India Defies US Pressure to Keep Russian Weapons, Crude Flows

Why India Won’t Break Up With Russia — Bloomberg Originals

Bloomberg Originals

New Delhi cannot sever ties with Moscow because replacing its legacy Russian defense systems would take decades, while Washington's political volatility reinforces India's reliance on discounted energy and historical security partnerships.

AI-assisted summary of Why India Won’t Break Up With Russia — original source. Check the original for full context.

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## Background Published on YouTube by Bloomberg Originals on September 11, 2026, this video explores why India maintains strong diplomatic, defense, and energy ties with Russia despite intense pressure from Washington and the Kremlin's war in Ukraine. Drawing on historical context and contemporary trade dynamics, it examines New Delhi's decades-long balancing act between Moscow and the United States.

## TL;DR Despite heavy diplomatic pressure from Washington, India maintains a resilient partnership with Russia driven by legacy defense dependence, discounted energy imports, and a doctrine of strategic autonomy. Cold War alignments—particularly US military backing of Pakistan and Soviet technological assistance—cemented deep institutional trust that keeps roughly 48% of India's military hardware reliant on Moscow. While Western sanctions pushed India to become Russia's top seaborne crude importer, New Delhi simultaneously cultivates vital trade and diaspora ties with the United States to power its economic future. Navigating friction with a volatile Trump administration and wariness over Moscow's growing alignment with Beijing, India treats the Moscow relationship as an indispensable, pragmatic marriage of convenience that it will not abandon.

## Atmosphere & style The presentation carries the polished, data-driven cadence of high-level geopolitical journalism, blending archival history with contemporary economic analysis. It juxtaposes warm cultural nostalgia—evoking Soviet-era children's magazines and mid-century industrial factories—with the clinical, transactional calculations of modern oil arbitrage and fighter jet maintenance. The pacing feels measured and pragmatic, leaving viewers with a sober appreciation of how historical momentum and cold realpolitik routinely outweigh ideological alignment.

## Key takeaways - [00:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=0s) India's foreign policy is anchored in a decades-long balancing act between Moscow and Washington, favoring strategic autonomy over formal superpower alliances. - [01:48](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=108s) Early Indian trust in Moscow was forged when the Soviet Union provided heavy industrial technology and blueprints, such as the Bhilai steel plant, which Western nations withheld. - [02:51](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=171s) American military alignment with Pakistan during the Cold War crossed an Indian red line, driving New Delhi to cement Moscow as its primary security counterweight. - [03:39](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=219s) The Indian armed forces remain structurally dependent on Russian military hardware, which accounts for roughly 48% of procurement and nearly the entire fighter jet fleet. - [04:43](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=283s) Following the 2022 Ukraine invasion, India leveraged Western price caps to turn discounted Russian crude into nearly 56% of its oil imports by July 2026. - [05:48](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=348s) Bilateral friction surged under the Trump administration over oil purchases, trade tariffs, and contested claims regarding a 2025 India-Pakistan ceasefire. - [05:48](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=348s) Indian public opinion leans heavily toward Moscow, with 36% of survey respondents viewing Russia as India's primary ally compared to just 16% choosing the US. - [07:17](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=437s) Russia serves as an indispensable technological partner for India's clean energy transition, notably through the Kudankulam Nuclear Power Plant. - [08:05](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=485s) Despite deep ties with Moscow, the US remains an indispensable partner as India's top export destination and home to an influential diaspora of over 5 million people. - [08:44](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=524s) Beijing's growing sway over an isolated Russia complicates New Delhi's strategy, reinforcing India's need to keep Moscow engaged rather than pushed entirely into China's orbit. - [08:44](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=524s) The India-Russia partnership has transformed from Cold War ideological affinity into a durable, time-tested marriage of convenience grounded in mutual predictability.

## Detailed walkthrough ### [00:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=0s) The Historic Triangle: Moscow, Washington, and New Delhi

The diplomatic embrace between India and Russia is far more than an exercise in staged optics for cameras. New Delhi has spent decades walking a tightrope between Moscow and Washington, a balancing act that began immediately after Indian independence. Following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, intense strain fell on India over its continued purchases of Russian crude oil. Pressure intensified as figures like US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent attacked New Delhi, outright accusing the country of "profiteering off Russian oil." Yet, despite the scrutiny and friction, India remains reluctant to cut ties with Moscow, illustrating a dynamic where history seems to repeat itself as all three capitals navigate overlapping and fiercely competing national interests.

While trade with the United States has expanded rapidly to make America India's most critical economic trading partner, Washington's domestic political unpredictability introduces persistent anxiety. Observers note that a "mercurial Trump administration has made the US a lot less dependable," leaving a "very sour taste" in bilateral diplomacy. In stark contrast, Indian-Russian ties are often viewed through a sentimental, time-tested lens rather than a cold calculation. As one observer describes it, the relationship is "more an emotion and less a transaction," sustained by a genuine meeting of minds and hearts that has weathered decades of geopolitical turbulence.

[01:48](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=108s) Soviet Legacy and Industrial Foundations

In India, public memory of the Soviet Union is surprisingly warm, often rooted in personal nostalgia and cultural exchanges. Many Indians who grew up during the Cold War fondly recall publications like the Russian children's magazine *Misha*, which featured vivid, illustrated stories about Soviet space achievements—what some remember as "propaganda, for sure, but it was gorgeous propaganda." Following independence in 1947, a newly self-governing India urgently sought foreign partnerships to build a modern industrial foundation. When New Delhi approached Western powers for technical assistance, the United States offered financial aid but demonstrated little willingness to transfer advanced technology or industrial know-how.

The Soviet Union stepped into the breach, willing to provide the blueprint and engineering expertise that India wanted. The towering symbol of this early friendship was the Bhilai steel plant in central India, constructed with direct Soviet engineering blueprints. The symbolic weight of the project was immortalized when Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev addressed the Indian Parliament in 1960, proclaiming his hope that "the Indo-Soviet friendship be as strong as the metal coming out from the Bhilai factory." This technical solidarity established a baseline of trust that distinguished Moscow from Washington in Indian eyes.

[02:51](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=171s) Cold War Alliances and the Pakistan Fault Line

At the onset of the Cold War, Washington did not oppose partnering with India, but India remained steadfastly committed to the Non-Aligned Movement, refusing to formally enter superpower blocs or pick sides. Meanwhile, the United States forged a formal military alliance with India’s regional arch-rival, Pakistan. For New Delhi, American military support for Islamabad crossed a critical line, permanently cementing Pakistan as a driving factor in pushing India closer to the Kremlin. The United States repeatedly siding with Pakistan emerged as a direct "red line for the Indian administration," driving New Delhi to look to Moscow as a reliable geopolitical counterweight.

The Soviet Union was also willing to meet India's strict defense requirements on terms other superpowers refused. In the 1950s, a fiercely independent India refused to accept foreign weapons as conditional military aid. Instead, New Delhi insisted on either purchasing arms outright or acquiring production licenses to manufacture military hardware domestically. Moscow had no qualms about licensing the domestic Indian production of jet fighters and tanks, establishing a domestic defense manufacturing pipeline that tied India's security apparatus directly to Russian technology.

