding star for me. And so if if [55:26] we are headed down a path where people [55:28] are going to get hurt needlessly because [55:31] a few guys in Silicon Valley say it's [55:33] necessary, I I think we have to reject [55:35] that. And our elected officials who in a [55:38] democracy are tasked with making these [55:39] big decisions, they need to get in the [55:41] game. [55:41] >> Politics has shifted over the last [55:43] couple of um over the last couple years. [55:45] There was quite a distinct shift, I [55:46] think, when Elon purchased Twitter. [55:49] >> Yeah. [55:50] It seemed like the world changed a lot [55:52] and this one of the terms within [55:54] politics was this word wokeism [55:56] >> and it predominantly seemed to exist. It [55:58] was like a weapon that the right hit the [56:00] left with. [56:01] >> Sure. [56:02] >> Recently um AOC came out and said that [56:05] woke 1.0 was crazy. Sort of distancing [56:09] herself from the 2020 progressive [56:11] political narratives um that I think [56:15] maybe in hindsight have hurt the party a [56:17] little bit or at least hurt the [56:18] perception of the party a little bit. Do [56:19] you have a point of view on this this [56:21] idea of wokeism and the the sort of [56:23] journey we've been on? [56:24] >> Yeah, I mean it's hard because um you [56:27] know people define woke or wokeism very [56:30] differently. I do think that there was a [56:34] rise in in performative politics in [56:38] people who were more concerned about [56:40] using the right words usually determined [56:42] by academia versus bringing people [56:45] together around some common values like [56:47] racism is wrong. [56:48] >> Mhm. right? Um that everyone deserves to [56:50] be treated with dignity and respect. [56:52] Those are unifying values that we all [56:54] agree on. But when you start policing [56:57] people's language, when you start [56:58] judging people because they're not up on [57:00] the right terminology, you're no longer [57:03] building a coalition to address those [57:05] real problems that you that that need [57:08] addressing. Instead, you're doing you're [57:11] performing [57:12] a kind of politics that's about your own [57:15] intellectual and emotional needs and not [57:18] about actually making change. [57:19] >> Why did the Democrats lose to Trump in [57:21] your view? [57:22] >> In in what year? [57:23] >> Both. [57:23] >> The Democrats have lost to Trump twice [57:24] now. [57:25] >> Yeah, I think in really in both years, [57:26] but I guess in the more re the more [57:28] recent election cycle. [57:30] >> Yeah. [57:30] >> What is the diagnosis? Well, everywhere [57:32] I went across the state of Texas um in [57:35] 2024, people were uh struggling with the [57:38] high cost of living. I talked with a lot [57:40] of Texans who didn't like the way Trump [57:43] talked to people. They didn't like [57:45] January 6th. They had deep concerns [57:47] about him as a leader, but they thought [57:49] he could get the economy back on track. [57:51] Because if you remember the economy of [57:54] 2017, 2018, 2019, it was a pretty good [57:57] economy and and costs were a lot lower [57:59] and it was easier for middle class [58:02] people to get ahead. You know, I do [58:03] think we have to separate I've talked [58:05] about the last 50 years of this trend [58:07] toward, you know, consolidation of [58:08] wealth and power at the top. All of that [58:11] became more acute, um, more urgent after [58:15] the pandemic and the rise of inflation. [58:18] The increase in inflation was kind of [58:20] like the the straw that broke the [58:21] camel's back, right? You'd had 50 years [58:23] of trickle down economics of stagnant [58:25] wages for middle class and working-class [58:27] people, systematic attacks on education [58:30] and healthcare. You had all of that [58:31] happening, but you had cheap goods. So, [58:34] there was it felt like we were getting [58:36] something, right? My income's not going [58:37] up. You know, I'm not able to get ahead [58:39] like maybe my grandparents were able to [58:41] get ahead. It's hard to start a [58:42] business, but at least things are cheap. [58:45] And then when that changed, suddenly [58:47] people realized that we are all getting [58:50] screwed by this system because not only [58:52] is our is our pay going down or staying [58:54] flat, but now the cost of living has [58:56] gone up. So you're getting squeezed from [58:58] both ends. [59:00] So when that happened, I think people [59:01] were looking for someone who was going [59:03] to help. And that's not an unreasonable [59:06] thing to look for when you're hurting. [59:08] And so people put their faith in in [59:10] President Trump for good reasons, right? [59:12] They thought he was going to lower [59:13] costs. They thought he was going to end [59:15] the forever wars that we were all sick [59:17] and tired of. They thought he was going [59:19] to release the Epstein files. They [59:21] thought he was going to drain the swamp. [59:22] I mean, I I have members of my family [59:24] who voted for President Trump and people [59:26] that I love. And those are the reason [59:29] they those are the reasons they voted [59:30] for him. And those are pretty good [59:32] reasons. I think, you know, more than a [59:35] year into this administration, those [59:37] promises have not been kept. Everything [59:39] is now more expensive largely because of [59:42] tariffs. We have a new war in Iran that [59:44] no one asked for. It's costing us a [59:46] billion dollars a day that's driving up [59:48] gas prices. The Epstein files has have [59:50] still not fully been released and the [59:54] swamp is bigger than it's ever been [59:55] before. And so people are feeling like [59:57] they like they've been conned. and our, [60:00] you know, my job as a, as a candidate, [60:02] our job as a campaign is to is to extend [60:05] an open hand to our neighbors who are [60:09] disillusioned, who misplaced their trust [60:12] in a leader, and invite them to join [60:14] this movement that we're building in [60:15] Texas, which is honestly bigger than [60:17] Donald Trump. It's bigger than any one [60:18] political party. It really is on