An Election Day Special With Nate Silver

An Election Day Special With Nate Silver — Bloomberg

Bloomberg

AI-assisted summary of An Election Day Special With Nate Silver — original source. Check the original for full context.

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Key ideas

  • Nate Silver characterizes the 2026 midterms as a 'rock and a hard place' election, where strong background conditions for Democrats clash with brutal Senate map math requiring flips in deep-red states. (3:32)
  • President Donald Trump's approval rating sits around 37%—with only 19% expressing strong approval—matching post-WWII historical lows heading into a midterm cycle. (10:00)
  • The Silver Bulletin model ('Flipper') places Democratic Senate control odds in the high 70% range, while prediction markets Kalshi and Polymarket hover around 68%. (12:35)
  • Silver rejects replacing survey respondents with AI 'digital twins,' arguing LLMs flatten nuanced demographic groups into synthetic archetypes and cannot predict real-world turnout behavior. (23:45)

Detailed notes

## Background This episode of the Odd Lots podcast was published by Bloomberg on November 3, 2026, across RSS and web platforms. According to the show description, Nate Silver, founder of Silver Bulletin, joins hosts Joe Weisenthal and Tracy Alloway to unpack the midterm elections as a 'rock and a hard place election,' breaking down polling error narratives, prediction markets, why AI will not replace human pollsters, and the stakes as polls close.

## TL;DR Nate Silver analyzes the midterm landscape, explaining that while background conditions like Donald Trump's 37% approval rating and high gas prices strongly favor Democrats, capturing the Senate requires tough victories across deep-red states. He argues that modern polls function increasingly as cautious 'data-informed opinions' shaped by pollsters terrified of repeating past misses, while dismissing the viability of AI 'digital twins' due to demographic stereotyping and inability to predict real turnout. Silver also evaluates prediction markets like Polymarket, the diminishing returns of heavy ad spending, and the ideological tests facing the Democratic Party in bellwethers like Michigan and Kansas.

## Atmosphere & style The episode carries an energetic, intellectually sharp, and fast-paced vibe characteristic of Odd Lots, blending sophisticated quantitative analysis with witty, pragmatic banter. Hosts Joe Weisenthal and Tracy Alloway keep the mood playful and grounded, probing the intersection of politics and market behavior while trading wry observations. Nate Silver sounds candid, highly analytical, and self-aware, freely lampooning his own profession's hedging tendencies and narrating the complex math of electoral polling with engaging, plainspoken poker-and-football analogies.

## Bulletin - `03:32` Nate Silver characterizes the 2026 midterms as a 'rock and a hard place' election, where strong background conditions for Democrats clash with brutal Senate map math requiring flips in deep-red states. - `10:00` President Donald Trump's approval rating sits around 37%—with only 19% expressing strong approval—matching post-WWII historical lows heading into a midterm cycle. - `12:35` The Silver Bulletin model ('Flipper') places Democratic Senate control odds in the high 70% range, while prediction markets Kalshi and Polymarket hover around 68%. - `23:45` Silver rejects replacing survey respondents with AI 'digital twins,' arguing LLMs flatten nuanced demographic groups into synthetic archetypes and cannot predict real-world turnout behavior.

## Key takeaways - `03:32` Midterm macro conditions strongly favor Democrats, driven by Trump's ~37% approval rating, $4.30+ gas prices, and voter fatigue over inflation and the conflict with Iran. - `05:08` Systematic polling underestimates of Trump voters tend to vanish during midterm cycles because his unique base of low-propensity young men often stays home when he is not on the ballot. - `10:00` Early voter file data shows unusually high turnout among infrequent voters and Black voters, with Democrats capturing a disproportionate share of irregular participants. - `12:35` Internal GOP campaign behaviors—such as defensive tele-town halls in Louisiana and panic over South Carolina—indicate Republicans are bracing for a potential wave. - `14:45` When polling leads align with qualitative fundamentals and economic variables, front-runners tend to scrape through even in messy, highly penalized contests. - `20:00` Modern political polls have increasingly evolved into 'data-informed opinions' as pollsters apply aggressive likely voter weighting to avoid overestimating Democrats. - `23:45` AI agents and synthetic personas cannot replace real polling because large language models inherently cluster toward stereotypes and fail to capture turnout willingness. - `26:15` State elasticity dictates responsiveness to national swings: Deep South states like Mississippi and South Carolina remain inelastic due to rigid racial polarization. - `26:15` Aggressive partisan redistricting plans ('dummymanders') in states like Florida risk backfiring if the national environment shifts just a few points away from past presidential baselines. - `30:00` Congressional division or a 50-50 Senate would spark severe federal gridlock, leaving artificial intelligence regulation as one of the few viable areas for forced legislative action. - `35:00` Saturating airwaves with political advertising hits sharp diminishing returns and can trigger voter backlash, contrary to standard campaign spending playbooks. - `37:45` Contrasting Senate races in Michigan (Abdul El-Sayed) and Kansas (Adam Hamilton) serve as a natural ideological experiment for progressive versus moderate Democratic strategies. - `40:00` Florida remains a blind spot for forecasting models due to an ongoing influx of conservative transplants continually shifting the state's baseline to the right. - `40:00` Polymarket maintains a 0.995 correlation with Silver Bulletin's state simulations, reflecting rapid news pricing but maintaining a modest Republican user bias. - `45:00` Generative AI coding assistants (GPT and Claude) dramatically accelerate quantitative modeling workflows by eliminating syntax bottlenecks for empirical architects. - `50:00` The industry-wide trauma of outlier polling errors—exemplified by J. Ann Selzer's 2024 Iowa poll—drives pollsters to heavily herd and adjust results out of reputational self-defense.

## Detailed walkthrough ### `00:00` Bloomberg Tech Minute: Hiring at SpaceX

A brief opening segment focuses on SpaceX’s demanding recruitment culture, as reported by Bloomberg Businessweek’s Lauren Grush. Landing a position at SpaceX requires extraordinary technical competence and can sometimes involve a direct resume review by Elon Musk. Company culture is fundamentally shaped by Musk himself; prospective candidates are expected to demonstrate strict loyalty to him and fully commit to the mission of space exploration. Recruiters place a much higher premium on raw, innate intelligence and proven, hands-on experience from past work than on advanced academic degrees.

Musk frequently evokes the dream of interplanetary exploration to motivate workers, who are forewarned that roles demand relentless effort, with job postings explicitly noting that candidates must be ready to work weekends and extended hours. The financial incentive balancing these rigorous demands is access to equity, provided through the right to purchase shares or via restricted stock units (RSUs) that vest over time.

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`01:48` Politics Creeps Into Markets and the 2026 Midterm Landscape

Cohosts Joe Weisenthal and Tracy Allaway open the Election Day special by joking about how relieved they usually feel not to be full-time political reporters, only to acknowledge that modern markets and economic reporting cannot escape politics. Recalling earlier conversations with thinkers like Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson, Joe notes that political dynamics increasingly dictate economic reality. As Tracy puts it: “Everything is politics now. You can't get away from it.” Recorded on October 29 and released on Election Day, November 3, the episode centers on the high-stakes midterm landscape.

To break down the data, the hosts bring on Nate Silver, founder of the *Silver Bulletin* newsletter and longtime polling analyst formerly of *FiveThirtyEight*. The core question of the race is how vulnerable the governing party is given historic midterm headwinds, economic frustration, and the President's dismal approval numbers.

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`03:32` The "Rock and a Hard Place" Midterm and Trump’s Low Approval

Nate Silver lays out the broader macro environment for the midterm, emphasizing that President Donald Trump’s approval rating sits near 37%. Silver points out that by certain metrics, this marks the lowest approval rating for a sitting president heading into a midterm election since Harry S. Truman in 1946. For comparison, Republicans lost 41 House seats during the 2018 midterms under Trump when his approval numbers were higher, the economy was under less strain, and gas prices were not hovering around $4.30 a gallon.

Silver characterizes the midterms as a "rock and a hard place election." The background conditions could hardly be better for the opposition: strong early-vote signals, successful momentum from off-year elections in Virginia and New Jersey, severe voter anxiety over inflation and the ongoing war with Iran, and an 80-year-old lame-duck president. However, the "hard place" is the brutal Senate math. While picking up the House of Representatives and various governorships seems straightforward for Democrats, capturing the Senate requires flipping seats in deep-red territory where Democratic candidates have struggled for decades, such as Texas, Kansas, Alaska, or even South Carolina.

Silver highlights the pressure on public forecasters: “There's no gimme, you either have to lie and say it's a toss up. It's not, you can't, that's not an honest answer at this point, right? That's hedging. At this point it would be a really bad night for pollsters if Democrats don't win the Senate.”

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: The Midterm Dilemma accDescr: Diagram illustrating the favorable conditions for Democrats contrasted with the difficult Senate map. subgraph Favorable["Favorable Conditions ('The Rock')"] A["Trump Approval at ~37%"] B["Economic Anxiety & $4.30+ Gas"] C["Foreign Policy Strain: Iran War"] D["Off-year Precedents (VA & NJ)"] end subgraph Obstacles["Difficult Map ('The Hard Place')"] E["Senate Math Requires Deep-Red Wins"] F["Target States: TX, KS, AK, SC"] G["Vulnerability to Polling Correlation"] end Favorable --> H{"Senate Control"} Obstacles --> H ```

- Trump's approval rating stands at approximately 37%, rivaling post-WWII lows. - Republicans surrendered 41 House seats in the 2018 midterms under comparatively more favorable economic conditions. - Gas prices approaching $4.30 a gallon and the conflict with Iran weigh heavily on voter sentiment. - Flipping the Senate depends on Democrats breaking through in conservative strongholds like Texas, Kansas, Alaska, and South Carolina.

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`05:08` The Trump Referendum and the Mechanics of Polling Error

Tracy asks whether treating this election as a national referendum on Donald Trump is justified, or whether race-specific local dynamics dominate. Silver observes that despite the strategic playbook calling for down-ballot Republicans to create distance, Trump has placed himself squarely at the center of the narrative. Trump’s endorsement of controversial figures like Ken Paxton in Texas has put Republican seats into jeopardy against Democratic challengers like James Talarico, while decisions like going to war with Iran have converted a potential toss-up Senate into a lean-Democrat environment.

Addressing the widespread belief that pollsters systematically overestimate Democrats in every cycle, Silver clarifies the historical record. Correlated polling errors did underestimate Trump in presidential years (2016, 2020, and 2024). However, across midterms and off-year contests when Trump is not directly on the ballot, this bias consistently disappears. In 2022, outside of localized red waves in states like New York and Florida, Democratic candidates like John Fetterman outperformed expectations, and 2025 saw Democrats significantly beat their polls in Virginia and New Jersey gubernatorial races.