[03:39](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=219s) The Enduring Military Hardware Dependency

Decades of Soviet licensing and supply agreements have left India's modern armed forces deeply dependent on Russian equipment. Russia remains India's primary foreign defense supplier, accounting for roughly 48%—nearly half—of India's overall military procurement needs. This reliance is especially pronounced in the skies; nearly the entire Indian fighter aircraft fleet is of Russian origin. Maintaining this vast inventory requires an ongoing, uninterrupted pipeline of spare parts, technical overhauls, and specialized maintenance support from Moscow.

India’s expanding regional ambitions and complex security environment necessitate a massive standing military. Even in the face of international sanctions and logistics bottlenecks triggered by the war in Ukraine, India has remained Russia's largest weapons export market. Disentangling the Indian military from its legacy Russian hardware would take decades of capital, training, and strategic retooling, making an abrupt break with Moscow impossible from a national defense perspective.

[04:43](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=283s) Sanctions Arbitrage and the Russian Crude Pivot

Before Moscow’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, India purchased virtually no Russian crude oil, obtaining almost all of its imports from the Middle East. While New Delhi repeatedly called for an end to hostilities, it pointedly avoided direct condemnation of the Kremlin's actions. Simultaneously, the imposition of Western price caps on Russian seaborne exports created a massive commercial discount. What was designed by the West to limit Kremlin revenues while keeping global oil supplies stable transformed into a lucrative "arbitrage game" for Indian refiners.

India quickly surged to become Russia's single largest buyer of seaborne crude. By July 2026, Russian imports accounted for nearly 56% of India's total oil intake, funneling an estimated $6.4 billion a month in critical revenue back to the Kremlin. Initially, this trade unfolded with Washington’s tacit approval; the Biden administration encouraged New Delhi to purchase discounted Russian barrels under the price cap to prevent global energy markets from experiencing catastrophic supply shocks.

- **Pre-2022 crude baseline**: Practically zero seaborne oil imports from Russia, with supplies dominated by Middle Eastern producers. - **Import peak (July 2026)**: Russian crude climbed to nearly 56% of total Indian crude imports. - **Monthly capital flow**: Approximately $6.4 billion per month paid by India for Russian oil.

[05:48](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=348s) Political Friction and the Washington Tightrope

The diplomatic tolerance for India's oil purchases evaporated under President Donald Trump, whose administration aggressively lambasted New Delhi. Washington deployed threats of steep tariffs, escalated public criticisms, and leveraged prospective bilateral trade deals in an effort to force India to curtail its Russian energy intake. Compounding bilateral tensions was Trump’s insistence that he deserved the Nobel Peace Prize for allegedly brokering a ceasefire following a 2025 border flare-up between India and Pakistan—a self-aggrandizing claim that the Indian government flatly dismissed.

These diplomatic clashes significantly eroded Indian public sentiment toward the United States. A Pew Research survey revealed that 36% of respondents in India viewed Russia as their country's primary ally, compared to just 16% who chose the United States. However, the pressure on Russian energy purchases abruptly eased once again when US forces launched airstrikes against Iranian military targets amid expanding conflict involving Israel, the US, and Iran. Facing immediate risks of a global oil supply crunch, Washington backed away from its aggressive rhetoric and refreshed sanctions waivers for Russian crude, allowing India to continue capitalizing on discounted barrels.

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Indian Strategic Energy and Geopolitical Realignment accDescr: Diagram illustrating how US policy shifts, military conflict, and Russian discounts drive Indian oil imports and strategic choices.

subgraph EnergyPivots["Global Energy Dynamics"] A["2022 Ukraine Invasion & G7 Price Cap"] --> B["Deep Discounts on Russian Seaborne Crude"] B --> C["India Becomes Top Seaborne Buyer (56% in July 2026)"] end

subgraph USPressures["Washington Policy Volatility"] D["Biden Administration Encouraged Capped Purchases"] --> E["Trump Administration Tariff & Trade Pressure"] E --> F["2025 Ceasefire Feud & Rising Distrust"] end

subgraph MidEastShift["Regional Conflict Shock"] G["US Military Strikes on Iran"] --> H["Global Supply Scare"] H --> I["US Renews Russian Oil Waivers"] end

C --> J["Sustained Indian Strategic Autonomy"] F --> J I --> J ```

[07:17](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=437s) Nuclear Ambitions and the Kudankulam Outpost

Beyond hydrocarbon imports, Russia plays an indispensable role in India's long-term clean energy transition. In its push to decarbonize while meeting skyrocketing electricity demand, New Delhi has identified nuclear power as an essential pillar of its green energy basket. Here again, Russia has served as India's primary international partner where Western partners have been slow or constrained by legal and technical hurdles.

The cornerstone of this civilian atomic cooperation is the Kudankulam Nuclear Power Plant located in the southern state of Tamil Nadu. Although the project has faced steep budget escalations and prolonged delivery delays exacerbated by the Ukraine war and international sanctions, work has steadily advanced. Kudankulam remains a critical component in India’s energy puzzle, representing an advanced technological dependency that New Delhi cannot easily replace with domestic or Western alternatives.

[08:05](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=485s) The Indispensable American Economic Engine

Despite the historic warmth and energy ties binding India to Russia, New Delhi cannot afford to compromise its ties with the United States. The US is decisively India’s largest single export destination, making favorable trade relations with Washington fundamental to India's economic growth. New Delhi continues to seek improved access and tariff terms with the US market, recognizing that its modern economic future is tied to Western capital, trade, and technology.

This economic foundation is fortified by deep human and cultural capital: - **Diaspora scale**: More than 5 million people of Indian origin reside in the United States, constituting one of America's largest and most affluent immigrant demographics. - **Higher education**: Hundreds of thousands of Indian students enroll in American universities annually, establishing direct pipelines into high-skilled domestic careers. - **Corporate leadership**: Indian-origin executives exert vast influence across the American private sector, steering prominent Silicon Valley technology giants and Wall Street financial institutions.

[08:44](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=524s) The China Shadow and a Pragmatic Marriage

The strategic calculus linking India and Russia is increasingly dictated by a third power: China. While international discourse often frames the dynamic as a triangle between India, Russia, and the US, an equally vital axis is the Russia-India-China (RIC) relationship. Beijing’s growing influence over a sanction-isolated Moscow deeply unnerves New Delhi. As Russia becomes economically and diplomatically subservient to China, Moscow's ability to act as an independent partner to India diminishes, especially given that Russia's economy and population are dwarfed by those of its two Asian neighbors.

Nevertheless, India’s longstanding policy of strategic autonomy and non-alignment persists. While India is rebalancing its defense and trade portfolios, an outright break with Moscow remains virtually unthinkable. Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar has pointedly described the Indo-Russian partnership as "the one constant in geopolitics," observing that while India has changed and Russia has changed, the relationship itself has held steady. Observers conclude that while the ideological "love of the 1950s" may no longer exist, the contemporary relationship functions as an effective, durable "marriage of convenience" buttressed by mutual familiarity: "They know whom they are dealing with."