the [60:21] ground. It feels like a movement of of [60:23] working people across the spectrum who [60:25] are ready to take on this broken corrupt [60:28] system. And you know, [60:32] God willing, as the next as the next US [60:35] senator from Texas, I will have the [60:37] opportunity to work with President Trump [60:40] to try to deliver for my constituents. [60:42] >> What do you think of him as a person? [60:45] Well, I don't know him, so it's hard for [60:46] me to judge, but um you know, I think [60:49] all of us um have strengths and [60:51] weaknesses. Um I think the president [60:53] does have clear strengths. I think he's [60:55] able to communicate in a way that's [60:57] clear and and concise and powerful to [61:01] people. He is willing to take action [61:04] when there's so much gridlock. Um he's [61:06] willing to just kind of bust through [61:08] walls to deliver for people. and he has [61:10] a sense of humor which I I feel like is [61:12] really missing in in politics. You know, [61:14] he has a a light-hearted weight about [61:16] him. Those are, I think, some of the [61:18] redeeming qualities. I think all of us [61:20] know the his willingness to put his ego [61:23] above everything else. His willingness [61:25] to make uh chaotic decisions without [61:28] much forethought, his pension for [61:30] corruption and self-enrichment for [61:32] himself and his family, and his his uh [61:36] desire to be popular. And all [61:38] politicians have a desire to be popular, [61:41] but he does seem to place that above [61:44] almost any other principle or conviction [61:46] that he may have. And so, you know, I [61:49] think I think it's important to consider [61:51] both the the good and the bad of any [61:53] leader. And and that includes the [61:54] president. [61:55] >> What about uh immigration? That's one of [61:57] the issues that is both very relevant to [61:59] Texas, but also that frankly helped him [62:01] get elected. Yeah. by him talking about [62:04] >> some of these stats around border [62:06] crossings in Texas. [62:08] >> Yeah. And he was right about this. The [62:09] Biden administration failed us on our [62:11] southern border. I remember talking with [62:13] my colleagues in the state house who [62:15] represented border communities and they [62:17] talked about the utter chaos um on our [62:20] border and our border communities in [62:21] Texas mean a lot to me. My mom is from [62:23] Laredo which is on our Texas Mexico [62:25] border. And so this system was out of [62:28] control in in the Biden era and you see [62:30] it on this map. My worry is that we have [62:33] replaced one extremism on immigration in [62:35] the Biden years with a new extremism on [62:39] immigration with masked men and unmarked [62:42] vehicles, kidnapping people off the [62:44] street, deporting small business owners [62:46] who have been here for years and and [62:47] decades taking children as young as 5 [62:50] years old and throwing them in detention [62:52] centers. So my sense is that most [62:55] Texans, most Americans want the same [62:58] thing when it comes to immigration. They [63:00] want security and they want to welcome [63:04] hardworking immigrants who want to live [63:05] the American dream. And in our politics, [63:08] those two things are pitted against each [63:09] other. Again, back to false choices. [63:12] Those are not mutually exclusive. You [63:14] can have a secure border. You can you [63:17] can it is not racist to want to know [63:19] who's coming into this country, right? [63:22] You can do all that while also building [63:24] more legal pathways for folks to come [63:26] here the right way. folks who want to [63:28] start a business, who want to contribute [63:29] to this economy, who want to live that [63:31] American dream and make us richer and [63:33] stronger in the process as immigrants [63:35] have always done. And so I'm trying to [63:38] on the trail uphold both of those moral [63:41] values. Safety, which public safety is [63:44] the most important thing the government [63:45] does, more important than public [63:47] education, more important than public [63:48] health, public safety is the most [63:51] important thing. And we are a nation of [63:53] immigrants. It is the lifeblood of our [63:55] economy. is what has made Texas and and [63:58] America so great. And so we can uphold [64:01] both of those values at the same time [64:03] and pass comprehensive immigration [64:04] reform that can do both of those things [64:06] simultaneously. [64:07] >> What would you do about the issue of [64:09] undocumented young people that have come [64:11] here? [64:12] >> Yeah. [64:12] >> Um that are in the country that you know [64:13] maybe were brought here by no fault of [64:15] their own but now find themselves in the [64:17] US without documents. [64:18] >> Yeah. I taught a lot of DACA students, a [64:20] lot of dreamers in room 112 at Roads [64:22] Middle School on the west side of San [64:24] Antonio. My students who were [64:26] undocumented, [64:27] they loved this country in a profound [64:30] way. It feels like they they understand [64:33] something about America that many of our [64:36] leaders have forgotten that this is [64:38] supposed to be the land of opportunity. [64:40] This is this is supposed to be the place [64:41] where dreams come true. And so I would [64:43] be very interested as part of a [64:45] comprehensive immigration reform package [64:47] which includes border security to create [64:49] a pathway to citizenship for for [64:53] undocumented folks who have been here [64:55] for years, for decades, for kids who [64:57] were brought over as kids so they have [64:59] an opportunity to come out of the [65:00] shadows and fully join us as uh as as [65:04] citizens of this country. [65:08] This is something that I've made for [65:09] you. I realized that the divers here [65:11] audience are strivverbs. Whether it's in [65:13] business or health, we all have big [65:15] goals that we want to accomplish. And [65:17] one of the things I've learned is that [65:19] when you aim at the big big goal, it can [65:21] feel incredibly psychologically [65:24] uncomfortable because it's kind of like [65:26] being