Silver explains that Trump’s unique political coalition includes low-propensity, hard-to-reach voters—such as non-college young men—who turn out specifically for him but fail to materialize for standard down-ballot Republicans: “There's a consistent story where like, conveniently, this problem of like, these missing voters aren't an issue if they don't vote.” In midterm elections, differential turnout matters far more than in general elections, and if irregular Trump supporters stay home to watch football rather than vote for candidates like Roger Marshall or Ken Paxton, the systematic polling errors that favored Trump disappear.

- Systematic Trump-era polling underestimates occurred primarily in 2016, 2020, and 2024, when Trump personally headed the ticket. - In Trump-free cycles (2018, 2022, 2025), polling errors were either balanced or underestimated Democratic support. - Midterm voting patterns show much lower cross-state correlation than presidential elections due to localized candidate quality. - Trump's demographic gains among low-propensity voters, such as younger men, historically suffer high drop-off rates during midterms.

`10:00` Signals from Voter Files, Turnout, and the Drivers of Donald Trump’s Unpopularity

Looking beneath the headline polling numbers, Nate Silver highlights voter file data and early turnout patterns that tell a remarkably consistent story in favor of Democrats. While interpreting early voter files can be an ad hoc exercise if rigorous rules are not set beforehand, analysts who track the data closely see promising trends for the party. There is noticeably elevated turnout among Black voters—driven partly by heightened fears of disenfranchisement—as well as surprisingly robust participation among low-propensity voters (individuals who have cast ballots in no more than one of the previous four election cycles). Democrats are capturing a disproportionate share of these irregular voters compared to Republicans. Furthermore, polling suggests an almost total absence of cross-party defection: Democratic-leaning voters are showing zero appetite to cross the aisle for moderate Republicans, though a slight trickle of Republican-to-Democratic crossover remains visible.

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Structural Pressures on Donald Trump accDescr: Diagram illustrating the policy, cultural, and political factors eroding Donald Trump's standing heading into the 2026 midterms.

subgraph PolicyFailures["Broken Core Promises"] A["Surging Gas & Diesel Prices"] B["Entanglement in Foreign Wars"] end

subgraph BrandFatigue["Public Exhaustion & Controversy"] C["Fatigue from 6-10 Years of Dominance"] D["Advanced Age (80) & Epstein Revelations"] end

subgraph BaseErosion["Polling Weakness"] E["Overall Approval Down to 37%"] F["Strong Approval Collapsed to Just 19%"] end

subgraph SuccessionCrisis["GOP Power Dynamics"] G["Lame-Duck Status"] H["Vance & Rubio Tied to White House"] I["Permission Structures for Rebellion"] end

PolicyFailures --> BaseErosion BrandFatigue --> BaseErosion BaseErosion --> SuccessionCrisis ```

When asked to unpack why Donald Trump is so acutely unpopular—beyond pain at the pump from gas and diesel prices—Silver points to deeper psychological and structural fatigue. Trump has served six years as president, but because he remained the omnipresent focal point during the intervening Biden administration, the electorate feels as though it has endured a continuous ten-year presidency. Compounding his age (now 80), the core political damage stems from failing to deliver on the signature pledges that built his coalition:

> “No, look, I think the basic story is that he has broken promises most prominently on cheaper gas and on no more stupid wars.”

Silver notes that controversies surrounding Jeffrey Epstein continue to erode his standing, but the most alarming metric is the composition of his support: out of a meager 37% approval rating, only 19% express "strong" approval. This soft support creates clear permission structures and strategic incentives for down-ballot Republicans to pull away. Trump’s endorsement will still carry weight after the 2026 midterms, but prospective successor candidates like JD Vance and Marco Rubio find themselves in a bind, chained to an unpopular administration. Silver draws a parallel to the 2006 midterms under George W. Bush: when Bush’s ratings cratered, Dick Cheney was not the candidate seeking the nomination; instead, the primary was captured by a rebellious outsider in John McCain. Once a president becomes a lame duck with collapsing numbers, the political floor can drop out entirely.

- Democrats are seeing outsized turnout advantages among infrequent voters who participated in only one of the last four election cycles. - There is virtually no Democratic-to-Republican crossover voting occurring in this cycle. - Donald Trump's overall approval sits at 37%, with only 19% of respondents expressing strong approval.

`12:35` Model Probabilities, Prediction Markets, and GOP Panic in Deep-Red States

Addressing the electoral landscape, Silver rejects the characterization of the Senate as an even toss-up. On prediction markets such as Polymarket and Kalshi, Democrats are trading around 68% to hold or win the chamber, while the Silver Bulletin model places Democratic odds in the high 70s. Silver explains that placing a hard probability on an election is both a blessing and a curse. While pundits often default to hedging—saying an election looks favorable for Democrats but warning that polls could easily be wrong—Silver views that as an intellectual cop-out:

> “Because it'd be easy to say, oh, things are looking good for Democrats, but don't get your hopes up too much because polls can be wrong. And yeah, I guess it leans Dem, right? Like that's chickening out though.”

Silver recalls that during the 2024 presidential election, his model genuinely sat at a 50/50 dead heat—it took 71,000 runs out of an 80,000-simulation batch for a single candidate to pull ahead. But 2026 is an entirely different operational environment. Rather than a coin-flip race, public indicators and private campaign behaviors show Republicans actively preparing for an electoral wipeout:

> “If you go and look at Republican sponsored polls or go look at where Republicans are spending their time and their resources and they're bracing for a landslide, right?”

Silver emphasizes that Republican campaigns are holding defensive tele-town halls in normally safe territory like the Louisiana Senate race and expressing panic over South Carolina (a state Trump won by 18 points), on top of an already intense fight over Texas. While prediction markets assign roughly a 10% chance of a Democratic Senate victory in Louisiana—a race lacking public polling that Silver views as a long shot—the fact that betting platforms rate deep-red territory as non-trivial underscores the scale of the environment. With Democrats holding an average lead of roughly nine points on the national generic congressional ballot, the overall political headwind facing the GOP makes overcoming structural deficits across the map an uphill battle.

- Democratic Senate win probability stands at ~68% on Polymarket and Kalshi, and in the high 70% range in Silver's proprietary model. - Generic congressional ballot polling shows Democrats leading Republicans by approximately nine percentage points nationally. - Internal GOP resource allocations reveal defensive maneuvers in safe states, including tele-town halls in Louisiana and serious concern over South Carolina.

`14:45` Mental Models vs. Formal Modeling: Why Ugly Races Break for the Leader

Silver critiques the flaws of common mental heuristics compared to quantitative models. Observers often frame the election as a binary choice: either the polls will suffer a catastrophic Midwestern bust similar to past cycles, or the polls are accurate/cautious and Democrats will sweep. Commentators intuitively weight those two narrative extremes at 50/50. However, Silver argues this ignores the vast, messy middle ground where the front-runner simply scrapes by. He uses a football analogy to capture how polling advantages actually play out on the ground:

> “And like if you have a lead in the polls then you kind of muddle through half the time, right? It's like an NFL game where you have a field goal lead at halftime and then lots of penalties and turnovers, right? And you end up winning by a field goal, right? So it's ugly, but Democrats tend to win the ugly races.”

Crucially, Silver points out that there is no tension between polling data and structural fundamentals in this election. Independent variables—from fuel prices to presidential approval ratings to campaign spending disparities—all point in the exact same direction. When qualitative, economic, and quantitative metrics align rather than clash, the evidence firmly favors the party holding the lead.

`15:45` Commercial Messages: Global Crypto Regulation, Home Connectivity, SpaceX Culture, and Enterprise AI

The episode features several promotional breaks spanning finance, consumer telecommunications, tech workforce culture, and business software infrastructure:

- **Virtual Assets and Global Regulation (Bloomberg Media Studios & Dubai DET):** On *Economy Scale*, host Jacob Greaves explores the institutional evolution of digital finance. Sean McHugh from Dubai's Virtual Assets Regulatory Authority (VARA) reports an influx of institutional capital, including crypto hedge funds, high-frequency traders, and client-servicing firms. Rhys Merrick of Ripple draws a sharp contrast between Dubai's forward-looking framework and global regulators that keep the sector at arm's length by clinging to decades-old, legacy policies ill-suited for modern digital technology. - **AT&T Home Internet:** A comedic spot highlights high-speed, extended whole-home Wi-Fi capable of reaching backyard properties, featuring a family joking about renting out their children’s playhouse as a live-work investment property for "gagillionaires." - **The Bloomberg Tech Minute (Presented by ChatGPT):** Host Carol Masser reports on the high-intensity hiring standards at SpaceX. To secure a role, candidates must demonstrate exceptional practical ability, hands-on experience over advanced degrees, raw innate intelligence, and alignment with Elon Musk's mission. Recruiting expectations require deep personal stamina, explicit willingness to work long hours and weekends, and absolute loyalty to Musk’s vision of space exploration, rewarded primarily through equity access. - **Boomi Enterprise Integration:** A message highlights how enterprise AI programs frequently collapse into spiraling costs, fractured data silos, and governance headaches. Boomi pitches its integration platform to unify fragmented data, automate operational workflows, and establish the structural baseline necessary for enterprise AI to generate measurable ROI.

`20:00` Consumer Sentiment vs. Reality and Polls as "Data-Informed Opinions"

The conversation opens on the long-standing divergence between consumer sentiment surveys—which have shown people feeling persistently terrible about the economy for years—and hard economic indicators like robust consumer spending. When asked what narrative explains this gap, Nate Silver offers a candid critique of macroeconomic survey methods, pointing to an article on his *Silver Bulletin* site by Joel Wertheimer highlighting how the University of Michigan consumer sentiment survey shifted its methodology to online panels, accidentally heavily overrepresenting Democrats.

Silver contrasts consumer sentiment surveys with election polling. Unlike consumer surveys, political pollsters face an empirical reckoning every two to four years, forcing them to care deeply about their credibility:

> “Election polls are made in an environment where pollsters are actively fearful of missing, particularly missing high on Democrats, right?”

Because pollsters must model and weight their data aggressively to avoid repeating past Democratic overestimates, Silver argues that today, "a poll is a data-informed opinion." He points to a striking real-world case: a recent Marist poll in Maine where the raw registered voter sample placed Democratic Senate candidate Troy Jackson up by nine points (and the Democratic gubernatorial candidate up by 11 points). When Marist ran their likely voter model, Jackson's lead was crushed down to just two points, and the gubernatorial race collapsed to zero.

Silver notes that the underlying mathematics simply do not add up without subjective intervention: pollsters reverse-engineered the results they felt comfortable defending to avoid looking biased. While this introduces existential doubts about raw polling accuracy, it actually validates Silver's forecasting approach. His model, "Flipper," operates as a consensus thermometer that aggregates these opinions and translates correlations into probabilities. Because pollsters are rational actors with strong incentives not to systematically miss in the same direction, Silver remains confident that their errors in the long run remain symmetric.