## Notable quotes > [00:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=0s) profiteering off Russian oil — Scott Bessent

> [00:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=0s) mercurial Trump administration has made the US a lot less dependable

> [00:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=0s) more an emotion and less a transaction

> [01:48](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=108s) propaganda, for sure, but it was gorgeous propaganda

> [01:48](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=108s) the Indo-Soviet friendship be as strong as the metal coming out from the Bhilai factory — Nikita Khrushchev

> [02:51](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=171s) red line for the Indian administration

> [04:43](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=283s) arbitrage game

> [08:44](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=524s) the one constant in geopolitics — S. Jaishankar

> [08:44](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=524s) marriage of convenience

> [08:44](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=524s) They know whom they are dealing with.

## Mentioned Bhilai steel plant, Donald Trump, Kudankulam Nuclear Power Plant, Misha, Nikita Khrushchev, Non-Aligned Movement, Pew Research, S. Jaishankar, Scott Bessent, Silicon Valley, Wall Street

## Video description India has spent decades balancing its ties to Russia, and the USSR before it, with those to the US. Today, Russia remains a major supplier of oil and weapons to India, just as India builds deeper economic and strategic ties with the US.

And while India and Russia have changed over time, their relationship remains strong. Even amid the Kremlin’s war on Ukraine and intense pressure from Washington, New Delhi won’t let Moscow go. So why does India keep Russia so close, and can it keep up this balancing act?

Explore these and other related stories in more depth on Bloomberg.com:

How Trump Is Testing India’s US-Russia Balancing Act https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2026-08-31/modi-putin-meeting-how-trump-tariffs-test-india-s-russia-ties

00:00: Intro 01.48: USSR Support 02.51: US and Pakistan 03.39: Military Support 04.43: Russian Oil 05.48: Mercurial Trump 07.17: Nuclear 08.05: US Relationship 08.44: China 09.21: Conclusion

#India #Russia #Trump #US #ColdWar

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[Source](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE)

中文简报

顶住美国压力 印度维持俄制武器与原油进口 新德里无法切断与莫斯科的关系,因为替换其既有的俄制防务系统需要数十年时间,而华盛顿的政治多变性进一步加深了印度对打折能源及历史性安全伙伴关系的依赖。 尽管面临来自华盛顿的巨大外交压力,在既有防务依赖、折价能源进口以及战略自主主义的驱动下,印度仍与俄罗斯保持着稳固的伙伴关系。冷战时期的阵营格局——尤其是美国对巴基斯坦的军事支持以及苏联的技术援助——奠定了深厚的机制性信任,使得印度目前约48%的军事装备仍依赖莫斯科。在西方制裁促使印度成为俄罗斯最大海运原油进口国的同时,新德里也积极发展与美国的重要贸易及侨民纽带,以此支撑其经济未来。在应对捉摸不定的特朗普政府带来的摩擦,并对莫斯科与北京日益紧密的关系保持警惕的同时,印度将对俄关系视为不可或缺、务实互利的权宜结合,并不会予以放弃。 印度的外交政策植根于数十年来在莫斯科与华盛顿之间的平衡举措,倾向于追求战略自主而非与超级大国正式结盟。 (0:00) 印度早期对莫斯科的信任建立在苏联提供了西方国家拒绝提供的重工业技术与图纸(如比莱钢厂)的基础之上。 (1:48) 冷战时期美国与巴基斯坦的军事结盟触碰了印度的红线,促使新德里将莫斯科确立为其首要的安全制衡力量。 (2:51) 印度武装部队在结构上仍依赖俄制军事装备,俄制装备约占其采购总量的48%,且几乎涵盖其整个战斗机机队。 (3:39) 2022年乌克兰危机爆发后,印度利用西方设定的价格上限购买打折俄罗斯原油,截至2026年7月,该项进口已占其石油进口总量的近56%。 (4:43)

Reading summary

India's refusal to cut diplomatic and economic ties with Russia is anchored in decades of military hardware dependency, lucrative energy arbitrage, and deep-seated public trust. While Washington remains India's indispensable export partner, New Delhi maintains a policy of strategic autonomy, treating its partnership with Moscow as a resilient, pragmatic buffer. Soviet Industrial Roots and Enduring Defense Dependence (3:39) India's alignment with Moscow began after independence, when the United States offered financial aid but withheld technical know-how. The Soviet Union filled this void by providing blueprints and engineering for foundational projects like the Bhilai steel plant, celebrated by Nikita Khrushchev in 1960. During the Cold War, Washington's formal alliance with Pakistan breached an Indian red line, prompting New Delhi to turn to Moscow for licensed domestic manufacturing of fighter jets and tanks. Decades of Soviet licensing have left modern India structurally dependent on Russian military hardware. Russia still accounts for roughly 48% of India's overall defense procurement, and nearly the entire Indian fighter aircraft fleet is Russian-made. Because disentangling the military from this legacy infrastructure would demand decades of capital, retraining, and technical overhauls, India remains Russia's largest weapons export market despite Western sanctions and logistics strains from the Ukraine war. Crude Oil Arbitrage and Nuclear Energy Partnerships (4:43) Before 2022, India imported almost no Russian crude oil, drawing almost all supplies from the Middle East. When Western sanctions and price caps created deep discounts on Russian seaborne barrels, Indian refiners initiated a massive arbitrage trade. By July 2026, Russian oil imports surged to nearly 56% of India's total crude intake, channeling an estimated $6.4 billion per month to Moscow. Though initially encouraged by the Biden administration to prevent global supply shocks, the purchases drew fierce Western criticism. Beyond fossil fuels, Russia is central to India's clean energy ambitions. Moscow serves as the primary international partner for the Kudankulam Nuclear Power Plant in Tamil Nadu. Despite severe cost escalations and delivery delays aggravated by the Ukraine conflict, Kudankulam represents an advanced civilian atomic dependency that India cannot easily replace with domestic or Western alternatives. Managing Friction and Economic Dependencies with Washington (5:48) India balances its Russian ties against its critical relationship with the United States, its largest single export market. This partnership is reinforced by over 5 million Indian-origin residents in America, extensive university enrollment pipelines, and Indian-origin executives leading major Silicon Valley and Wall Street firms. However, Washington's political volatility has fueled ongoing apprehension in New Delhi. Bilateral tensions intensified under the Trump administration, where officials like Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent accused India of profiteering from Russian crude. Friction worsened over US tariff threats and Donald Trump's rejected claim of brokering a 2025 India-Pakistan ceasefire, driving a Pew Research survey where 36% of Indian respondents named Russia their primary ally compared to 16% for the US. Pressure eased only after US airstrikes against Iranian targets sparked global supply fears, prompting Washington to renew Russian oil waivers. China's Ascendance and India's Strategic Pragmatism (8:44) The strategic dynamic is increasingly shadowed by Beijing. As international isolation renders Moscow economically and diplomatically subordinate to China, New Delhi worries about Russia's declining ability to act as an independent partner, particularly given that Russia's economy and population are dwarfed by its Asian neighbors. Nevertheless, Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar has called the Indo-Russian partnership "the one constant in geopolitics." While the ideological romance of the 1950s has faded, observers conclude the relationship endures as a stable marriage of convenience grounded in mutual familiarity and predictability. While India remains anchored to Western export markets and capital, its deep reliance on Russian defense systems, discounted crude, and nuclear technology makes a diplomatic split unfeasible. The critical unresolved challenge is whether New Delhi can sustain this non-aligned balancing act as Moscow's deepening subservience to Beijing threatens India's core regional security priorities.