stood at the foot of Mount Everest [65:27] and looking upwards. The way to [65:29] accomplish your goals is by breaking [65:31] them down into tiny small steps. And we [65:34] call this in our team the 1%. And [65:36] actually this philosophy is highly [65:38] responsible for much of our success [65:39] here. So what we've done so that you at [65:42] home can accomplish any big goal that [65:44] you have is we've made these 1% diaries [65:47] and we released these last year and they [65:49] all sold out. So I asked my team over [65:51] and over again to bring the diaries back [65:52] but also to introduce some new colors [65:54] and to make some minor tweaks to the [65:56] diary. So now we have a better range for [66:00] you. So, if you have a big goal in mind [66:02] and you need a framework and a process [66:04] and some motivation, then I highly [66:06] recommend you get one of these diaries [66:08] before they all sell out once again. And [66:10] you can get yours at the diary.com. [66:13] And if you want the link, the link is in [66:14] the description below. There should be a [66:16] button just down below here. And if it [66:18] says subscribed, you're already [66:20] subscribed. If it says subscriber, that [66:23] means you're not yet. And if you're not [66:24] subscribed, please could you do us a [66:25] favor and hit that button? It helps the [66:26] show more than you know. And according [66:28] to the algorithm, you're someone that [66:30] watches our show, but you haven't yet [66:31] hit that button. Thank you so much. [66:34] >> One of the um issues that I know is [66:35] going to be front of mind for a lot of [66:36] people at the moment. Uh and one of the [66:38] issues I think that's going to result in [66:40] the Republican party struggling in the [66:42] midterms is this issue you mentioned [66:44] earlier of Iran. [66:45] >> Yeah. [66:45] >> If you are a US senator, um you would be [66:48] voting on foreign policy and war powers [66:49] and military spending and things like [66:51] that, including in the Middle East. [66:53] >> So, I wanted to get your perspective on [66:55] >> what the hell is going on. That's a good [66:57] question. [66:58] >> Like how do you get how do you get out [66:59] of this situation now? It seems like a [67:01] >> seems like there's no golden bridge out [67:03] of this situation. [67:04] >> Yeah. I mean we shouldn't we shouldn't [67:05] have been in this situation to begin [67:07] with. We should start with that. [67:08] >> How did we get in this situation? Again, [67:10] this is just from an outsider [67:11] perspective, but it seems like uh after [67:14] the operation in Venezuela, there was a [67:18] a hubris uh and overconfidence that [67:23] toppling the leadership in Iran would be [67:25] an easy thing and would be a a quick fix [67:27] to a a problem that has long plagued the [67:30] region and plagued the United States. [67:33] And maybe a lack of foresight and and [67:36] consideration. I mean, it's not that [67:38] hard to predict that what Iran would do [67:41] when they when they're cornered is take [67:44] control of the straight of Hormuz. In [67:46] fact, previous administrations had [67:48] played out these war games and had come [67:50] to the same conclusion. [67:51] >> So, what do you do now? You because [67:52] you're going to vote on this stuff. [67:54] >> Yeah. I mean, one, I think we we need [67:56] checks and balances. Right now we have [67:58] something the the founders I think [68:01] couldn't have envisioned which is [68:03] parties political parties factions is [68:05] what the founders would have called them [68:07] coordinating across branches of our [68:09] government. So instead of you know the [68:12] ambitions of the legislative branch [68:14] checking the ambitions of the executive [68:16] branch you now have members of one party [68:20] coordinating across those branches. And [68:22] what that looks like now is a a [68:24] legislative branch, which is supposed to [68:25] be the most important branch in our [68:27] government, right? It's the first one [68:28] listed in the constitution. It has now [68:30] become completely subservient to the [68:33] executive branch to the will of of the [68:35] president and his administration. And [68:38] so, one, I think you have to restore [68:39] those checks and balances. And it [68:41] doesn't have to be in a hostile, [68:42] unproductive way. It can be in a healthy [68:45] way where the legislative branch is [68:48] asking questions about what is the [68:49] military strategy? what are the military [68:51] objectives that we're trying to [68:52] accomplish cuz we've seen over the [68:54] course of this disastrous war those [68:56] objectives change over time but this is [68:58] the thing it doesn't appear that they [68:59] know what the objectives are anymore it [69:01] appears [69:01] >> well and this and this is I think this [69:03] is key if if we cannot clearly [69:06] articulate an objective then it is the [69:08] responsibility of the legislative branch [69:10] to intervene and to withhold funding for [69:13] these operations until we can get a [69:15] clear idea of why we are sending our [69:17] brave young men and [69:20] into another forever war in the Middle [69:21] East. I I think ultimately how you [69:24] untangle this is is through regional [69:25] partnerships. Um it has to involve I [69:28] mean we kind of know the contours of [69:30] what a deal would look like free passage [69:32] through the strait. We have to deal with [69:34] the nuclear issue. I worry that we've [69:35] actually lost ground on this on this [69:39] problem because I I don't want to see [69:41] Iran get a nuclear weapon. And I don't [69:42] think anybody wants to see that. And I [69:45] think we were on track to preventing [69:46] that um through the the nuclear deal we [69:49] had. So trying to get back to to to that [69:52] diplomacy um we had before this [69:55] invasion. I think that's probably going [69:57] to be the the the ultimate objectives [70:00] for how to salvage this situation. But [70:02] it is a I mean it is a mess from top to [70:04] bottom. And you know I I I really I came [70:07] of age after 911. I was 12 years old [70:09] when 911 