- Joel Wertheimer wrote a *Silver Bulletin* analysis documenting how online panel adjustments skewed University of Michigan survey samples toward Democrats. - A Marist poll in Maine showed Troy Jackson up by nine points in the raw topline, which was weighted down to D+2 in the likely voter model, while the governor's race moved from an 11-point lead to dead even (0 points). - Silver views individual modern polls less as pristine empirical measurements and more as modeled opinions designed by cautious pollsters attempting to self-correct for potential Democratic skew.

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`23:45` The Limits of AI "Digital Twins" and Demographic Flattening

Addressing the modern polling crisis—where response rates have plummeted because nobody picks up calls from unknown numbers—the discussion shifts to whether market researchers can simply replace human respondents with artificial intelligence "digital twins." Under this concept, companies construct synthetic profiles (such as an oil worker in Texas or an automotive HR professional in suburban Detroit) who will reliably answer any survey at zero cost.

Silver pushes back forcefully on using AI agents to replace actual polling. He emphasizes that while the tech founders pursuing digital twins are smart, polling serves as one of the few remaining sources of empirical ground truth in the real world:

> “Polling cannot be outsourced to AI agents, right? Because it's one of the few sources of ground truth that we have anymore, number one.”

Large language models inherently smooth out nuance and cluster toward archetype cliches. When an LLM is asked to generate synthetic Hispanic respondents, Silver jokes that 99% of them inevitably "love soccer"—much like asking an AI model to pick a random number between zero and ten and having it choose seven every time.

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: The Failure of AI Digital Twins in Polling accDescr: Diagram illustrating how LLM-generated synthetic personas collapse nuanced demographic voting groups into rigid archetypes, failing to predict real-world turnout behavior.

subgraph GroundTruth ["Real-World Electorate Ground Truth"] A["Diverse Demographics"] A --> B["Generational splits<br>(Young vs. Old)"] A --> C["National heritage<br>(Puerto Rican, Cuban, Mexican)"] A --> D["Turnout Volatility<br>(Leaving the house to vote)"] end

subgraph SyntheticAI ["AI Digital Twin Approach"] E["LLM Personas"] --> F["Synthetic Archetypes<br>('99% love soccer')"] F --> G["Model Hallucination /<br>Rigid Centroid Values"] end

SyntheticAI -.->|"Fails to capture"| GroundTruth ```

Real voters, especially within heterogeneous groups like Hispanic Americans, defy simplistic stereotyping. Silver warns against treating the "Hispanic vote" as a monolith, pointing out deep divisions across age, immigrant generations, and cultural background (such as Cuban Americans, Puerto Ricans, Mexican Americans, and Dominican Americans).

The hosts note that turnout in particular is nearly impossible for an AI model to anticipate: calculating a voter's demographic leaning is entirely different from forecasting whether that person will actually get off the couch and cast a ballot on election day.

- AI models exhibit "ideal type" clustering, defaulting to stereotypical responses rather than capturing true behavioral unpredictability. - Hispanic voters represent one of the most volatile swing demographics in modern American politics, making demographic generalizations unreliable for forecasting.

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`26:15` Elasticity, Southern States, and the "Dummymander" Paradox

The conversation moves to down-ballot Senate and gubernatorial races in the American South. On Polymarket, Democrats were showing a 14% implied probability in Mississippi, a number Silver considers absurdly high. In Deep South states like Mississippi, Louisiana, and South Carolina, headline numbers can occasionally look competitive, but the electorate is deeply polarized along racial lines: white voters vote overwhelmingly Republican, and non-white voters vote overwhelmingly Democratic.

To account for this behavior, Silver explains a structural feature embedded in his forecast:

> “We have a concept in our model that we call elasticity, which is how sensitive is a state to changes in the national race.”

Elasticity measures how much a state moves when the overall national political environment swings, derived from voter-level microdata. States with large numbers of moderate swing voters clustered in the middle are highly elastic, whereas Mississippi, Louisiana, and South Carolina have very low elasticity because their voters are polarized at the ideological tails. Silver's simulation in South Carolina demonstrates this mechanical reality: shifting Black voter turnout to 2024 presidential levels while white voter turnout drops to 2022 midterm levels would move the margin by roughly 10 points—the exact type of extreme demographic divergence required for a Democrat to win there.

This demographic sorting interacts directly with congressional redistricting and the concept of the "dummymander"—a gerrymander drawn so aggressively to maximize a party's seats that a small shift in the baseline environment causes it to backfire, handing the opposing party more seats than a neutral map would have:

- **Florida:** Governor Ron DeSantis drew a map built around a presidential-year baseline where Republicans lead by double digits (R+13). If the political environment compresses to R+4 in an off-year wave, Democratic candidates can sweep across marginal districts. - **Texas:** Republican mapmakers presumed gains among Hispanic voters in South Texas would become permanent partisan territory rather than swing votes. While not necessarily a full dummymander, Democratic incumbents could hold on if those assumptions prove overconfident. - **Convexity in Seat Maximization:** Efficient partisan maps intentionally spread friendly voters thin across multiple districts. While Republicans only face about a 5% chance of keeping the House, that narrow window exists if systematic polling error makes the national environment redder, restoring the defensive padding of their gerrymanders.

Silver closes by observing that while federal congressional maps draw intense scrutiny, state gubernatorial races are flying under the radar, even though forecasts suggest Democrats could end up governing states representing nearly two-thirds of the American population.

`30:00` Gubernatorial Races, AI Policy, and Political Fallout

While Democrats hold narrow one- or two-point leads in several key Senate contests, gubernatorial races present the opposite dynamic. In Texas, incumbent Republican Governor Greg Abbott leads, though only by a couple of points. Nate Silver expresses skepticism about betting against Abbott given his track record and odds, but points out that the Texas gubernatorial race carries enormous policy implications because Abbott has historically been the most prolifically pro-data-center governor in the country. Even though Abbott's stance toward data centers has tempered somewhat recently, state policy toward technology and energy infrastructure remains a critical battleground.

Looking beyond the gubernatorial outcomes to Washington, Silver argues that if Democrats take at least one chamber of Congress—or even if they reach parity at 50 Senate seats without a full majority—the result will be severe federal gridlock. Under those gridlocked conditions, the one area where federal action might still be forced before 2028 is artificial intelligence policy. If AI progress and deployment timelines match even a fraction of the aggressive benchmarks set by top research labs, lawmakers will have no choice but to intervene. Silver notes he will be looking closely at the election results to see whether AI emerged as a decisive political liability:

> "But like, I'll be looking for like, is there evidence that AI had a big effect in this race and that people were seeing this too pro AI got punished for it?"

`35:00` Political Advertising, Diminishing Returns, and Campaign Tactics

Turning to campaign mechanics, the hosts discuss how ubiquitous and relentless political advertising has become. One host shares a humorous story about watching a University of Texas football game with his seven-year-old son, who had asked to be mentioned on the podcast so he could become famous. During the broadcast, an attack ad aired—either from Abbott's campaign or an aligned PAC—claiming Democratic candidate Gina Hinojosa's income tax proposals would cost families thousands of dollars. The seven-year-old immediately turned to his father and insisted, in total earnestness, that their family could not vote for her, perfectly illustrating how even young children absorb political attack lines. The other host relates a similar frustration from watching the World Series, where three consecutive ads played for Republican Congressman Mike Lawler's competitive race in New York's Westchester County district.

This prompts a debate over campaign spending: should parties direct their money toward field turnout, ground game, and door-knocking, or saturate the airwaves with television and digital ads? Silver pushes back against the conventional wisdom championed by Democratic data analyst David Shor, who argues campaigns should simply buy massive amounts of television ads. Silver warns that ad blitzes hit steep diminishing returns and often trigger intense voter backlash. To illustrate the point, he recalls an anecdote from his book about former cryptocurrency executive Sam Bankman-Fried, who poured an estimated $10 million into an Oregon congressional primary on behalf of an effective altruist candidate without coordinating with the campaign. Rather than propelling the candidate to victory, the flood of out-of-state money and unwanted mailers alienated local voters, turning what had been a polling lead into a crushing loss:

> "I think with ads, you guys, I think like David Shor says, just just buy ads. I think you get pretty sharply diminishing returns with ads. I like David a lot. But everyone in the system has an incentive to say that advertising really works."

`37:45` Michigan, Kansas, and the Ideological Battle Inside the Democratic Party

The conversation turns to what the midterms will signal about the Democratic Party's ideological identity, and whether its future belongs to moderate establishment figures or progressives aligned with the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA). Silver highlights Michigan as the most consequential internal test case, where progressive champion Abdul El-Sayed narrowly defeated the more moderate Haley Stevens in a closely fought primary that pollsters struggled to project accurately. If El-Sayed wins decisively on election night, progressives will cite it as proof that an unapologetically left-wing candidate can dominate in a critical battleground. However, Silver playfully mocks his own tendency to over-analyze margins, acknowledging that skeptics might still argue El-Sayed underperformed if he wins by four points in an environment where the baseline indicates a nine-point Democratic margin:

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Ideological Factions in the Democratic Party accDescr: Divergent primary outcomes testing progressive and moderate playbooks in Michigan and Kansas. subgraph MI["Michigan Senate Race: Progressive Test"] A["Abdul El-Sayed"] -->|"Defeated moderate Haley Stevens in primary"| B["Progressive Platform"] B -->|"Potential historic first"| C["First Muslim American elected to U.S. Senate"] end subgraph KS["Kansas Senate Race: Moderate Test"] D["Adam Hamilton"] -->|"Moderate brand"| E["Focus: Gas prices & integrity"] E -->|"Challenges GOP incumbent Roger Marshall"| F["Targeting educated suburban voters"] end ```

Contrasting Michigan with the Kansas Senate contest, the hosts examine Democrat Adam Hamilton's challenge against Republican incumbent Roger Marshall. While a Democratic victory in Kansas was once considered unthinkable, Silver notes that the state has shown unexpected electoral elasticity. Kansas voters rejected an anti-abortion constitutional amendment, re-elected Democratic Governor Laura Kelly twice, and Marshall has faced controversy over unflattering medical billing practices. Hamilton has tailored his pitch around pragmatic concerns—promising lower gas prices and clean governance—and a recent CNN poll showed him leading Marshall by four points. Silver and the hosts agree the simultaneous races in Michigan and Kansas represent a clean natural experiment: if both Hamilton and El-Sayed win, moderate commentators like Matthew Yglesias and progressive DSA activists will each claim total vindication for their respective strategies.

- **Michigan Senate Primary**: Abdul El-Sayed narrowly defeated moderate Representative Haley Stevens in a contest that proved difficult for pollsters to measure accurately. - **Historical Milestone**: An election victory by Abdul El-Sayed would make him the first Muslim American ever elected to the United States Senate. - **Kansas Elasticity**: The state demonstrated genuine swing potential through the re-election of Democratic Governor Laura Kelly and the rejection of a restrictive abortion referendum. - **Kansas Polling**: A recent CNN poll showed challenger Adam Hamilton leading Republican incumbent Roger Marshall by 4 percentage points.