精炼阅读摘要

彭博原创(Bloomberg Originals)分析指出,尽管面临来自美国的严厉外交与关税施压,印度基于深厚的防务依赖、巨大的能源套利空间以及冷战以来的历史信任,断然不会与俄罗斯决裂。新德里与莫斯科的关系已从早期的意识形态契合演进为务实的“便利婚姻”,在抗衡美国政策不确定性与防范中俄过度靠拢之间维系其战略自主。 历史工业信任与长期军工依赖 (1:48) 印俄关系的信任基石奠定于印度独立初期。在西方国家仅愿提供附带条件的财务援助而拒绝转让核心技术时,苏联向新德里提供了关键工业蓝图与工程专长,援建了标志性的比莱(Bhilai)钢铁厂。1960年苏联领导人赫鲁晓夫在印度议会发表演讲,将双边友谊比作比莱钢铁般坚固。与此同时,冷战时期美国选择与印度的宿敌巴基斯坦结成正式军事同盟,触碰了新德里的战略红线,直接促使坚持不结盟政策的印度将莫斯科视作抗衡地缘风险的可靠后盾。苏联随后开创先例,向印度发放喷气式战斗机与坦克的本土生产许可,使印度的国防工业深深植根于苏制体系。 这种数十年积累的装备供应使当今印度军队对俄罗斯形成了难以割舍的系统性依赖。目前俄罗斯仍占印度整体军事采购需求的约48%,且印度近乎整个现役战斗机群均属于俄制谱系。即使在乌克兰危机爆发并引发国际制裁和物流瓶颈之后,印度依然是俄罗斯最大的武器出口市场。观察家指出,维持庞大常备军的高战备状态需要来自莫斯科不间断的零部件供应、专业维护与技术大修支持;从国防安全角度来看,印度若要彻底摆脱俄制硬件,需耗费数十年的巨额资金、人员培训与战略重构,短期内绝无可能断交。 原油套利博弈与民用核电合作 (4:43) 在2022年乌克兰危机爆发前,印度几乎不采购俄罗斯海运原油,其进口基本完全依赖中东地区。然而在西方对俄实施海运原油价格上限后,巨额折扣为印度炼油商开启了丰厚的“套利游戏”。截至2026年7月,俄罗斯原油已占印度石油进口总量的近56%,新德里每月向克里姆林宫支付约64亿美元的原油采购资金,迅速跃居俄罗斯最大的海运原油买家。在此过程中,新德里虽然反复呼吁停止敌对行动,但刻意避免直接谴责莫斯科,在平抑国内通胀的同时攫取了实实在在的商业红利。 在化石能源之外,俄罗斯还在印度以脱碳为目标的民用核能蓝图中扮演着支柱角色。为了满足飙升的电力需求并推进绿色转型,印度将核电视为能源结构调整的基石。在西方合作伙伴因法律纠纷和技术壁垒推进缓慢的情况下,俄罗斯承建了位于泰米尔纳德邦的库丹库拉姆(Kudankulam)核电站。尽管该项目受乌克兰战事与国际制裁波及,面临大幅预算超支和漫长交付延误,但施工仍在稳步推进,构成了印度在短期内无法被本土或西方方案替代的关键技术依赖。 对美经济依存与政策多变的焦虑 (5:48) 虽然印俄战略联系紧密,但美国依然是印度无可替代的最大单一出口市场,印度未来的经济腾飞严重依赖美国的资本、技术与市场准入。双方的纽带还依托于极其深厚的社会资本:超过500万印度裔常住美国,构成全美最富裕的移民群体之一;每年数十万印度学子赴美深造;印度裔高管更是广泛执掌硅谷科技巨头与华尔街金融机构。然而,华盛顿国内政治的不可预测性令新德里长期保持警惕。观察人士指出,特朗普政府的多变使美国显得“远不那么可靠”,并在双边外交中留下了“非常酸涩的味道”。 这种紧张关系体现在激烈的能源分歧上。最初拜登政府为了防止全球原油供应发生灾难性震荡,曾默许印度在限价机制下购买折扣俄油;但特朗普重返执政后态度急转,威胁对印加征严厉关税,美国财政部长斯科特·贝森特(Scott Bessent)甚至公开抨击印度“利用俄罗斯石油牟取暴利”。此外,特朗普声称自己促成2025年印巴停火并应获诺贝尔和平奖的说法遭印度政府断然驳斥,两国政治互信显著受损。皮尤研究中心(Pew Research)民调显示,36%的印度受访者将俄罗斯视为头号盟友,而选择美国的仅占16%。随后,美军针对伊朗军事目标的空袭引发全球能源断供危机,华盛顿被迫再度豁免对俄油的制裁,这种前恭后倨的反复进一步强化了印度不盲从美国的戒心。 中国变量牵动下的地缘便利婚姻 (8:44) 影响印俄战略考量的另一个关键第三方变量是中国。虽然外界多聚焦于美印俄三角博弈,但俄印中(RIC)三边动力机制同样至关重要。随着俄罗斯在西方孤立下对北京产生深度的经济与外交依附,且其经济总量与人口规模远逊于两个亚洲邻国,莫斯科未来作为印度的独立制衡伙伴的能力正在被大幅削弱,这令新德里深感不安。为避免莫斯科彻底倒向北京,印度更倾向于维系双边纽带,防止自身陷入战略孤立。 印度外交部长苏杰生(S. Jaishankar)将印俄伙伴关系评价为“当代地缘政治中唯一不变的常量”,指出尽管印俄两国各自都发生了深刻变化,但双边关系历经波折依然稳固。观察家认为,两国关系虽然失去了20世纪50年代的意识形态浪漫,但已成功转型为基于高度可预期性的“便利婚姻”。双方清楚对方的底线与现实需求,这种务实性确保了印度在积极拓展对美经贸的同时,绝不会轻易割裂与莫斯科维系数十年的战略联结。 该节目系统阐释了印度在美俄之间奉行战略自主的现实主义逻辑,但也留下了长远疑问:随着俄罗斯因乌克兰战事持续被国际边缘化,并在经济上日益沦为中国的附庸,莫斯科在未来究竟还能在多大程度上维持其独立性,以继续充当印度抗衡区域威胁的有效筹码?这一潜在地缘位移将对新德里的不结盟底线构成持久考验。