happened. And so I understand [70:13] the importance of keeping this country [70:14] safe. I also saw as a millennial how [70:17] military disasters like the Iraq war [70:20] robbed this nation of young lives, of [70:22] billions of dollars, and of our moral [70:23] standing in the world. I can't believe [70:25] that we are making the same mistakes [70:28] just 20 years later in Iran. [70:31] >> The proposal there sounds a little bit [70:33] like the memorandum of understanding [70:35] that was pitched to Iran that ultimately [70:37] failed. you know, free passage of the [70:40] straight of Hormuz. There was um a [70:42] clause in there about nuclear weapons [70:44] and a few other things. And it failed [70:45] within a couple of days. So, you know, [70:48] because I think Iran are playing to a [70:49] different time frame than Trump is able [70:52] to considering this sort of four-year [70:54] election cycle. It appears to me, and I [70:55] I don't really know what I'm talking [70:57] about, but it appears to me that Iran is [70:58] saying, you know, we have the cards. You [71:01] you you can drop as many bonds as you [71:03] like. We're decentralized in our nature. [71:06] um they're split into lots of these [71:07] smaller factions that are weaponized in [71:10] their own way. There's not particular I [71:12] remember in one press conference I think [71:13] it was Marco Rubio or Pete Hegath saying [71:16] that [71:17] >> they're not even necessarily sure who is [71:18] in charge in Iran and he made a remark [71:21] that it takes a while to get the carrier [71:23] pigeons down to the front the front [71:24] lines i.e. the the people they're [71:26] negotiating with might not even be [71:28] connected with the people that are [71:29] launching the missiles and the drones [71:30] etc. [71:31] >> Right. It just appears to be a total [71:32] mess and I I just can't. [71:34] >> We do have but I do believe that we [71:36] still have economic leverage and there [71:38] are still economic cards to play here. [71:40] And so the key is, you know, I I really [71:42] don't want this disastrous war to play [71:45] on for the rest of the of the Trump [71:48] administration. I pray that we can come [71:50] to a a resolution and a conclusion [71:52] sooner than that. And I think that's [71:54] going to have to involve some of this [71:56] economic pressure in addition to the [71:58] regional partnerships because we're [72:00] ultimately going to have to rely on on [72:02] regional partners in order to to [72:04] actually push through a a final [72:06] resolution. So, I'm not giving up hope [72:08] that we can resolve this. We have to. I [72:10] mean, we we just lost one of our own, [72:12] our fellow Texan, um, Isabella Gonzalez [72:15] lost her life uh because of an Iranian [72:18] air strike in Jordan. And she was 19 [72:20] years old. She had just graduated from [72:22] Hebrin High School in Dallas, Texas. And [72:25] the fact that we would send [72:29] brave [72:30] members of the armed services like [72:32] Isabella off to die in another forever [72:34] war without any exit strategy, without [72:37] any clear military objective to me is [72:39] deeply immoral. Isabella Gonzalez died a [72:43] patriot. She died a hero and and we are [72:45] grateful for her sacrifice. But our [72:48] gratitude for her sacrifice should not [72:49] be mistaken for an acceptance of her [72:51] death. [72:53] >> In terms of what one can do about it, is [72:56] there any specifics that you have in [72:57] mind for a way out of this? Cuz I' I [73:01] really I mean I'm in search of them. [73:03] >> Well, again, this this is why you need [73:05] checks and balances because we need the [73:06] legislative branch to start exerting [73:09] pressure on the executive branch so that [73:11] we can start to see what the objectives [73:13] are. or we can come to a consensus about [73:15] about an exit strategy. [73:16] >> The US can't afford to lose here. [73:18] >> Agreed. Yeah. Agreed. [73:20] >> They can't be even afford to be seen as [73:21] losing [73:22] >> because you're going to embolden the [73:24] Middle East. That's right. [73:25] >> And Iran is is an adversary. We should [73:27] not lose sight of that. A nuclear Iran [73:30] would be a disaster for the region and [73:32] for the world. So, [73:33] >> so they it's imperative that we win. [73:35] >> If you had a phone call with Trump and [73:36] you had an opportunity to if he said, [73:38] "Listen, James, I need some advice. This [73:40] Iran situation's got out of hand. I [73:41] thought it would be like in a Venezuela. [73:42] I thought I'd drop the bombs. There'd be [73:44] an uprising and then it would sort of [73:46] correct itself, but it's got out of [73:47] hand. James, what advice have you got [73:48] for me? [73:50] >> That'd be tough. Um, you know, I I I [73:52] think that humility is good and and that [73:54] self-awareness is good and hopefully can [73:57] help him and the administration avoid [74:00] future mistakes. I would urge him to [74:03] call the leadership um in in the [74:07] legislative branch together, leadership [74:09] of both parties, Democrats and [74:10] Republicans, and work with them as well [74:12] as our allies around the world to try to [74:15] come to um a a consensus on a strategic [74:19] direction. The president and his [74:21] administration have not only pushed away [74:23] Congress, they've also done everything [74:25] they can to alienate our allies across [74:27] across the globe. And there's a reason [74:30] that this country spent so much [74:32] political and economic capital on these [74:35] on these partnerships and these allies. [74:37] It's because when you get in a jam, you [74:39] need your friends. And so I I would urge [74:42] the president to start building that big [74:44] coalition. I would I would tell him [74:46] frankly that he's not going to get out [74:47] of this on his own. Um and it's going to [74:49] require bipartisan collaboration at home [74:52] and and regional collaboration abroad. [74:56] >> Are you hopeful? [74:57] >> Yes. Yeah. You think Trump's going to [75:00] fix it? [75:01] >> I don't know if I'm hopeful about that, [75:03] but uh I here's what you want to know [75:05] what