`40:00` Florida Demographics, Angie Nixon, and Prediction Markets

The discussion begins with candidate fit and regional dynamics, contrasting Abdul El-Sayed's appeal in Michigan with races elsewhere. While El-Sayed's "bro-y in a very Michigan way" demeanor might work well locally—especially running alongside a strong Democratic gubernatorial nominee who is favored to win—candidate fit varies sharply across different states. Looking ahead, Nate Silver remarks that regardless of the exact outcomes, the post-election climate will be defined by internal strife:

> “But yeah, from November 4th onward, the story of the next year and a half is going to be party infighting.”

Attention then turns to Florida, where Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) candidate Angie Nixon is running for U.S. Senate against Republican incumbent Ashley Moody. Despite optimism from progressive corners, Nixon is struggling significantly in the polls. Silver points out a persistent blind spot in polling models regarding Florida:

> “The models keep missing low on Florida because you have a steady flow of red voters into the state. And we're using benchmarks based in the last election, but like Florida is a moving target for that.”

On Polymarket, Democratic candidates in tough red states had received visible bumps over recent weeks—such as Annie Andrews in South Carolina climbing from 13% up to 28%—yet Nixon has received no bump whatsoever, sitting around 10%, lower than her summer standing. A *New York Times* poll confirmed this trend, showing Democrats performing solidly across the map but showing Moody ahead by six or seven points in Florida.

```mermaid flowchart LR accTitle: Prediction Market Pricing Dynamics accDescr: Diagram illustrating how polling, news sentiment, and trader biases combine to form Polymarket pricing. A["Raw Polling Data"] --> C["Polymarket Pricing"] B["Breaking News & Scandals"] -->|"Rapid incorporation"| C D["Trader Bias / GOP Skew"] -->|"Price discounting"| C C -.->|"0.995 correlation across states"| E["Silver Bulletin Model ('Flipper')"] ```

When asked whether prediction markets simply mirror polling data, Silver describes them as reflecting “polling plus sentiment in kind of a, it's somewhere between smart and midwit.” Because traders have to put a quantitative price on an outcome—much like poker players assessing pot odds—they are forced to make deliberate probability calculations. However, the prediction market user base has a slight Republican lean:

> “Like, Democrats are a little preachy about them sometimes. Republicans have more money, right?”

Silver notes that prediction markets correctly account for correlated polling errors—a dynamic they handled better than Silver's own model in 2016, when markets were overly confident in Hillary Clinton. However, he warns that the crude assumption that "polls always underestimate Republicans" is an unsophisticated rule of thumb.

Addressing whether someone could exploit arbitrage opportunities between his Silver Bulletin model ("Flipper") and Polymarket prices, Silver explains that prediction markets have the advantage of speed. For example, if *The New York Times* breaks a major scandal on a Thursday morning, markets price it in within minutes, whereas polling averages take several days to reflect the shift. Comparing individual Senate races where his model differed from Polymarket, Silver found he actually agreed with the market's skepticism half the time (such as Polymarket being lower on South Carolina before a strong poll came out). Overall, Silver Bulletin and Polymarket maintain a 0.995 correlation across state-level races.

- **Annie Andrews (SC Senate)**: Rose on Polymarket from 13% to 28% following favorable polling. - **Angie Nixon (FL Senate)**: Flatlined at roughly 10% on Polymarket, down from her summer highs. - **Ashley Moody (FL AG/Senate race context)**: Polled ahead by 6 to 7 points in *The New York Times* Florida survey. - **Market Correlation**: The Silver Bulletin simulation shares a 0.995 correlation with Polymarket state probabilities.

---

`45:00` Modeling with LLMs and Post-Show Banter

Silver notes that while individual state races align closely between his model and Polymarket, Silver Bulletin is slightly higher on the overall Democratic probability of retaining the chamber. He speculates this top-line divergence might stem from market whales—wealthy, degenerate gamblers pouring large sums of money into high-profile national markets rather than granular individual races.

The conversation shifts to how modern tools have altered Silver's workflow since he became a prominent forecaster during the 2008 election cycle. Asked if generative AI has unambiguously improved his ability to build quantitative models, Silver answers without hesitation:

> “Yeah, for sure. Look, I get to hire two world-class programmers, coders, for whatever I pay for the max plans, right? 100 or 200 bucks a month.”

Silver explains that while you cannot "one-shot" a complex model architecture, tools like GPT and Claude excel at auditing and writing algorithmic logic. Because his core strengths lie in empirical reasoning and model architecture rather than raw syntax, large language models eliminate his primary bottleneck:

> “I'm not really a coder, right? I understand model architecture. I'm an empiricist. I understand probabilities, but my coding was always the weak point. So it's like, this exact thing they're really good at and is really exactly valuable to me is the exact thing that they do very well.”

To illustrate, Silver cites an NFL simulation model incorporating complex playoff tiebreaker algorithms. Writing that code manually in previous seasons took him two and a half days, resulted in slow performance, and omitted several edge cases. With Claude or GPT, the logic was generated in 15 minutes while he was at the gym, executing ten times faster. Still, he cautions that AI models can introduce hidden bugs—such as a soccer model where 2026 team ratings accidentally looped backward in time to influence the year 1900.

In closing out the interview, Silver jokes about potential outcomes: if Republicans pull off the Senate or the House, “maybe we'll just make Silver Bulletin AI and a sports blog. Just give up.”

After Silver departs, hosts Joe Weisenthal and Tracy Alloway reflect on the interview. They laugh over Silver's sharp self-awareness, noting his preemptive parody of how he would explain an Abdul El-Sayed underperformance and his impersonation of an "annoying white moderate guy." They conclude by emphasizing the central theme of the episode: the line between raw polling and modeling has completely blurred, as pollsters aggressively apply post-stratification adjustments to avoid repeating past errors of undercounting conservative voters.

`50:00` The Fear of "Pulling a Selzer" and Closing Out the Election Special

Reflecting on Nate Silver’s analysis of the polling landscape, Joe Weisenthal and Tracy Alloway discuss how pollsters are fundamentally self-interested actors terrified of career-ending blunders. Joe recalls the infamous case of legendary Iowa pollster J. Ann Selzer of Selzer & Co., who released an outlier poll right before the 2024 presidential election showing Kamala Harris leading in Iowa, only to miss the mark so badly that she announced her retirement from election polling shortly afterward. Tracy agrees that the dread of suffering a similar reputational catastrophe hangs heavily over the entire industry: “No one wants to pull a Selzer.”

Joe notes that this dynamic ties directly into Nate's warning about what happens if polling misses again and Republicans manage to win the House despite the favorable baseline indicators for Democrats. If that scenario unfolds, professional pollsters and forecasters may throw their hands up entirely, concluding that traditional polling methodology has completely broken down and no longer provides usable signal about the electorate. As Joe wryly remarks about the prospect of abandoning polling altogether: “And that's kind of I guess what Nate was saying, too, which is that if Republicans win the House, it's like, you know what, I think we're done. I think we're done trying to go into sports. We're done trying to understand anything about them because we have nothing. We have no usable information on them. Go ask your digital twin.”

Following the discussion, Joe and Tracy wrap up the Election Day special episode of the *Odd Lots* podcast, sharing social handles and resources for listeners: - Tracy Alloway (@TracyAlloway) and Joe Weisenthal (@TheStalwart) - Guest Nate Silver (@NateSilver538), founder of the *Silver Bulletin* - Producers Carmen Rodriguez (@CarmenArmin), Dashiell Bennett (@Dashbot), Kael Brooks (@KaelBrooks), and Kevin Lloyd Lozano - Community and additional coverage: the 24/7 *Odd Lots* Discord community (discord.gg/oddlots), the daily newsletter at Bloomberg.com/oddlots, and ad-free listening via the Bloomberg channel subscription on Apple Podcasts.

## Notable quotes > `20:00` Election polls are made in an environment where pollsters are actively fearful of missing, particularly missing high on Democrats, right? — Nate Silver

> `23:45` Polling cannot be outsourced to AI agents, right? Because it's one of the few sources of ground truth that we have anymore — Nate Silver

> `40:00` The models keep missing low on Florida because you have a steady flow of red voters into the state. And we're using benchmarks based in the last election, but like Florida is a moving target for that. — Nate Silver

> `03:32` At this point it would be a really bad night for pollsters if Democrats don't win the Senate. — Nate Silver

## Mentioned Abdul El-Sayed, Adam Hamilton, Angie Nixon, Annie Andrews, Ashley Moody, AT&T, Bloomberg, Boomi, Carol Masser, ChatGPT, Claude, Daron Acemoglu, David Shor, Donald Trump, Elon Musk, FiveThirtyEight, Gina Hinojosa, Greg Abbott, Haley Stevens, Harry S. Truman, J. Ann Selzer, James Robinson, James Talarico, JD Vance, Jeffrey Epstein, Joe Weisenthal, Joel Wertheimer, John Fetterman, John McCain, Kalshi, Ken Paxton, Laura Kelly, Lauren Grush, Marco Rubio, Marist, Mike Lawler, Nate Silver, Odd Lots, Polymarket, Ripple, Roger Marshall, Ron DeSantis, Sam Bankman-Fried, Sean McHugh, Silver Bulletin, SpaceX, The New York Times, Tracy Allaway, Troy Jackson, University of Michigan, Virtual Assets Regulatory Authority (VARA)

## Video description <p data-prosemirror-content-type="node" data-prosemirror-node-name="paragraph" data-prosemirror-node-block="true" data-pm-slice="1 1 []">Nate Silver tells us he is calling this midterms the &ldquo;rock and a hard place election&rdquo; &mdash; the background conditions are great for Democrats to win both the House and the Senate, but for that to come to pass, the party has to pull off some things that haven't happened in generations, like winning Texas. To believe that will happen requires a certain leap of faith, which is anathema to pollsters. Still, the polls generally believe Democrats are favored, but many professional pollsters would end up with egg on their face if the night does not go that way. Silver &mdash; the founder of Silver Bulletin &mdash; joins us today to discuss why popular narratives around polling error are wrong, prediction markets, why he doesn't think AI will replace pollsters, and what he is paying attention to tonight as the polls close.</p> <p data-prosemirror-content-type="node" data-prosemirror-node-name="paragraph" data-prosemirror-node-block="true">Read more:<br data-prosemirror-content-type="node" data-prosemirror-node-name="hardBreak" data-prosemirror-node-inline="true"><a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2026-11-02/when-will-we-know-who-s-won-the-midterm-elections?utm_medium=referral&utm_source=podcast&utm_campaign=odd_lots&utm_content=article" data-prosemirror-content-type="mark" data-prosemirror-mark-name="link">When Will We Know Who&rsquo;s Won the Midterm Elections?</a><br data-prosemirror-content-type="node" data-prosemirror-node-name="hardBreak" data-prosemirror-node-inline="true"><a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2026-11-02/trump-s-doj-turns-to-supreme-court-in-california-ballot-clash?utm_medium=referral&utm_source=podcast&utm_campaign=odd_lots&utm_content=article" data-prosemirror-content-type="mark" data-prosemirror-mark-name="link">Trump&rsquo;s DOJ Turns to Supreme Court in California Ballot Case</a></p> <p data-prosemirror-content-type="node" data-prosemirror-node-name="paragraph" data-prosemirror-node-block="true">Only <a href="http://Bloomberg.com" data-inline-card="" data-card-data="">http://Bloomberg.com</a> subscribers can get the Odd Lots newsletter in their inbox each week, plus unlimited access to the site and app. Subscribe at&nbsp; <a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/subscriptions/oddlots?in_source=oddlotspodcast" data-prosemirror-content-type="mark" data-prosemirror-mark-name="link">bloomberg.com/subscriptions/oddlots</a></p> <p data-prosemirror-content-type="node" data-prosemirror-node-name="paragraph" data-prosemirror-node-block="true"><a href="http://bloomberg.com/subscriptions/oddlots" data-prosemirror-content-type="mark" data-prosemirror-mark-name="link">Subscribe to the Odd Lots Newsletter</a><br data-prosemirror-content-type="node" data-prosemirror-node-name="hardBreak" data-prosemirror-node-inline="true"><strong data-prosemirror-content-type="mark" data-prosemirror-mark-name="strong">Join the conversation:</strong> <a href="https://discord.gg/oddlots" data-prosemirror-content-type="mark" data-prosemirror-mark-name="link">discord.gg/oddlots</a></p><p>See <a href="https://omnystudio.com/listener">omnystudio.com/listener</a> for privacy information.</p>

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中文简报