Detailed notes — zh

## Background 该视频由彭博社旗下栏目 Bloomberg Originals 于 2026 年 9 月 11 日在 YouTube 平台发布。节目简介阐述了印度数十年间如何在美俄(苏)两强之间走钢丝;即便在乌克兰危机与华盛顿高压政策的双重冲击下,俄罗斯仍是印度的核心石油与军备供应国,深度探讨了新德里坚持不与莫斯科决裂的深层原因及这一平衡术的前景。 ## TL;DR 视频全面拆解了印俄特殊战略伙伴关系的成因及其在美俄印大三角博弈中的现实处境。从冷战时期苏联转让军工技术并援建比莱钢铁厂所沉淀的历史信任,到如今印度抢购折价俄油与高达近半数的俄制武器依赖,莫斯科始终是新德里不可替代的安全与能源支柱。与此同时,虽然美国构成了印度最大的单一出口市场与精英侨民依托,但华盛顿多变的关税政策与地缘施压反衬出俄印关系的确定性。面对中俄日渐走近的复杂变局,印度依然选择坚守不结盟传统,将这段历经风雨的同盟维系为一段清醒而牢固的“权宜婚姻”。 ## Atmosphere & style 全片洋溢着彭博社一贯的冷静理性与宏大视野,将严谨的经贸数据、档案胶片与现代地缘博弈镜头融为一体。叙事节奏从容克制且层层深入,既有对冷战工业援助温情记忆的细腻描摹,也有对油价限价套利与关税博弈的锐利审视。观看过程如同一场冷峻的国际象棋棋局拆解,充满大国现实主义的博弈张力与新德里外交生存智慧的微妙平衡感。 ## Bulletin - [04:43](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=283s) 截至2026年7月,俄罗斯原油已占据印度原油总进口量的近56%,印度平均每月向俄支付高达64亿美元采购款,成为支撑克里姆林宫战时财政的核心支柱。 - [03:39](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=219s) 印度国防体系对俄依赖极深,全军至今仍有约48%的武器装备高度仰仗俄罗斯提供零配件、维护支持及软件升级。 - [05:48](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=348s) 皮尤民调显示两国民意落差巨大:36%的印度受访者将俄罗斯视为头号盟友,而视美国为核心盟友的比例仅为16%。 - [08:05](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=485s) 尽管华盛顿频繁挥舞关税大棒施压,但美国作为印度最大单一出口市场以及超500万在美印度裔群体的人文纽带,决定了新德里绝不会彻底疏远美国。 ## Key takeaways - [00:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=0s) 印度在美俄之间维系着微妙的钢丝平衡,既不愿因乌克兰战事与莫斯科断绝纽带,又极度依赖同美国的庞大贸易往来。 - [01:48](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=108s) 冷战初期苏联全套技术转让并援建比莱钢铁厂,形成了西方无法提供的工业骨干支持,奠定了印俄深厚互信的基石。 - [02:51](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=171s) 美巴军事同盟与历次印巴冲突中美国的立场,长期触碰印度的外交红线,促使坚持不结盟政策的印度转向莫斯科寻求联合国安理会否决权与安全策应。 - [03:39](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=219s) 印度全军近一半的主力重型武器流淌着俄制血液,其防务装备的日常维系使莫斯科成为印度无法轻易割舍的战略伙伴。 - [04:43](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=283s) 西方对俄油设置的60美元价格上限演变为印度的套利狂欢,印度一跃成为俄罗斯海运原油最大买家,月均输送数十亿美元资金。 - [05:48](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=348s) 白宫变幻莫测的执政风格与关税威胁加剧了印度的防备心理,尤其在特朗普试图单方面邀功印巴斡旋后,引发新德里强烈反感。 - [05:48](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=348s) 民意调查直观反映出双边偏好,俄罗斯在印度民众心中的盟友认同度(36%)远超美国(16%)。 - [07:17](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=437s) 俄罗斯是印度清洁基荷能源转型的关键依托,即便面临国际制裁,依然全力支撑库丹库拉姆核电站的项目建设。 - [08:05](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=485s) 美国作为印度最大的单一出口市场以及硅谷、华尔街超500万印度裔精英的集聚地,构成了新德里不敢抛弃的现实经济利益。 - [08:44](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=524s) 随着莫斯科在制裁重压下加速向北京靠拢,“俄印中”大三角的失衡与中俄走近正成为令新德里如鲠在喉的边境安全隐患。 - [09:21](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=561s) 当下的印俄同盟被视为一场理性的“权宜婚姻”,即使意识形态狂热褪去,长达数十年的战略熟稔与利益捆绑仍使其成为地缘格局中极难改变的变量。 ## Detailed walkthrough ### [00:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=0s) 莫斯科与华盛顿之间的钢丝平衡 印度与俄罗斯之间的紧密关系绝非仅仅是摆在镜头前的一场政治作秀,两国之间的纽带深植于过去数十年的历史之中。即便在乌克兰危机爆发后,新德里方面依然极为不愿同莫斯科决裂。然而,购买俄罗斯原油的行为让印度面临巨大的外部压力,美国财政部长斯科特·贝森特(Scott Bessent)接连对新德里发起猛烈抨击,指责印度在利用廉价俄罗斯石油大发横财。在许多地缘战略分析人士眼中,印度、俄罗斯与美国之间的三角博弈正在重演历史的剧本。这三方都心知肚明,彼此之间既存在重叠的共同利益,又交织着尖锐的竞争矛盾。 自独立以来,印度就一直在莫斯科与华盛顿之间维系着一种微妙的平衡。然而时至今日,经济现实正赋予美国越来越重的分量——美国已成为印度远为关键的贸易伙伴。一边是体量庞大的美印贸易,另一边是受战火和制裁冲击的俄印贸易,这种不对称的经贸格局给新德里带来了新的烦恼。尤其是当白宫展现出变幻莫测的执政风格时,美国政策的不可预测性让双边关系显得愈发难以捉摸,甚至在印度决策层心中留下了相当苦涩的滋味。相比之下,俄印之间历经多次时代风暴考验的“特权战略伙伴关系”,常常被形容为不仅是利益算计,更带有一种难以割舍的情感共鸣,真正实现了某种“心意相通”。 ```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: 印度与美俄两国的战略纠葛 accDescr: 展现印度在安全情感依赖与经济现实利益之间维持的平衡三角关系 subgraph IndiaTriangle["印度的两难天平"] IND["印度 (New Delhi)"] RUS["俄罗斯 (Moscow)"] USA["美国 (Washington)"] IND -- "长期国防依赖 / 折价石油 / 历史信任" --> RUS RUS -- "武器零配件 / 关键技术转让" --> IND IND -- "庞大出口市场 / 硅谷精英 / 科技与投资" --> USA USA -- "制裁施压 / 关税大棒 / 印巴平衡摇摆" --> IND RUS -. "乌克兰战争引发制裁对抗".