I am hopeful about in these [75:07] midterms. [75:08] If the people of Texas, if the people of [75:10] this country [75:12] elect leaders who are going to check the [75:14] president, um I think it could be a [75:18] rebirth for his presidency. [75:21] I I think after these kinds of midterms, [75:23] especially when you get walloped in the [75:25] midterm, executives have kind of two [75:28] reactions to it. One is to kind of [75:30] double down and and retreat to to their [75:34] their partisan corner. We saw on January [75:37] 6th what that looks like for President [75:39] Trump. The other path is to hear the [75:43] response from the people, listen to the [75:45] feedback that you're getting, and adjust [75:47] course. [75:48] And I would love as the next US senator [75:50] from Texas to work with Donald Trump to [75:53] actually fulfill some of the the the [75:55] promise of his political project because [75:58] the the promise of MAGA was that we were [76:00] going to transform this government so [76:03] that it delivered for the people who [76:05] have been left behind, the people who [76:06] have been forgotten in this country. And [76:09] there's still time to do that. There's [76:10] still time to do that on a bipartisan [76:12] basis. If the president wants to work [76:14] with with me or with any Democrat to [76:18] expand healthcare access, I'm there. If [76:20] he wants to make sure that every single [76:22] kid in this country gets highquality, [76:25] accessible child care, I'm there. Uh if [76:28] he wants to tackle the housing problem, [76:29] Donald Trump is a builder. If he wants [76:31] us to slash the red tape in this country [76:33] so we could build millions of new homes [76:36] and ensure everyone in this country has [76:38] a place to call home, that I'm there. [76:40] I'll work with him to do it. I would [76:42] love to do that. So my hope is that this [76:46] midterm will be a wake-up call for the [76:48] president, for his administration, [76:51] and as a result, they will reverse [76:53] course. They will decide to engage with [76:57] with leaders in both parties to actually [77:00] deliver for the working people who sent [77:01] him there. [77:03] >> I have this book here, the Bible. [77:05] >> Yes. [77:06] And I also have some photos showing uh I [77:08] think you as a young as a young boy here [77:11] at 8 years old at St. Andrews Church. [77:14] >> Yes. Yes. Yes. Yep. How's the acolyte? [77:18] Usually the kids um are tasked with [77:21] lighting the candle at the beginning of [77:23] the service and then putting it out. So [77:24] basically this thing I'm holding here, [77:27] the this part has the the flame where [77:29] you light the candle. The other part's [77:31] not in this picture. It's like a hood [77:32] and it covers the candle to put it out. [77:34] And so this was my my very important job [77:36] um uh at the service that day. [77:39] >> So have you been religious since you [77:42] were a young young boy? [77:43] >> Yes. Um yeah, my you know I I mentioned [77:46] that my granddad was a Baptist preacher. [77:48] The church that I still attended this [77:49] day has been my church since I was 2 [77:51] years old. Um and my faith has has has [77:55] really been the foundation of of my [77:57] life. It's um home base for me. But the [78:00] work I do, whether it's as a public [78:02] school teacher, as a public official, [78:04] uh, stems grows out of my faith. My [78:07] faith is kind of the soil. Um, [78:09] >> and what is your faith? I know there's [78:10] lots of different denominations in [78:12] Christianity. What is your faith? [78:14] >> My granddad, um, the Baptist preacher, [78:17] told me that as Christians, we're [78:18] supposed to follow the two commandments [78:20] that Jesus gave us, to love God and love [78:22] neighbor. And that's in the New [78:24] Testament. um when um a lawyer, it's [78:28] always the lawyers, asked Jesus to [78:30] define neighbor. And that's when he [78:32] tells the parable of the good Samaritan, [78:34] maybe one of Jesus's most famous [78:37] parables. And he tells the story of a [78:39] man who is beaten and left for dead on [78:41] the side of the road. A priest walks by [78:44] and does nothing. A religious man walks [78:46] by and does nothing. And then a [78:48] Samaritan walks by. And you know, when [78:51] we hear Samaritan in our modern context, [78:53] it doesn't really mean a whole lot. Most [78:55] people associate it with helping people [78:56] on the side of the road. But in Jesus's [78:58] time, and for Jesus's listeners, the [79:00] Samaritans were not just a different [79:03] religious group. They were their sworn [79:06] enemy. And so in Jesus's story, the [79:08] Samaritan is the one who stops and [79:11] bandages the man's wounds, nurses him [79:14] back to health, takes him to an inn, [79:16] pays the inkeeper to look after him [79:18] until he comes back. [79:20] And in Jesus's story, the Samaritan is [79:24] the ultimate ultimate example of loving [79:28] thy neighbor as thyself. And it's such [79:30] it it would have been a shocking story. [79:32] I I'm [79:34] Texas Longhorn football fan. It's as if [79:36] Jesus was standing in the middle of [79:39] Daryl K. Royal Memorial Stadium at the [79:41] University of Texas and told a story [79:43] called the good Aggie, right? Like [79:45] people people would be outraged [79:47] >> because team, right? Those are rivals, [79:49] right? But he but he's reminding us that [79:52] we're not just called to love our [79:54] neighbors who look like us or pray like [79:56] us or vote like us. We're called to [79:59] actively love those who are the most [80:01] different from us, maybe those we hate [80:03] the most. And that 2,000 years later is [80:06] still a a radical teaching. And so I [80:09] have tried imperfectly because we're all [80:12] imperfect Christians. I have tried to [80:15] follow those two commandments to love [80:18] God and to love my neighbor as myself. [80:20] Uh it's why I decided to become a public [80:22] school teacher. It's why I ran for [80:23] office and the work that I do in the [80:25] legislature I think of as again as a [80:28] form of ministry. I am trying to love my [80:30] neighbor