内特·席尔瓦选举日特别访谈 内特·席尔瓦(Nate Silver)深入分析了中期选举局势。他指出,尽管唐纳德·特朗普37%的支持率以及高油价等大环境对民主党极为有利,但要夺取参议院控制权,民主党必须在深红州取得艰难的胜利。他认为,因民调机构极力避免重蹈以往预测失误的覆辙,现代民调正日益变成受数据辅助支撑的谨慎“主观判断”;同时,由于AI“数字孪生”容易产生人口学刻板印象且无法预测真实选民投票率,他对其可行性予以否定。此外,席尔瓦还评估了 Polymarket 等预测市场、巨额广告投放收益递减的现象,以及民主党在密歇根和堪萨斯等风向标州所面临的意识形态考验。 内特·席尔瓦将2026年中期选举形容为一场“进退维谷”的选战:民主党面临的极为有利的宏观环境,与其在深红州翻盘所需的严苛参议院选区版图形成了尖锐冲突。 (3:32) 唐纳德·特朗普总统的支持率约为37%(仅有19%表示强烈支持),追平了二战后历任总统进入中期选举周期时的历史最低纪录。 (10:00) Silver Bulletin 的预测模型(“Flipper”)测算民主党掌控参议院的概率在75%至80%的高位区间,而 Kalshi 和 Polymarket 等预测市场则徘徊在68%左右。 (12:35) 席尔瓦反对用 AI“数字孪生”替代实际调查受访者,认为大语言模型会将复杂的细分人口群体扁平化为合成的原型,且无法预测现实中的实际投票行为。 (23:45)

Source quotes

[20:00] Nate Silver: Election polls are made in an environment where pollsters are actively fearful of missing, particularly missing high on Democrats, right? [23:45] Nate Silver: Polling cannot be outsourced to AI agents, right? Because it's one of the few sources of ground truth that we have anymore [40:00] Nate Silver: The models keep missing low on Florida because you have a steady flow of red voters into the state. And we're using benchmarks based in the last election, but like Florida is a moving target for that. [3:32] Nate Silver: At this point it would be a really bad night for pollsters if Democrats don't win the Senate.

Original transcript

[0:00] Finance is increasingly being built on digital rails, but as the adoption of virtual assets, tokenization and stable coins grows, can regulation not only keep pace, but help accelerate it? Find out more later in the podcast. Everyone wants the ski trip. Nobody wants to pay first. With Vrbo, now you can lock in the stay your group loves with $0 due today. Vrbo. Reserve now. Pay later. The slopes are waiting. Terms apply on select homes. This is the Bloomberg Tech Minute brought to you by ChachiPT. I'm Carol Masser. Getting hired at SpaceX requires exceptional ability and may include having Elon Musk review a candidate's resume. So writes Bloomberg Businessweek's Lauren Grush. She reports that the company culture is defined by Musk and job candidates must understand that a commitment to SpaceX means adhering to this culture and exhibiting loyalty to Elon Musk. from past jobs, and hands-on experience matters more to recruiters than advanced degrees, with the company looking for people with raw, innate intelligence. A spokesperson for SpaceX didn't respond to a request for comment on its recruiting and hiring practices, but according to recruiters, advisors, and those who've interviewed for jobs there, it's the space exploration dream that draws people to the company, and Musk invokes that dream regularly to remind workers why they're there. Prospective hires are told that the job will require including in job ads that candidates, quote, must be willing to work extended hours and weekends as needed. One major perk for all that hard work? Employees' access to equity, either the right to buy shares or payment in the form of restricted stock units that vest over time. That's the Bloomberg Tech Minute brought to you by ChachiPT. Get started at ChachiPT.com. Bloomberg Audio Studios. Podcasts. Radio. News. Hello, and welcome to another episode of the Odd Laws podcast. I'm Joe Weisenthal. And I'm Tracy Allaway. Tracy, I often say I'm kind of I'm really glad. We're not political reporters. Oh, I know. I know. I'm glad that I wake up every morning and thank God that we didn't go down that fast. But here's the problem. I've said this many times. Here's the problem. And we've been writing about this. We didn't. We were in Chicago. We had that conversation with James Robinson and stuff like that. I sort of think politics, unfortunately, does matter. And actually, even if we wanted to say, like, no, look, I just covered markets. I just covered the economy. Unfortunately. I'm coming to the conclusion that not only do politics matter, they're probably going to keep mattering more and more. Everything is politics now. You can't get away from it. Yeah. And certainly this week. So we're recording this on October 29th. The episode is going to come out on November 3rd. It's Election Day special. That's right. It's a pretty big election day special. It's a pretty big week for politics. So we should talk to put it mildly. I know. I know. Everyone knows him. Founder of the Silver Bulletin newsletter, famous for FiveThirtyEight, modeling elections, knowing a lot about polling and data and all that stuff. Nate, thank you for joining our Election Day special. Of course. Thanks, Joe. Thanks, Tracy. Let's just talk about how unpopular is President Trump right now as of October 29th or Election Day and to what degree. I mean, midterm is historically pretty bad for the party and power, but just get a big picture. How historically unpopular is President Trump and what is the effects for various Republican candidates in competitive races. Yeah. So Trump's approval rating is at about 37%. By some measures, that's the worst approval rating for a president at a midterm since Harry Truman, I think, in 1946. I'm getting that right. And remember, we had a midterm in 2018 where Trump and Republicans lost 41 House seats when he was somewhat less unpopular and where gas didn't cost $430 a gallon or whatever it is. So look, I kind of call this conditions, like couldn't be better for Democrats, right? The historical trends in midterms, voter anxiety about the economy, the Iran war, Trump's a lame duck and 80 years old, they've done really well. And with turnout, they're doing well in early voting so far. They had a very good year in 2025 with New Jersey and Virginia. It's really very consistent indicators. I mean, they might have a couple of problems. Some of their candidates are seen as too far left, right? So that's kind of the rock. And the hard place is, yeah, they'll probably win the House. They'll probably pick up some governorships and state legislatures, but they do have to win in some really red states. Just how the math works to win the Senate. Right. States as red as Texas. Yeah. [5:00] Kansas, Alaska, South Carolina is in play, if you believe the polls. So it's kind of this big – this is why I like – I would say I'm a little bit – anxious, not just for the implications for the country, but because like, it's kind of become a tricky race for like, models and polls and forecasts, right? There's no, there's no gimme, you either have to lie and say it's a toss up. It's not, you can't, that's not an honest answer at this point, right? That's hedging. at this point it would be a really bad night for pollsters if Democrats don't win the Senate. Okay. Just to sort of test our priors a little bit, everyone's treating this as a referendum on Trump, which kind of like, makes me nervous when everyone's doing the same thing. But in your view, is that an accurate way to measure it? Like, do we have hardcore evidence that people are voting on Trump rather than voting on a local representative? I think the best evidence is that Trump is no longer featured on Republican podcasts. However, Trump himself is trying to make himself like the main character of this story when I don't think very many Republicans want that, right? Ironically, they had this Republican convention. Was it in Dallas just after Labor Day? And like, that's when Republican polls kind of went from bad to worse. I don't think that's the main cause or necessarily even the secondary cause. But yeah, I mean, the behavior you'd expect if people are being kind of game theory optimal is that Trump is taking a backseat and trying to let candidates distance themselves a little bit. And instead, we've seen the opposite, right? I mean, if Trump hadn't endorsed Ken Paxton in Texas, I'm not sure that James Tallarico would have a slight lead there. If Trump hadn't chosen to go to war with Iran, I tend to think the Senate would be a toss up and not lean D. So no, he's the central character. And it's also kind of like, it's kind of like the last time Trump is on the ballot, barring extra constitutional shenanigans. Who knows? Now... This gets to the question of like, could it be a bad night for pollsters? And there is this seems to this view has congealed in the general public that starting at least since 2016, pollsters always overestimate Democrats. Yeah, I think your view is that that's actually just factually incorrect. But why don't you tell us about what we know about polling error? state like Kansas or Nebraska, all three states are competitive this year, good chance you'll have a correlated error. Okay. So therefore, you cannot look at individual races as a Monte Carlo random goal. Yeah. But A, they're less correlated in midterms than in presidential years because you have different candidates on the ballot in every state. That's important. In 2022, we saw this kind of really big red wave in like New York, New Jersey, tri-state area. And we're focused really well on Florida. The rest of the map was relatively good for Democrats. John Fetterman won and people like that, given that Biden had like a 39% approval rating. You know, number two, we have had... systematic polling errors that underestimated Trump in 2016, 2020, 2024, a little bit more modest, but still direction the same, right? In every election in the Trump era where Trump is not on the ballot, you have not had that error. And in fact, in like New Jersey and Virginia last year, you had a massive underestimation of Democrats in governor's races. And so like, first of all, it could all be noise, right? If you like code up a, you know, have Claude or Like in the past 20 elections, it looks kind of like, you know, it's impossible to distinguish it. Right. But one story might be that, like, Trump has this kind of magical power to attract low turnout voters that also happen to be hard for pollsters to reach. Yeah. and where they get screened out as being unlikely voters, those voters don't seem to want to show up for like a Roger Marshall and Kansas or Ken Paxton in Texas, right? It seems very, you know, Trump got a lot of young men last year who flipped to 2024, who flipped to him. Young men don't usually turn out in terms of watching the NFL or whatever, right? And like, there's a consistent story where like, conveniently, this problem of like, these missing voters aren't an issue if they don't vote. This was actually going to be my next question. But like, what are you seeing in terms of early voter actually votes Democrat rather than just decides not to show up. As compared to general elections or presidential elections, turnout is relatively speaking, more important in midterms. Differential turnout is almost always a factor in some of these bigger waves. I'm not an early [10:00] voting expert, but there are people who are pretty good at it, right? It can be very ad hoc if you don't kind of set clear rules ahead of time. And they seem to be seeing good numbers for Democrats, better numbers in the polls. I don't know, because the polls are really good for Democrats, right? But it provides some more consensus evidence for it, particularly high turnout among black voters who may fear being disenfranchised, comparatively high turnout among unlikely voters, people who in the voter files have voted no more than one in the past four elections. Democrats are getting a lot of those, but they're getting more than Republicans, right? I think some polls are finding there's very little D to R crossover. If you're any type of Democrat at all, this is not a year to indulge in a moderate Republican, right? Maybe a little bit of the reverse. But like, I mean, things tell a consistent story. It's just kind of this existential thing about whether people believe the story or not. Why is Trump so unpopular? Like, is it just gas and diesel prices? Like, break down the drivers of his unpopularity. Trump is kind of well, people are bored of him and tired of him. Right. I think people are just like he's been president for, I guess, six years. Right But it feels like 10 years because he was still kind of the dominant figure of that kind of Biden interregnum You know he 80 years old But no look I think the basic story is that he has broken promises most prominently on cheaper gas and on no more stupid wars. We can talk about how much the Epstein stuff affects him, too. But yeah, one of the things about Trump's proofreading number is like, all that 37% approval, like