- USA end ``` ### [01:48](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=108s) 冷战遗存:苏联的技术转让与比莱钢铁厂传奇 在许多印度人的集体记忆中,苏联的印记远比外界想象的更加温和甚至富有好感。老一辈印度人依然清晰记得一本名为《米莎》(Misha)的苏联画报,上面印满了关于苏联航天计划和科技奇迹的图文故事;尽管那本质上是国家宣传,但印度民众却发自内心地将其视为一种“极具美感且令人向往的宣传”。1947年印度刚获得独立时,国家迫切需要快速实现工业化。然而每当印度寻求尖端工业与科技支持时,美国往往只愿意提供带有附加条件的财政援助,坚决拒绝向印度转让核心技术,而苏联(乃至后来的俄罗斯)却十分乐意对印度倾囊相相助。 两国深厚友谊最拔地而起的象征当属比莱钢铁厂(Bhilai Steel Plant)。当时苏联不仅向印度提供了全套工程技术图纸,还手把手协助印度工人完成设备制造和厂房建设。1960年,时任苏联最高领导人赫鲁晓夫在访问印度并对印度议会发表演讲时曾留下名言,他盛赞“让印苏友谊就像比莱钢铁厂出炉的钢铁一样坚不可摧”。这种在印度最匮乏时给予核心工业骨架的慷慨,使俄罗斯在印度社会各阶层心中奠定了不可动摇的信任基石。 ### [02:51](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=171s) 巴基斯坦阴影与不结盟阵营的抉择 冷战伊始,美国并非不想把印度拉拢至自己的阵营,但初获独立的印度坚定信奉不结盟运动,恪守不与任何霸权大国缔结正式军事同盟的底线,坚决拒绝在全球阵营对抗中选边站队。面对印度的若即若离,华盛顿随后选择与印度的宿敌巴基斯坦结成冷战军事同盟,这直接将新德里推向了莫斯科的怀抱。 巴基斯坦这一变数,自始至终是贯穿印苏及俄印关系的核心主线。在数次印巴冲突及关键国际场合中,美国多次站在巴基斯坦一方,这直接触碰了印度历届政府绝不可退让的外交红线。正因美国在安全问题上的不可靠,印度越发依赖来自莫斯科在联合国安理会的一票否决权支持以及全面的地缘战略策应。 ### [03:39](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=219s) 军事命脉:从技术授权制造到武器大国依赖 早在20世纪50年代,新德里就确立了一项原则:一个有尊严的新兴大国绝不接受任何超级大国的武器施舍,印度必须通过真金白银直接采购,或者购买生产许可证在本土进行特许制造。西方大国对此极为严苛,而苏联却毫不迟疑地向印度发放了成套战斗机与主战坦克的本土特许生产许可。这种深度的国防工业捆绑延续至今,使得俄罗斯至今依然是印度最不可替代的最大防务装备供应国。 放眼印度现役的战斗机机队与陆军重型装甲部队,几乎大半壁江山都流淌着俄罗斯的工业血液。为了支撑自身不断上升的区域大国地位,印度维持着一支庞大的军队,这意味着其装备日常运转、核心零部件维护、软件系统升级都高度依附于俄罗斯的技术后勤网络。即便乌克兰战争爆发并伴随着严厉的国际金融制裁,印度依然是俄罗斯武器最大的海外客户,全军上下仍有约48%甚至近一半的武器装备高度仰仗俄罗斯维系。 ### [04:43](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=283s) 折价原油狂欢与原油套利游戏 2022年俄罗斯对乌克兰发起特别军事行动前,印度几乎从未从俄罗斯大规模进口原油,其原油消耗的主要供给地一直是中东海湾国家。然而战火爆发后,西方对俄油施加了每桶60美元的价格上限机制,初衷是既限制克里姆林宫的石油暴利,又维持国际原油供应稳定以防油价飙升。但这套规则迅速被演变成了一场前所未有的原油套利游戏,印度开始在海运航线上疯狂扫货折扣俄油,并一跃成为俄罗斯海运原油的最大买家。 - **暴增的采购规模**:截至2026年7月,俄罗斯原油已占据印度原油总进口量的近56%。 - **庞大的资金输送**:印度平均每月向俄罗斯支付高达64亿美元的原油采购费用,这笔巨额现金流入成为支撑克里姆林宫战时财政的关键支柱。 - **政策转变的落差**:最初拜登政府为了平抑全球通胀,默认并鼓励印度在限价机制下吃进俄油;然而当国际原油链条彻底重塑后,这一行为随即招致了华盛顿政界愈演愈烈的抨击。 ### [05:48](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=348s) 变幻莫测的白宫与民意反弹 随着唐纳德·特朗普重掌白宫大权,华盛顿对新德里的态度急转直下,开启了严苛的问责模式。特朗普政府频频以征收高额关税、“一层叠一层”的关税大棒为威胁,通过大规模的舆论施压以及美印自贸协定谈判为筹码,要求印度大幅砍掉从莫斯科的石油进口。此外,在2025年印巴爆发短暂边境冲突后,特朗普曾公开宣称停火全归功于自己的斡旋,甚至极力要求应为此颁发诺贝尔和平奖,这种单方面的政治揽功遭到了新德里的公开驳斥与反感。 这一系列敲打与动荡沉重打击了美国在印度民间的声誉。皮尤研究中心(Pew Research Center)的一项民意调查直观地反映了两国在印度民众心中的巨大落差: - **36%** 的印度受访者依然将俄罗斯视为印度的头号盟友; - 仅有 **16%** 的印度受访者将美国看作印度的核心盟友。 局势随后在美以与伊朗爆发战火后再度戏剧性翻盘。中东局势的骤然紧张让霍尔木兹海峡与全球能源供给岌岌可危,迫于通胀与能源断供的巨大恐慌,华盛顿不得不收敛其强硬姿态,重新批准了全球购买俄罗斯石油的制裁豁免权,而印度也顺理成章地继续借助这一外交缝隙大获其利。 ### [07:17](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=437s) 清洁能源转型与库丹库拉姆核电站 除了传统的化石能源往来,莫斯科在印度的长远能源多元化战略中也扮演着不可替代的角色。新德里正竭力将其能源版图拓展至绿色清洁能源,而作为零排放且高效稳定的基荷电源,核电成为了印度国家战略的核心发力点。 位于印度最南端泰米尔纳德邦的库丹库拉姆核电站(Kudankulam Nuclear Power Plant)便是俄印核能合作的绝对旗舰项目。尽管受乌克兰战争以及针对俄罗斯技术供应链制裁的影响,该项目遭遇了严重的工期延误与预算超支,但各项机组的建设仍在持续推进。在西方供应商对印度民用核技术设置重重壁垒的背景下,俄罗斯依旧是印度核能拼图中无可替代的核心板块。 ### [08:05](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=485s) 不可割舍的现实利益:美印经济与人才纽带 尽管与俄罗斯情深意重,但印度也绝不敢在现实利益层面彻底疏远美国。华盛顿目前是印度无可争议的最大单一出口市场,印度急需借助美国市场推动本国制造业与数字服务业增长,竭力争取更加优惠的经贸待遇。 两国之间的人文纽带同样盘根错节。目前在美印度裔群体规模已突破500万人,成为全美体量最大、经济与政治影响力最显著的移民社群之一。数十万印度留学生赴美求学并留在硅谷与华尔街打拼,如今众多全球科技巨头以及美国核心金融机构的高管层中,印度裔面孔正独领风骚。这种深厚的经济利益与精英阶层的血脉相连,使新德里永远无法做出彻底舍弃美国的非理性抉择。 ### [08:44](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=524s) 真正棘手的平衡木:俄印中大三角博弈 许多人在审视地缘政治格局时,习惯于聚焦“印度-俄罗斯-美国”这一传统三角;然而分析人士指出,在现实博弈中同样关键、甚至对印度更为敏感的其实是“俄罗斯-印度-中国”构成的另一层三角网络。 