through public policy. [80:32] >> So Ken Paxton is your Yes. I guess he's [80:34] your sort of adversary. Um he's the [80:38] Republican [80:38] >> my rival. Yes. My Samaritan. [80:40] >> He's the kind of thing you're running [80:41] against. [80:42] >> Yes. Um, you said that Ken is one of the [80:45] most corrupt politicians in America. [80:46] >> Mhm. Yes. [80:47] >> Do you love him? [80:48] >> Yes. Ken Paxton is a child of God. He is [80:52] my brother in Christ. It doesn't mean [80:55] there's not accountability, right? Love [80:57] requires accountability. Um, we talked [80:59] about the story of my mom and her love [81:01] meant standing up to a bully. And you [81:04] know, if you think about when you're [81:06] like out having a drink with your [81:09] friends and your friend grabs their car [81:12] keys to drive home under the influence, [81:15] your job as their friend is to take [81:16] those keys away, to physically block [81:19] them from getting in the car. And that [81:22] feels um aggressive. It it feels maybe [81:26] even hostile, but it is done out of love [81:30] for that person and for everybody else, [81:32] for all of your neighbors. Ken Paxton, [81:34] from every I I don't know Kim Paxton [81:36] personally, but from everything I've [81:39] been able to read and and learn about [81:43] his service and his life, he has clearly [81:46] shown that he only cares about himself. [81:49] He was indicted for investment fraud [81:52] because he was defrauding his own [81:54] friends. He committed he he convinced [81:57] his friends to invest hundreds of [81:59] thousands of dollars into a tech [82:00] company, but he didn't tell them that he [82:02] was making a commission off those [82:03] investments. So, he got indicted because [82:06] he was screwing over his own friends. [82:08] Um, he was reported to the FBI by his [82:10] own staff. He was impeached by his own [82:13] party. And of course, you know, um his [82:15] relationships with his own family have [82:17] now become um wellknown and infamous. [82:21] And so if I was to sit down with Ken [82:24] Paxton, which I would love to do, [82:26] >> you'd grab the keys. [82:27] >> I would grab the keys. And I would I [82:29] would urge him to get his own house in [82:30] order before he tries to tell all of us [82:33] how to what to do with our own houses. [82:36] And so I am I'm trying both to protect [82:38] the people of Texas from the most [82:40] corrupt politician in our state, one of [82:42] the most corrupt in the country, and in [82:44] a weird way, I feel like I'm trying to [82:46] protect Ken Paxton because I hope if he [82:48] loses this race, it will be an [82:50] opportunity for him to take stock and to [82:53] re-evaluate some of his priorities. And [82:55] I just want to I am not saying that as a [82:57] perfect person. I'm really not. What I'm [82:59] trying to do is is be honest about the [83:01] clear choice in this race um and about [83:04] the ramifications of electing someone [83:06] with Ken Paxton's track record to the US [83:08] Senate. [83:09] >> At 31 years old, you went off to um [83:11] Bible school. [83:12] >> Yeah. You know, I had always um I looked [83:15] up to my grandfather, still do, looked [83:17] up to my pastor, still do. And I, you [83:21] know, always kind of harbored this this [83:23] wish to one day preach and and lead a [83:26] church. Um, I saw how my granddad and my [83:29] pastor, I just really I saw how they [83:32] how they helped people, how they helped [83:34] people make sense of their own lives. [83:37] Uh, how they helped people ask some of [83:40] the deepest questions. Who am I? What [83:42] does it mean to be a human being? What [83:44] is the purpose of life? I saw them doing [83:46] that on a not on a on a big podcast, [83:49] but, you know, at a small neighborhood [83:51] church in like a very intimate way with [83:54] people. I saw them comfort people who [83:57] were grieving in our community when [84:00] someone loses a loved one, when someone [84:02] is dying themselves, like their first [84:04] call is to Dr. Jim, my pastor. So, I [84:08] always had this idea that I may want to [84:09] go into that line of work one day. And [84:12] so, I was in my second term in the state [84:13] house. And my first term had been great. [84:16] It was um 2019. [84:20] Uh Democrats had flipped all these [84:22] districts. There was a close competitive [84:24] election statewide that year in 2018. So [84:27] the very next session in 2019, suddenly [84:30] the Republican majority was ready to [84:31] work on a bipartisan basis with us [84:34] Democrats. And it was great because we [84:36] passed this historic school finance [84:38] reform package that invested a lot of [84:40] new money into our schools and we [84:42] provided property tax relief to working [84:44] people. It was awesome. And I was like, [84:46] I have the best job in the world. Fast [84:48] forward to the next session in 2021 and [84:51] it was one of the most partisan, one of [84:54] the most unproductive legislative [84:56] sessions in modern Texas history. That's [84:58] when you saw the most extreme abortion [84:59] ban in the country go into effect. You [85:02] saw permitless carry um one of these [85:04] crazy gun laws that allows people to to [85:07] carry these weapons without any kind of [85:08] background check, without any kind of [85:10] license. You saw efforts to ban books [85:12] and whitewash curriculum. Voter [85:14] suppression, trying to make it harder [85:16] for people to vote in Texas. Texas is [85:17] one of one of the hardest places to vote [85:19] in the country. So, it was a really [85:20] difficult session. And I just started to [85:24] doubt that I was really making an [85:27] impact, that I was really doing what I [85:29] was supposed to do. And after meeting [85:32] with my pastor about it, sitting down [85:34] with my granddad about it, both of them [85:36] reminded me that [85:39] Jesus gave us these two commandments for [85:40] a reason, right? I I had been so focused [85:43] on that second commandment to love my [85:45] neighbor in the classroom in the halls [85:48] of power in serving my community that [85:52] despite going to church you know on [85:54] Sunday