only 19% of it is like strong approval. I think there are permission structures that have opened up for Republicans to kind of distance themselves from Trump and incentives. Right. You know, Trump has the endorsement will still matter after 2026. But like, you know, J.D. Vance and Marco Rubio, who are nominally leading candidates, have a problem that they kind of are when Bush was this unpopular in 2026 and it got worse, by the way, after the 06 midterm. You didn't have Dick Cheney trying to run for president, right? You had a rebellious Republican in John McCain who ultimately got nominated instead. And so, you know, when you're a lame duck, the bottom can drop out potentially. So at the moment when we're recording this, if you look at, I guess, the polling consensus and prediction markets, it seems like the House is pretty much a lock. Senate is a toss up at the moment. What the actual range of outcomes for a democratic win here Like what are the extremes that you could possibly see on both sides I would push back on the Senate being a toss up I think at Polly Market and Cal she Democrats are up to like 68 percent or something as when we're recording this. And in our model, they're at 70 high 70s now to win the Senate for the Senate. OK, well, there's this kind of both a blessing and a curse is to actually have to put out a forecast in the form of a probability, right? Because it'd be easy to say, oh, things are looking good for Democrats, but don't get your hopes up too much because polls can be wrong. And yeah, I guess it leans down, right? Like that's chickening out though. The thing is, it's like, we could all do that. This is, I guess, like part of what's interesting about modelers and what's interesting about prediction markets. We could all say, yeah, it looks like Democrats, like if they're going to provide value as the creator of a model. Right. You got to be able to say something beyond it looks like a good night for Democrats. But who knows? And look, in 2024, like our model literally was 50 50, like literally we ran 80,000 simulations and it took like the 71st thousand simulation for one candidate to go ahead. Right. So there are times when the correct modeling position is like oh people are too sure of themselves I not sure if this is that election right If you go and look at Republican sponsored polls or go look at where Republicans are spending their time and their resources and they're bracing for a landslide, right? They are having doing telehauls and the Louisiana Senate race and things like that, right? And seem concerned about South Carolina, let alone Texas, who people kind of knew would be a competitive race. But, you know, Democrats, I think, felt like they have been betrayed. Is there a Senate race in Louisiana this year? There is. I don't think there's been a single poll of it. But prediction markets say there's a 10 percent chance that Democrats will win that race. I think it's a little ridiculous. But like. But that's not nothing like that's the point is that's far from trivial. No, we've had to learn these details about these very red states like, oh, South Carolina is it was a Trump plus 18 state. That's what I'm a little bit more skeptical about. Right. But the the strictitudes between what differentiates Kansas from Nebraska and things like that. If the national environment is as polls say it is, Democrats are ahead by about nine points on the generic ballot, which are national polls, essentially, right? At nine points, Republicans, there's too much of a headwind for Republicans, right? You can predict exactly which winning tickets Democrats would draw, but the GOP has to be that spread, right? [15:00] just gets too difficult. And like, I think part of the problem with mental models versus actual models, right? People say, well, I can easily see this case where there's a bust again in the polls in the Midwest, right? And I can see this case where sure the polls are basically right and polls are a little cautious and Democrats have a sweep, right? And people kind of like weight those 50-50. But first of all, there are the messy... middle in between stories and like if you have a lead in the polls then you kind of muddle through half the time right it's like an nfl game where you have a field goal lead at halftime and then lots of penalties and turnovers right and you end up winning by a field goal right so it's ugly but democrats tend to win the ugly races and like there is more evidence including non-polling evidence consistent with the democrats have a big night story like if you just talked about the things you already talked about in the first 15 minutes about gas and trump approval ratings and stuff, right? You know, it's not a case where you have this clash, really, between indicators. What's next for virtual assets? I'm Jacob Greaves, host of Economy Scale, a series exploring growth in key global sectors. And in this episode, we're diving into the digital forces shaping finance. Sean McHugh from Dubai-based Virtual Assets Regulatory Authority has this to say. We're seeing a lot of institutional players come in, digital asset dedicated hedge funds, high frequency traders and that sort of thing, and folks who service institutional clients. key. Rhys Merrick of Ripple says a lot of regulators globally would like to keep the industry at arm's length. That's the opposite here. I think also what you'll find is that regulation and frameworks can come out, but some of them are maybe a slight iteration on some 80 year old policy and not actually in line with what the technology can do and offer. And again, that's very different in Dubai. Listen to the full episode wherever you get your podcasts. This series is brought to you by Bloomberg Media Studios and the Dubai Department of Economy and Tourism. The kids really love that playhouse, huh? You know, it's not just a child's playhouse, it's a rental property. Kids! Off Gary's roof! Someone lives in there? Lives, works, and thrives. Your Wi-Fi reaches all the way to the Playhouse? We're gagillionaires. It reaches everywhere. Can I check it out? Sorry, booked solid. But the treehouse just opened up. Live without limits. Get home internet from AT&T and cover your whole house. Even your playhouse turned rental property. AT&T extended Wi-Fi coverage service required. Limited availability. Visit att.com forward slash internet to learn more. This is the Bloomberg Tech Minute brought to you by ChatGPT. I'm Carol Masser. Getting hired at SpaceX requires exceptional ability and may include having Elon Musk review a candidate's resume. She reports that the company culture is defined by Musk, and job candidates must understand that a commitment to SpaceX means adhering to this culture and exhibiting loyalty to Elon Musk. To get hired, candidates must demonstrate their achievements from past jobs, and hands-on experience matters more to recruiters than advanced degrees, with the company looking for people with raw, innate intelligence. According to recruiters, advisors, and those who've interviewed for jobs there, it's the space exploration dream that draws people to the company. And Musk invokes that dream regularly to remind workers why they're there. Prospective hires are told that the job will require stamina, including in job ads that candidates, quote, must be willing to work extended hours and weekends as needed. One major perk for all that hard work? Employees' access to equity, That's the Bloomberg Tech Minute brought to you by ChachiPT. Get started at ChachiPT.com. you For big business, AI opened up a world of promise, but that world of promise turned into a world of pain. Cost spiraling, data scattered across disconnected systems, security and governance increasingly complex, AI initiatives struggling to scale, and ROI that remains frustratingly out of reach. The challenge isn't AI itself. It's having the infrastructure AI needs to succeed, which is right where Boomi says we got you. Tens of thousands of enterprises trust Boomi to connect data, applications, processes, and AI. With Boomi, businesses can eliminate silos, automate workflows, strengthen governance, and create the foundation AI needs to perform at scale. The result? Faster innovation, more efficiency, better business outcomes. into a world of AI gain. As Boomi says, we got you. [20:00] Head to Boomi.com to learn more. That's B-O-O-M-I dot com. I feel like we've been talking about this for many, many years now, but there's this persistent tension between all the consumer sentiment surveys where people report how they're feeling about the economy. Those have been very bad. for many years now versus the actual numbers in the economy on consumer spending and other things that look pretty good. Do you have a story you tell yourself as a forecaster, a story to explain that discrepancy? slightly hot take i think some of the consumer confidence polling is not very good you know the good thing about election i don't think that's a hot take by the way like we've been talking about it for a while the methodology are not good they're not doing best practices of polling we had an article that's a little bulletin by a guest author named joel bertheimer who joel's been on our podcast he's great yeah and clearly i think the university of michigan survey changed the composition to online in a way that just has like way too many democrats in the sample so like make about election pollsters, which is more or less false, we can talk about that more, is kind of true of these consumer sentiment surveys that like, for better or worse, election polls get a dose of reality every two years. Election polls are made in an environment where pollsters are actively fearful of missing, particularly missing high on Democrats, right? So that's why like, that's why people talk about like, what's the difference between like polls are at least. A poll is a data-informed opinion at this point right yeah there are because this is because you have to wait the pollster has to do so much modeling right is this what you're getting at that so like maris released a poll of maine last week and the top line number let me see i'm getting this right in my head said said troy jackson the democrat in maine is up nine points which would be a very good result for democrats the average our average had been like d plus three in that state right that's their Plus two. People self-correct for the democratic bias. Yeah, there's no way there. First of all, the math. Just I don't want to get too deep in the weeds, even though it's odd lots. Like the math doesn't there. The math doesn't make sense. Right. They decided what result they felt comfortable with and reverse engineered. You see, we just OK, we don't have to get into the math. But what you're saying is they had a poll that said Troy Jackson was up nine percent. But in our likely voter model, it's two percent. And what you're saying, what Nate Silver is saying is like. I don't know how you got from nine to two. No, in the governor's race, they went from 11 to zero. Like, the math literally doesn't add up. And, like, so it's like, okay, so this is your poll, and this is your opinion, is the way I see it. And, like, and we're aggregating opinions. And so, like, on the one hand, when you see a poll like that, I'm like, I have existential doubt about the accuracy of polling, for sure, right? On the other hand, if you have a model that's, like, a consensus thermometer that looks at the correlations and translates polls into probabilities, like, that's really what flipper my model. And like, so like, oh, actually, I kind of like that from a modeling standpoint, because it proves the kind of underlying hypothesis that like pollsters are rational actors. And therefore, although polls are imprecise instruments, there is a lot of incentive not to systematically miss. and creates a model, that can give you some sort of confidence that, Like confidence that the errors in the long run, if you have elections every two or four years, we'll never get approved. But confident that the errors are symmetric. Yeah, I get I get exactly what you're saying. So, OK, people don't pick up the phone like they used to. Yeah. You know, certainly they don't recognize it. And if someone calls me and asks for my political opinion, I'm. No way. So then there's this vision. Well, why don't we just create an AI replica of Tracy Halloway and an AI replica of Joe Weisenthal and AI replica of a high school educated oil worker in Texas and an AI replicated version of a HR professional who works for General Motors in the Detroit suburbs. And we just pull them and then we don't know. And they're always going to pick up the phone. What's wrong with this? This is the digital twin idea. Yeah, the digital twin. Why don't we just create a digital twin of all Americans? So the problem is like, and by the way, I think these companies are smart. I know some people that work for them, right? But like polling cannot be outsourced to AI agents, right? Because it's one of the few sources of ground truth that we have anymore, number one. And also the models are kind of... So if you... ask a poll to create like a synthetic, uh, Hispanic respondent. Yeah, right. 