伴随乌克兰战局的发展,莫斯科在西方极限施压下在经贸与战略上对北京产生了空前的依赖,而这正是让新德里如鲠在喉的潜在噩梦。在印中边界摩擦未消、战略戒心深重的大背景下,俄罗斯在中印之间往往扮演着左右为难的“中间人”角色。然而在经济体量与人口红利的双重天平上,如今的俄罗斯相比于中印两个超级巨人已经显得后劲不足,新德里不得不密切警惕中俄走近给自己北部边境安全带来的地缘倾斜。 ### [09:21](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=561s) 一场清醒的“权宜婚姻” 面对被西方孤立、经济饱受制裁折磨的俄罗斯,印度长久以来的不结盟战略依然坚挺。尽管未来外界可能会目睹新德里在各方势力间展开一定程度的微调与再平衡,但要让印度彻底背弃莫斯科几乎是天方夜谭。正如印度外交部长苏杰生(S. Jaishankar)多次指出的那样,无论国际风云如何变幻,俄印关系始终是“当代地缘政治中唯一不变的常量”。 当下的俄印同盟被学者更精妙地定义为一场高度务实的“权宜婚姻”(a marriage of convenience)。或许上世纪50年代那种纯粹炽热的意识形态之爱早已褪色,但数十年来共同经历风雨所沉淀出的战略温情与极度熟稔感依然牢不可破——两国打交道太久了,双方从骨子里深知坐在谈判桌对面的究竟是怎样的一位老友。 ## Notable quotes > [00:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=0s) 特权战略伙伴关系 > [00:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=0s) 心意相通 > [01:48](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=108s) 极具美感且令人向往的宣传 > [01:48](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=108s) 让印苏友谊就像比莱钢铁厂出炉的钢铁一样坚不可摧 — 赫鲁晓夫 > [05:48](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=348s) 一层叠一层 — 唐纳德·特朗普 > [08:44](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=524s) 中间人 > [09:21](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=561s) 当代地缘政治中唯一不变的常量 — 苏杰生 > [09:21](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE&t=561s) 权宜婚姻 ## Mentioned 斯科特·贝森特, 唐纳德·特朗普, 拜登, 赫鲁晓夫, 苏杰生, 比莱钢铁厂, 库丹库拉姆核电站, 《米莎》画报, 皮尤研究中心, 联合国安理会, 彭博社 ## Video description India has spent decades balancing its ties to Russia, and the USSR before it, with those to the US. Today, Russia remains a major supplier of oil and weapons to India, just as India builds deeper economic and strategic ties with the US. And while India and Russia have changed over time, their relationship remains strong. Even amid the Kremlin’s war on Ukraine and intense pressure from Washington, New Delhi won’t let Moscow go. So why does India keep Russia so close, and can it keep up this balancing act? Explore these and other related stories in more depth on Bloomberg.com: How Trump Is Testing India’s US-Russia Balancing Act https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2026-08-31/modi-putin-meeting-how-trump-tariffs-test-india-s-russia-ties 00:00: Intro 01.48: USSR Support 02.51: US and Pakistan 03.39: Military Support 04.43: Russian Oil 05.48: Mercurial Trump 07.17: Nuclear 08.05: US Relationship 08.44: China 09.21: Conclusion #India #Russia #Trump #US #ColdWar -------- Like this video? Subscribe: http://www.youtube.com/Bloomberg?sub_confirmation=1 Get unlimited access to Bloomberg.com for just $1.99 your first month: https://www.bloomberg.com/subscriptions?in_source=YoutubeOriginals Bloomberg Originals offers bold takes for curious minds on today’s biggest topics. Hosted by experts covering stories you haven’t seen and viewpoints you haven’t heard, you’ll discover cinematic, data-led shows that investigate the intersection of business and culture. Exploring every angle of climate change, technology, finance, sports and beyond, Bloomberg Originals is business as you’ve never seen it. Subscribe for business news, but not as you've known it: exclusive interviews, fascinating profiles, data-driven analysis, and the latest in tech innovation from around the world. Visit our partner channel Bloomberg News for global news and insight in an instant. [Source](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXGXuWfWFIE)