I really wasn't giving enough [85:57] attention and time to that first [85:59] commandment to love God to love that [86:03] that sacred something that we are all an [86:05] expression of. And so I made the [86:08] decision to to go to seminary to follow [86:11] that first commandment. And what I've [86:14] discovered cuz now I'm a seminarian and [86:15] a lawmaker at the same time. And I've [86:18] realized that these two commandments [86:19] again given to us as a whole by Jesus. [86:22] Those two commandments, [86:24] they sustain, they enrich, they [86:28] challenge each other. They're in [86:31] relationship. And at least for me [86:33] personally speaking, it helped balance [86:35] me out because if I'm being honest, if [86:38] you're devoting all of your energy to [86:40] loving your neighbor, especially your [86:43] neighbors who who you disagree with, [86:46] it's really easy to burn out. And I [86:48] think anyone who does, you know, service [86:49] work can tell you that. And it's why we [86:52] have to be in touch with the ground of [86:55] our own being, the the God that all of [86:58] us express every day. [87:01] To me, you need both the inner life and [87:04] the outer life. You need prayer and [87:05] action. Those two things go hand in [87:07] hand. And without it, you burn out. Or [87:11] if you're only focused on loving God and [87:12] not loving our neighbors, which a lot of [87:14] people do that too, you become [87:16] self-centered. You become disconnected [87:18] from the world. And so going to seminary [87:20] was my way of trying to unite these two [87:22] commandments in my own life. And [87:24] honestly, it was I think it's the best [87:26] decision I've ever made to go to [87:28] seminary. Where does your faith in in a [87:30] in in a god in Jesus come from? [87:32] >> Like what is the you know a faith is [87:34] probably kind of maybe the answer to the [87:36] question but yeah [87:38] >> what makes you believe that there is a a [87:40] higher power that Jesus is [87:42] >> who he pledged to be back all those [87:43] years ago. [87:44] >> Yeah. As a seminary student uh I had to [87:48] learn Greek and Hebrew because in our in [87:51] our Christian Bible the the Hebrew [87:53] scriptures are written in Hebrew and the [87:55] New Testament is written in Greek. And [87:57] so we learned both original languages so [87:59] that we don't have to be reliant on [88:01] translations, right? Because things get [88:03] lost in translation. [88:05] And and so I was studying this word [88:07] faith and I realized that it can be [88:11] translated both as belief, which is how [88:13] it's often translated, you know, uh a [88:16] commitment to some kind of value, some [88:18] kind of concept, an idea, right? That's [88:21] a belief. But it can also be translated [88:24] as trust. [88:26] And suddenly you this was like my first [88:28] year of seminary and I was already [88:30] having like a a light bulb moment and I [88:32] realized like that's how my faith feels [88:34] to me. It feels much more like trust [88:37] than it does belief. It's not a it's not [88:41] a commitment to some abstract concept, [88:44] some intellectual idea. It is a visceral [88:49] bodily experience of almost like [88:53] relaxing. Um the the best analogy I can [88:56] think of cuz when we talk about God, [88:58] we're always talking in analogies. Um I [89:01] learned to swim at the Wells Branch Pool [89:03] um uh in the neighborhood where I grew [89:05] up. And I remember when I was when I was [89:08] learning how to swim, my swim [89:09] instructor, she said she told me, "Don't [89:11] fight the water. [89:13] >> Don't hold on to the water. Let the [89:15] water hold on to you." And it and it it [89:19] was it was a a big moment for me and in [89:22] learning how to swim. But that's exactly [89:23] how my faith feels. So much of our lives [89:26] is is trying to control our [89:27] surroundings, right? Trying to control [89:29] other people. And when you realize that [89:32] we are an expression of something much [89:34] deeper and much bigger, you're suddenly [89:36] able to let that hold you instead of [89:38] trying to hold on to it. [89:39] >> And why this religion versus all the [89:41] other available religions? Why are you [89:42] trusting in this one? We all inherit um [89:46] a a religious tradition and it is an [89:48] inheritance that's passed on from one [89:50] generation to the next. And it's such a [89:53] gift. It it's such a gift that that I [89:56] feel like a lot of people nowadays are [89:58] abandoning for understandable reasons. I [90:01] mean, we have seen religious corruption [90:03] in our religious institutions across [90:05] this country, across the world, [90:07] including in my home state of Texas. [90:08] We've seen religious leaders abuse [90:11] children. We've seen them lie. We've [90:14] seen them am amass wealth and power for [90:16] themselves at the expense of of the [90:19] people of God. And so I understand where [90:22] that temptation to just reject the whole [90:25] thing comes from. But there is a there [90:29] is a baby in that bathwater. I do worry [90:32] that a lot of young people are growing [90:35] up in an incoherent universe because we [90:38] have discarded the traditions that have [90:41] been passed down to us through the [90:43] generations. And whether it's um the the [90:47] Christian tradition, the Jewish [90:48] tradition, the Hindu tradition, there is [90:51] I think beauty and truth and love at the [90:54] heart of of these great faith [90:56] traditions. And it's and it's up to all [90:59] of us. It's up to every new generation [91:01] to reclaim that and and to live it out. [91:04] And that's what I'm trying to do in my [91:06] small corner of the world. [91:07] >> James, what's the most important thing [91:09] we haven't talked about that we should [91:10] have talked about as it relates to your [91:12] work, your mission, or anything else [91:14] that the audience might find of value? [91:15] >> Oh my gosh, that's a good question. [91:17] >> Just wondering if there's anything at [91:18] all that you wanted to as a closing [91:20] message for the audience, anyone [91:23] listening. [91:23] >> Oh, this is