99% of their synthetic Hispanic respondents [25:00] love soccer. It's a bit like if you ask, like, Claude to pick a number from zero to ten, like always pick seven. Yeah, yeah. It's a bit like, I mean, this gets into the whole existential thing about how like large language models work and like they're kind of it's kind of the ideal type or something. But like, but no, we need original data, right? Models like Flipper or prediction markets can aggregate that data. But but, you know, because like voters aren't all that. predictable you know i don't even like the kind of slicing and dicing that you see oh the hispanic vote right well the hispanic vote is younger hispanics and older hispanics people who are relatively new to the country and people who have been here for a long time right cuban americans and puerto ricans and and mexican americans and dominicans and everything else and like those groups don't always agree with one another sure and people miss it like the hispanic vote is one of the most swingy demographics in in the united states and so like yeah it just it just a snake eating its tail a little bit. I feel like turnout in particular would be difficult for a digital twin to model. Like maybe you can come up with political preference based on demographics, but like predicting whether someone is actually going to leave the house and vote seems particularly difficult to me. But tell me if I'm wrong. Yeah, we did a little simulation in South Carolina, which is one of the more surprising races to be polling closely and, you know, and one more frankly, be a bit more surprised Democrats won. Right. But like, you know, what if black voters in South Carolina turned out at 2024 rates and white voters turned out at 2022 rates like that shifts the top lines by like 10 points. Right. It's a deliberately extreme example. And in South Carolina, the white vote is very conservative. But, you know, that's an example of like, you know, because you have had turnout. But if it's differential turnout, that would you need that for a state like South Carolina to flip. The Democrats at 14 percent in Mississippi on poly market. Yeah, that one's a little weird. These are funny states. These southern states are pretty funny. Yeah. Right. Because the top line votes are actually offered frequently fairly close. It's just that every white is a Republican and all the non whites are not Republicans. And so while it looks really close, it's just like purely demographics. No. So we have a concept in our model that we call elasticity, which is how sensitive is a state to changes in the national race. And that's based on voter level micro data where we see people clustered at the tails or more in the middle. And South Carolina, but especially like Louisiana, Mississippi have very low elasticity. So that's why. So we are lower than polymarket and Democrats in those states. Actually, since you mentioned demographics, Do you see that, I guess, backfiring on the Republicans at this point? So, yeah, a gerrymander where you wind up with fewer seats than you would have under the original maps is a dummymander is a term for it. This is an actual term. It's a term. We have terms for everything in politics. Only poker players have more terms in politics. In Florida, Ron DeSantis drew a map for kind of the presidential year baseline and presidential years. I expect Florida to remain a pretty red state, right? Florida goes from R plus 13 to R plus four or something, right? It wasn't designed for that. And if Democrats kind of run the table in Florida, then they could actually wind up with more seats than they would have under the old map, right? In Texas, Republicans hope to make a lot of their gains from, I guess, just maybe like the arrogant presumption that, oh, now Hispanics in South Texas are now our voters instead of being swingy. And so like that probably won't be a dummy mander, but could be a case where. The places they hope to maintain gains, you'll have Democratic incumbents holding on. Intuitively, if you're a mapmaker and your only goal is to maximize the number of seats that your party wins, you have to take some risks, right? Is this the key idea here? Correct. I don't even think they necessarily played it wrong, right? So, you know, again, the House is... not quite a sure thing. There is a 5% chance. The way that 5% comes up is that if there is a systematic polling error and the map winds up being a little bit less blue, then the gerrymanders become more effective again. It's probably not enough for Republicans, but there's this inflection point at which gerrymandering goes from not very helpful to helpful for Republicans. There's definitely some analogy here to the options market and convexity. But there's clear someone smart enough will be able to come up with some what what we're really what would we be talking about in the financial version of this conversation? Yeah. Is there a potential upset that you're particularly interested in at the moment or that you think people aren't paying enough attention to? I think governor's races don't get enough attention in general. According to our modeling, we could wind up with almost two thirds of the country being represented by a Democrat, but there are... [30:00] Lots of big gubernatorial races where, unlike in the Senate, in the Senate you have lots of these one or two point Democratic leads. In governorships, it's the opposite. Abbott is ahead in Texas, but only by... a couple of points. I don't think I'd been against Abbott given the odds that Flipper gives, but I think that governor race is really important, in part because Abbott is the most prolifically pro data center governor, I think in the country. And one of the big things I think, and even he's not that pro data center anymore. No, I, so I, let's say you have at least one democratic chamber of Congress, maybe, you know, even if Democrats only got to 50 Senate seats, you don't have the Senate, but like, you're going to have a lot of gridlock. I think the one policy area where you could see action before 28 is on AI, right? I mean, timelines are even a third as aggressive as the labs bank. Then they'll kind of be forced to take action. But like, I'll be looking for like, is there evidence that AI had a big effect in this race and that people were seeing this too pro AI got punished for it? Thank you. This is the Bloomberg Tech Minute brought to you by ChatGPT. I'm Carol Masser. Getting hired at SpaceX requires exceptional ability and may include having Elon Musk review a candidate's resume. So writes Bloomberg Businessweek's Lauren Grush. She reports that the company culture is defined by Musk and job candidates must understand that a commitment to SpaceX means adhering to this culture and exhibiting loyalty to Elon Musk. from past jobs, and hands-on experience matters more to recruiters than advanced degrees, with the company looking for people with raw, innate intelligence. A spokesperson for SpaceX didn't respond to a request for comment on its recruiting and hiring practices, but according to recruiters, advisors, and those who've interviewed for jobs there, it's the space exploration dream that draws people to the company, and Musk invokes that dream regularly to remind workers why they're there. Prospective hires are told that the job will require including in job ads that candidates, quote, must be willing to work extended hours and weekends as needed. One major perk for all that hard work? Employees' access to equity, either the right to buy shares or payment in the form of restricted stock units that vest over time. That's the Bloomberg Tech Minute brought to you by ChachiPT. Get started at ChachiPT.com. you For big business, AI opened up a world of promise, but that world of promise turned into a world of pain. Cost spiraling, data scattered across disconnected systems, security and governance increasingly complex, AI initiatives struggling to scale, and ROI that remains frustratingly out of reach. The challenge isn't AI itself, it's having the infrastructure AI needs to succeed, which is right where Boomi says we got you. Tens of thousands of enterprises trust Boomi to connect data, applications, processes, and AI. With Boomi, businesses can eliminate silos, automate workflows, strengthen governance, and create the foundation AI needs to perform at scale. The result? Faster innovation, more efficiency, better business outcomes. into a world of AI gain. As Boomi says, we got you. Head to boomi.com to learn more. That's B-O-O-M-I dot com. Danner Vicious Work Boots are extremely comfortable. But don't take our word for it. Listen to Steve's five-star review. I'm 52 years old and have worked construction since I was a teenager. This is the first pair of boots that I have ever owned that didn't need to be broken in. Danner is the only work boot I'll ever buy. Read more reviews from customers in Orange County and beyond at Danner.com. Your business operates under pressure and you need control over your data. But IBM research shows only 9% of companies have real oversight of their technology. IBM's open hybrid cloud approach is designed to give you visibility with built-in governance tools, data sovereignty, and compliance reporting. It's another way IBM helps you stay in control of your data. Let's create smarter business. IBM. Visit ibm.com to learn more. My son the other day told me he wants me to bring him up more on the podcast. Oh, he wants me to tell more. Is he listening? No, but he's like, he's like, he's like, can you make me famous by telling him, mentioning me more on the podcast? So I will tell a story. I mentioned before he's very into money. We were watching a University of Texas football game the other. [35:00] And there was this ad for the Abbott campaign. I don't know if it was the official Abbott campaign or one of these outside groups. And it said, Gina Hinojosa's income tax plan will cost your family thousands of dollars. And my son turns to me. He's like... dad we're not voting for her right like it's just oh no it's so funny and i was like i was like this is like you are exactly who this ad was targeted towards my seven-year-old you know it's like he's just like dad we're not gonna vote for her right this put this candidate that costs uh thousands of dollars no i was watching the world series and there were like three straight ads in the michael lawler the westchester county district right i'm like no even in new york you can't The view of, well, should campaigns invest more on like things like turnout and knocking on doors, et cetera, or should they just spend a bunch of money on ads? Do you have in your any of your research? Do you have views on some of these questions? I think with ads, you guys, I think like David Shores says, just just buy ads. I think you get pretty sharply diminishing returns with ads. I like David a lot. But everyone in the system has an incentive to say that advertising really works. I think it's better to buy ads to improve voter awareness and expand the map, potentially. But look, there's a famous story about Sam Beckman-Fried, talked about this in my book, where for some reason Sam Beckman-Fried wanted to back an effective altruist candidate in an Oregon House primary a couple of years ago, or not didn't give him right spent 10 million dollars or something without his permission on his behalf and that candidate who at one point was leading the polls wound up losing the election badly because i talked to him for my book and he's like well voters just got so much male and who is this odd crypto billionaire funding my campaign right it wind up backfiring a little bit this is the flaw in all of advertising right like you're just annoying me with your product placements and your ads and your intrusion into my life and it doesn't make me want to buy things from you that's why you need you know subscription businesses like terminals and yeah up having a very good night. What will we watch... Within that, to know what the future of the Democratic Party is, whether the future is going to be a more DSA inflected one, etc. You know, give us what we might learn about what works for successful Democratic Party politicians. For the internal policy of the Democratic Party, the most important race is probably Michigan, where Abdul El-Sayed beat the more moderate Haley Stevens in the primary. Not by much. Not by much. By much. That was not a great race for polls, by the way. race is called on election night right then that will be like a feather in progressives cap maybe people like me will say well he won by four and the baseline is nine so oh my gosh he underperformed his work very bad candidate i like i like this is your impression of yourself yeah it's made silver squared right you know on the other hand like if i kind of think of democrats have like a really really really good night and it's like well we could dominate all these