Source quotes

[0:00] 特权战略伙伴关系 [0:00] 心意相通 [1:48] 极具美感且令人向往的宣传 [1:48] 赫鲁晓夫: 让印苏友谊就像比莱钢铁厂出炉的钢铁一样坚不可摧 [5:48] 唐纳德·特朗普: 一层叠一层 [8:44] 中间人 [9:21] 苏杰生: 当代地缘政治中唯一不变的常量 [9:21] 权宜婚姻

Source quotes

[0:00] Scott Bessent: profiteering off Russian oil [0:00] mercurial Trump administration has made the US a lot less dependable [0:00] more an emotion and less a transaction [1:48] propaganda, for sure, but it was gorgeous propaganda [1:48] Nikita Khrushchev: the Indo-Soviet friendship be as strong as the metal coming out from the Bhilai factory [2:51] red line for the Indian administration [4:43] arbitrage game [8:44] S. Jaishankar: the one constant in geopolitics [8:44] marriage of convenience [8:44] They know whom they are dealing with.

Original transcript

[0:00] The closeness of these two isn't just for the cameras. [0:04] India and Russia's relationship goes back decades. [0:09] And even after Russia started a war in Ukraine [0:13] New Delhi is reluctant [0:15] to break up with Moscow. [0:18] There was considerable strain on India [0:21] after the Ukraine war for buying Russian crude. [0:25] US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent ramping up attacks on India, [0:29] accusing the country of profiteering off Russian oil. [0:32] In a way, the triangle between India, Russia and America [0:37] seems to be history repeating itself. [0:40] I think all three countries recognize that they have sort of [0:43] overlapping interests and sometimes competing interests. [0:47] India’s been juggling its relationship between [0:50] Moscow and Washington since its independence. [0:53] But these days, it's the US that's the more important trading partner. [0:57] This is India's trade with Russia. [1:00] And this is its trade with the US. [1:04] Unfortunately for India, the US president can be unpredictable. [1:08] This mercurial Trump administration has made the US a lot less dependable, [1:13] The way the current administration [1:15] has dealt with the relationship, it's left a very sour taste. [1:21] Russia and India had a very special, privileged relationship [1:24] that has withstood the test of difficult times. [1:28] Russia-India relationship is more an emotion and less a transaction. [1:31] Their minds meet. Their hearts meet. [1:33] That's very important. [1:35] The world's most populous country must walk a tightrope. [1:39] But can it stay close to both Russia and the US? [1:51] I remember growing up [1:52] there was this magazine called Misha. [1:55] And it carried stories of Russia's space program. [2:00] It was propaganda, for sure, but it was gorgeous propaganda. [2:05] In India, the legacy of the Soviet Union [2:08] is seen more positively than some might expect. [2:11] Following India's independence in 1947, [2:14] it was looking for help to industrialize. [2:17] When India has wanted expertise, [2:20] America has only offered financial aid [2:23] and not the willingness to transfer technology to India. [2:27] The Soviet Union, and subsequently Russia has been willing to do that. [2:32] The towering symbol of the India- Soviet friendship was the Bhilai steel plant. [2:37] The Russians gave the technical blueprint. [2:39] When Khrushchev came to India and addressed the Indian Parliament in 1960, [2:44] he actually said that made the Indo-Soviet friendship [2:47] be as strong as the metal coming out from the Bhilai factory. [2:52] It's not that the US didn't want India as a partner at the start of the Cold War. [2:56] But India is committed to not formally aligning itself with any ally. [3:01] It generally refuses to pick sides. [3:04] While the US forged a military alliance with arch rival Pakistan. [3:09] All this pushed New Delhi closer to Moscow. [3:12] the Pakistan angle is a constant [3:16] in the India-Soviet Union and India-Russia relationship. [3:20] And primarily because we see United States [3:22] at varying points taking sides with Pakistan, [3:26] which is a red line for the Indian administration. [3:32] In contrast, the Soviet Union was willing [3:34] to share more than just engineering know-how. [3:38] Again, going back to the 1950s, a newly independent India [3:42] did not want aid in the form of weapons from any great superpower. [3:47] It would either purchase weapons or the production licenses [3:51] to manufacture weapons locally. [3:54] Soviet Union has no problem [3:55] if India were to license produce a certain number of fighter jets, [3:59] a certain number of tanks. [4:01] Those military ties endure to today. [4:04] Russia remains India's largest defense supplier. [4:08] You look at India's fighter fleet, [4:11] almost all of it is Russian. [4:15] India will have to depend on Russia [4:18] for spares, for tech to maintain these. [4:22] India requires really a large military [4:24] to reflect its increased regional status. [4:27] Despite all of the difficulties associated with sanctions and the war in Ukraine, [4:32] India is still Russia's biggest market for weaponry. [4:36] And it still supplies something like, 48% [4:39] or half of India's military needs. [4:44] Russia's 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine [4:48] made being friends with Moscow much harder. [4:52] India has repeatedly called for peace [4:54] but stopped short of condemning the invasion. [4:58] So before the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022, [5:01] India was practically not taking any Russian oil at all. [5:04] India got the majority of its oil from the Middle East. But that's changed. [5:09] Look how imports from Russia have grown. [5:12] Today, India, at this point [5:15] is Russia's largest client for seaborne oil. [5:19] One reason for this was the price cap put on Russian oil exports. [5:23] cap was designed to punish Russia while keeping crude prices stable. [5:28] There was a discount on Russian oil and the price of oil became an arbitrage game. [5:34] Russian crude reached nearly 56% of India's [5:37] total imports in July 2026. [5:40] That's around $6.4 billion worth of Russian oil a month. [5:46] Vital cash for the Kremlin. [5:50] At first, buying Russian oil wasn't a problem. [5:53] Because it wasn't sanctioned. [5:55] The Biden administration had encouraged India to buy Russian oil, [5:58] as long as it was under the price cap in order to keep global markets balanced. [6:02] But that changed under President Donald Trump. [6:05] The United States has been lambasting [6:08] New Delhi for its purchases of Russian oil. [6:11] They used tariffs, and tariffs upon tariffs. [6:14] They used a public campaign, and the prospect [6:17] of this trade deal to really try and push India to cut back. [6:20] Another dent in the relationship came that same year. [6:23] Following a short conflict in 2025 between India and Pakistan, [6:28] Trump insisted he should get the Nobel Peace Prize for helping reach a ceasefire. [6:34] India rejected Trump's claims. [6:38] And all of this has hurt public opinion of the US in India. [6:42] A Pew survey recently said that [6:44] 36% of Indians view Russia as India's top ally. [6:48] Versus just 16% who see America's India's top ally. [6:57] US forces have launched airstrikes on an Iranian military site, [7:00] signaling how fragile hopes have become for a deal. [7:04] Now, the US, Israel war with Iran flips the tables again. [7:09] The US backed off its tough talk. [7:12] There are refresh waivers for countries around the world to buy Russian oil. [7:16] And India has certainly taken advantage of that. [7:19] Oil remains a vital connection. [7:21] But Russia is also key to India's energy diversification. [7:26] India has been trying to diversify its energy basket [7:30] to clean and green energy on one hand and to nuclear, [7:33] which is a very powerful source of clean energy. [7:37] The flagship project is Kudankulam, [7:39] which is a nuclear power plant in Tamil Nadu in the very south of India. [7:43] It's been very, very expensive and delayed as a result of the war in Ukraine. [7:48] But it is advancing and it is a very important piece of India's nuclear puzzle. [7:54] But India must weigh its friendship with Russia [7:56] against economic realities that can't be ignored. [8:00] The US is far and away India's largest export market. [8:04] So they can't afford to alienate the US. [8:06] They certainly want to improve trade terms with the US. [8:10] The Indian diaspora in the US is more than 5 million strong, [8:14] making it one of the largest immigrant communities in the country. [8:18] Hundreds of thousands of Indian students study in the US. [8:21] They develop careers there. [8:23] Silicon Valley has got a great amount of Indian leaders. [8:27] The financial sector in America has got a lot of Indians leading the pack. [8:32] Then there's India's other neighbor. [8:36] China is really important piece when we think about the Russia India [8:39] relationship, we tend to think about it as India, Russia, the US. [8:43] It's that triangle. [8:44] But actually an equally important triangle is Russia, India, China. [8:49] Russia's increasing dependance on China, that's not comfortable for India. [8:54] Russia is often the sort of man in the middle [8:58] and doesn't have really the same reach or potential as the other two, [9:02] which are just giant economies and giant populations [9:06] in comparison to Russia. [9:10] India's long established strategy [9:12] of non-alignment continues. [9:14] And despite Russia's damaged [9:16] economy and pariah status, it remains a critical partner. [9:21] We might see a rebalancing. [9:23] But it's difficult to see a complete turn away from Russia, [9:27] I would always go back to the comments made by the Foreign Minister [9:30] Jaishankar, who referred to this as the one constant in geopolitics. [9:34] India has changed, Russia has changed, but their relationship has not. [9:39] The relationship between India and Russia [9:42] I would characterize it today as a marriage of convenience. [9:47] Perhaps the love of the 1950s no longer is there, [9:51] but there still is a certain warmth that definitely is the familiarity. [9:55] They know whom they are dealing with.