this has really been great. [91:25] Um, and grateful for what you do. I [91:27] mean, I feel like we um we no longer [91:30] have town squares like we once had. And [91:34] for better or for worse, it is new [91:37] media, social media, podcasts that have [91:39] become our our collective town squares [91:43] where we have these conversations, these [91:46] these debates, this kind of discourse. [91:48] and the way you and your team um have [91:52] structured these conversations and [91:53] encouraged these conversations has been [91:55] I think very important for for the [91:58] country for the world. So very thankful. [92:00] I think one of the questions that I [92:02] think all everybody is always asking [92:05] about politicians these days is like how [92:07] are you different [92:09] >> because you know every politician will [92:11] come here or they'll you know when I [92:12] speak to them they'll say that they are [92:13] different [92:15] >> but then when you speak to people one of [92:16] the great grievances they have is that [92:18] like politics is the same in terms of I [92:20] mean you've seen this on the probably on [92:22] the doorstep [92:23] >> is everybody says it's going to be [92:24] different this time but it ends up being [92:26] kind of more of the same broadly [92:28] speaking. Yep. How are you different? [92:31] The issue is not personalities. This I [92:33] think is the central problem is we think [92:36] you know the reason this economy is off [92:39] track the reason I can't get ahead. The [92:41] reason that we see corruption is because [92:43] of politician X right uh or political [92:47] party Y. When in reality it is a system [92:51] that traps all of us no matter what good [92:54] intentions we have going in. It's partly [92:56] why I told you I've put in place a [92:59] self-imposed term limit because I know [93:02] that that the system uh eventually uh [93:06] unless it's reformed will bring out the [93:08] worst in all of us including me. And so [93:10] what we need is is to focus on systemic [93:14] reform. Don't focus on the [93:15] personalities. Don't focus on replacing [93:18] the guy you don't like or voting in the [93:21] guy you do like. [93:22] We have to focus on transforming this [93:25] broken corrupt system so that it's [93:27] bringing out the best in every elected [93:29] official. Because in my experience, like [93:31] a lot of people run for office for the [93:33] right reasons. They want to help people. [93:34] They want to improve their community [93:36] that they love. And it is a broken [93:38] corrupt system that transforms them, [93:41] transforms our public policy so that the [93:45] system only benefits those at the top. [93:47] >> And until we transform that system, [93:49] you're not going to see anything change. [93:51] So, I guess I would say we're asking the [93:54] wrong question. Um, and it's not how [93:57] will I be different, how will the system [93:59] be different if we remake it in our own [94:02] image. And that that's hopefully an [94:05] empowering message because if you're [94:07] just focused on what you don't like [94:08] about, you know, certain politicians, [94:11] you kind of take more of a passive role. [94:14] I think it's going to require a mass [94:17] movement of working people in places [94:19] like Texas joining together across all [94:21] the divisions in our society to force [94:24] that kind of systemic change. [94:26] >> And hopefully that's an empowering [94:27] message um and and one that leaves [94:30] people with a little bit of hope. [94:33] >> James, we have a closing tradition where [94:34] the last guest leaves a question for the [94:35] next not knowing who they're leaving it [94:36] for. [94:36] >> Yeah. The question left for you is, what [94:38] is your biggest challenge and how are [94:41] you working to fix it? Oh, it's a great [94:44] it's a great question. Um, you know, [94:46] winning Texas um is is a challenge to [94:49] say the least. We got 18 million [94:52] registered voters. We got 20 media [94:55] markets. We got two time zones. Uh, [94:57] Texas was once a nation and it still [94:59] very much feels like a nation. So trying [95:02] to reach all of those Texans, trying to [95:06] make trying to listen to them and their [95:08] needs, trying to share my values and my [95:11] vision. It is a logistical and physical [95:15] and spiritual challenge to say the [95:17] least. I'm thankful that I'm not doing [95:18] this alone. We have 59,000 people who [95:21] have signed up to volunteer for the [95:23] campaign. We have more than a million [95:24] people who have donated to the campaign. [95:27] and I have many more people who are [95:30] praying for me on a regular basis [95:31] >> and you're winning according to some of [95:33] the polls that I saw by a couple of [95:34] points. [95:34] >> The only poll that matters is on [95:36] election day. So, um you know, I do [95:38] think that we are the underdogs until [95:40] the last vote is counted. Um we talked [95:42] about Elon Musk. He's already committed [95:44] to spending millions of dollars in our [95:46] race to try to defeat us. And I have [95:48] nothing against Elon Musk, so I don't [95:49] know why he's he's trying to stop our [95:51] our campaign. But that, you know, if [95:54] you're if you're speaking truth to [95:55] power, if you're going up against the [95:57] world's first trillionaire, you're [95:59] always going to be the underdog. And so [96:01] we're campaigning like we are five [96:02] points behind. And so, you know, you [96:05] know, I I would ask anyone watching to [96:08] spare a thought or a prayer for me. I [96:10] really do believe that when you put [96:12] energy out into the universe, it has a [96:14] ripple effect. And so I hope wherever [96:17] people are watching or listening, even [96:19] if they don't agree with my politics, [96:20] even if they're going to vote for the [96:22] other candidate, I hope they'll they'll [96:24] keep me in their thoughts and their [96:25] prayers. [96:26] >> Thank you. [96:26] >> Thank you. [96:27] >> We're done. Thank you. Appreciate it. [96:29] Thank you so much. [96:29] >> Thank you. 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