moderate white guys kind of woke progressive, right? But he kind of has managed to brand himself differently. It might have helped him to have Jasmine Crockett in that primary. He got to define himself as the sensible middle ground. But you talk about the Hamilton race in Kansas and what that would... So Kansas, I have family in Overland Park, right? And for years it's been like, you know, Roger Marshall could be in trouble. And I kind of never really believed him. Like, yo, it's Kansas. Kansas has low-key gotten a bit more... Democratic. It voted Democratic on the subversion referendum. It has elected Laura Kelly as governor twice. You know, Roger Marshall has these medical billing practices that are very unflattering. And like Adam Hamilton would be like, oh, we just want cheaper gas and integrity in Kansas. Right. And like that pitch might catch kind of the opposite. It's a relatively elastic state. Right. There are there are opinions that can change. It's pretty well educated. So like, yeah. And, you know, last week, CNN had a poll showing Hamilton up four points in Kansas. But like, yeah, Kansas is one. Like, I have more trouble with believing the South Carolina polling than the Kansas. But basically, there is certainly a possibility that the day after Election Day, you're going to be like, look, you and Matt Iglesias are going to be like, look at Kansas. Democrats are right to nominate the middle ground white guy. And the DSA people are going to say, look, we are right to nominate. AES wins by nine points. He has a great night. Like the polls say, and you just keep fighting. No, this is like, it's a fairly clean national experiment. Yeah. Natural experiment. Michigan. I went to there, you know, there's not been a Muslim American elected to the U.S. Senate. [40:00] So there are reasons apart from his progressivism why Elsa could struggle or be good. I mean, you know, he's bro-y, right? He doesn't come across as like, he's bro-y in a very Michigan way. He doesn't come across as like- I was going to say, also it's Michigan versus Kansas, right? It might be that you like fit the, the candidate onto the state, right? And Michigan's a, a, They have a strong gubernatorial nominee and are favored in that race. I don't know if there's some degree of coattails or something. But yeah, from November 4th, onward the story of the next year and a half is going to be party infighting do you what about this like uh isn't there something going on like florida ag or there's some race in florida right where some socialist seems to be pulling well do you know anything about that well i mean in the in the senate race is senate what is it what's happening in florida in the senate race you had a dsa democrat angie nixon angie nixon oh she's running for senate she's running for senate and she's not pulling that well i mean she's yeah florida one thing we should probably count for is net domestic migration, right? Okay. The models keep missing low on Florida because you have a steady flow of red voters into the state. And we're using benchmarks based in the last election, but like Florida is a moving target for that. It's interesting if you look at Polymarket, because I keep pulling them up as we mentioned them. And everyone has shown a little bit of a bump for the Democrat in the last several weeks. So Mississippi, South Carolina, quite a big one. Annie Andrews at 28 percent, which is way higher than she was just a few weeks ago when it was at 13 percent. No bump at all in Florida. Angie Nixon is at 10 percent. And that's actually lower than where she was there much of the summer. Yeah. And this follows polling, right? The New York Times had some polling that was very strong for Democrats, but not in Florida. They had Ashley Moody ahead by six or seven or something. To what degree are prediction markets just like reflecting polling now? Talk to us about that. I think they're reflecting. Yeah. polling plus sentiment in kind of a, it's somewhere between smart and midwit. Right. So again, people in prediction markets do have to, quantify ultimately their price. Right. And I think that exercise is, is helpful when they go play poker. They can be like, Oh, I think that guy might be bluffing. I'm saying, I say, well, I'm getting two to one from the pot. Right. Less decision has to make, do I think is a greater than a 33% chance or not? Like, I think the prediction markets, have a slightly Republican... Leaning clientele, right? Like, Democrats are a little preachy about them Sometimes Republicans have more Money, right? Well, we saw the famous, like, huge whiff in the L.A. mayor race for, like, Like Spencer Pratt, like who in their right mind thought a Republican was going to win a mayorship at a major U.S. city? Yeah, but like they have like these like the recognition that. polling error is correlated like we talked about at the top of the show that's an important recognition to have the markets were actually overconfident relative to my model in 2016 on hillary clinton right so everyone knows that but like i think the belief that oh polls always underestimate republicans is not the most sophisticated version of that necessarily is there anyone who So systematically making money, I mean, I'm going to put you on the spot here or silver bulletin on the spot, but do you feel that someone could make money betting on prediction markets anytime there's a deviation between silver bulletin model for a given race in the prediction markets? incorporate... some degree of vibes are not helpful. They can also just get to things faster, right? If there's a scandal, the New York Times reports on Thursday morning, then it will take several days to show up in the polling, right? And so like, yeah, I mean, I went through recently and looked at every race where you have a gap between Flipper, my model, and Polymarket. And like, I agree with Polymarket on half of those, you know, although ironically, some of the ones I agreed with, I'm like, oh, yeah, Flipper's way too high in South Carolina. And then there's this good poll for them at South bit, but like, yeah, so the test would be like, you have to create like some type of laboratory environment where prediction markets aren't allowed to look at polls. And my expectation is that prediction markets would be Extremely terrible. It seems like actually the test would be you would want to have prediction markets that aren't allowed to look at models, right? Because of course they're going to look at – Fair enough. Right? Because ideally you wouldn't want – The day the silver bulletin numbers dropped to influence the prediction markets, ideally, you're looking at polls and creating a model and prediction market traders are looking at polls and creating a price. And the question is, which is the better way to derive a probability? Yeah, look, and like building a simulation with all these regional correlations is tricky, right? We are like, as of when we're recording this, we are like literally like 0.995 correlated with polymarket. Yeah. [45:00] states. We have the overall Democratic win probability a bit higher, you know, I don't know that's because it's attracting... a different type of traitor, right? Like that, like you get maybe more of the... you know, the whales, right? Not like the French whale from 2024, but like whales, like degenerate rich guys with a lot of money to burn, right? The dream. Whereas they're maybe less likely to invest in individual races, but there's really not that much of a gap, right? You've been building models for a really long time. And of course, you first sort of became a household name in 2008. So that's election that were like born during the Obama administration. Some of these things freak me out a little bit. Can you talk objectively about like Is it unambiguous in your mind that AI has made it easier for you to build models and to do your job? Yeah, for sure. Look, I get to hire two world-class programmers, coders, for whatever I pay for the max plans, right? 100 or 200 bucks a month. So I have these complex projects that you definitely couldn't one-shot or even come close to it. But I know this really well, and I've coded these things myself. And I know when you feed... GPT or Clyde, a 10,000 word program and say, carefully audit this. It's, quite sharp about it. Now, I would still say on, like, two-thirds of prompts, I have to provide quite a bit of guidance, right? It's not like, oh, cool, man, next step, right? But, like, it's... great, it's a great teammate, you know, to take something in a more obscure example. So we have an NFL model. The NFL has all these complex playoff tiebreakers, right? They're purely algorithmic. And last year, when I built our model, it took me two and a half days to code them up and, like, some of the code was buggy. We skipped a couple of tiebreakers. It was very slow, right? You know, now you have GPT or Cloud do it, and they do it in 15 minutes while you're at the gym, right? And code is 10 times faster. Now, again, there are dangers, like, they can introduce bugs and kind of hide them from you. We built a soccer model, too, and like in one version of soccer model, it had the ratings like looping back around. So like the 2026 rating would inform like the 1900 rating and it got, it would do things that were quite weird. But the combination of having a lot of initiative and entrepreneurial spirit and expertise, there's a certain type of person I meet. You guys are probably in that category where it's like people are saying to me, I feel like I'm the most productive I've ever been. I feel like I'm getting two days of work done in a 10-hour day sometimes. And I feel like that some of the time. But again, I'm probably in the 99.9th percentile of these models are – helpful with the exact... I'm not really a coder, right? I understand model architecture. I'm an empiricist. I understand probabilities, but my coding was always the weak point. So it's like, this exact thing they're really good at and is really exactly valuable to me is the exact thing that they do very well. Your FIFA World Cup model did have Spain versus Argentina in the final day. We had a really good... Yeah. So NFL, you know, you have good weeks and bad weeks, and that's why... You know, maybe if Republicans... when the house, with the Senate, we'd say, "Well, 25% things happen, right? It'd be great." If they win the House, maybe we'll just make Silver Bulletin AI in a sports blog. Just give up. Nate Silver, thank you so much for joining us on our Election Day special. Thank you, Joe. That was a fun conversation, Tracy. Nate. preemptively parodying how he will sound if Abdul Al-Sayed slightly underperforms. It was a good impression of himself. And Nate Silver doing the impression of an annoying white moderate guy. was good. But that was fun. I'm glad. Happy Election Day, people. I'm glad Nate joined us. Yeah. By the time this comes out, I guess maybe some of the polls will have changed. Maybe some of the polls. We'll have some additional data, maybe. We'll have some more early voting data. Yeah, exactly. One thing I thought was really interesting was this idea of polls basically all becoming models now. Yeah. Right. And like after years and years and years of being accused of, I guess, overestimating Democrats in the self-correcting and so the question is like how big is that self-correction yeah and it's interesting and I guess we didn't go into the math specifically but if you can empirically establish that your self-correction here makes no sense yeah then what you do learn is is [50:00] Nate said pollsters are self-interested players because who is it? What was the famous pollster in Iowa? Seltzer and Seltzer, who actually, you know, right before the 2024 election actually had Kamala Harris winning Iowa. Yeah. No one wants to pull a Seltzer. It was so off that she retired from the game. And that's kind of I guess what Nate was saying, too, which is that if Republicans win the House, it's like, you know what, I think we're done. I think we're done trying to go into sports. we're done trying to understand anything about them because we have nothing. We have no usable information on them. Go ask your digital twin. All right. Shall we leave it there? Yeah, let's leave it there. This has been another episode of the All Thoughts Podcast. I'm Tracy Alloway. You can follow me at Tracy Alloway. And I'm Jill Weisenthal. You can follow me at The Stalwart. Follow our guest, Nate Silver. He's at NateSilver538. Follow our producers, Carmen Rodriguez at CarmenArmin, Dashiell Bennett at Dashbot, Kale Brooks at Kale Brooks, Kevin Lloyd Lozano. And of course, you can chat about all of these topics 24-7 in our Discord. discord.gg slash oddlots. And for more oddlots content, you can check out our daily newsletter. which you can find at Bloomberg.com slash oddlots. And if you enjoyed this conversation, if you like it when we do our Election Day specials, then please leave us a positive review on your favorite podcast platform. 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