社保挂靠被倒查20年!广东率先动手,多少人的养老金要归零了 #社保 #养老金 #圆桌派 #养老 #养老院 #财富 #经济

社保挂靠被倒查20年!广东率先动手,多少人的养老金要归零了 #社保 #养老金 #圆桌派 #养老 #养老院 #财富 #经济 — 纪实万象

纪实万象

AI-assisted summary of 社保挂靠被倒查20年!广东率先动手,多少人的养老金要归零了 #社保 #养老金 #圆桌派 #养老 #养老院 #财富 #经济 — original source. Check the original for full context.

Source published:

Key ideas

  • 现代社会面临人类寿命大幅延长与独生子女家庭缩小的双重结构性变革,导致传统家庭养老机制失效,老龄人口被迫走向社会化养老。 (0:00)
  • 中国养老格局遵循“9073”模式,即90%居家养老、7%依托社区、仅3%进入专业机构,但随着独生子女家庭照护力枯竭,社区支持网络成为核心短板。 (8:05)
  • 县城基层养老院呈现“两极分化”困境,收费低廉的机构因免责考核过度限制老人行动,护工缺乏职业认同并深感被边缘化。 (15:45)
  • 全球年轻一代面临财务落后于父辈的普遍困境,催生了“全职儿女”等依托父母退休金提供家政照护的家庭内循环模式。 (54:40)

Detailed notes

## Background 该视频由YouTube频道“纪实万象”于2026年9月19日发布。页面简介指出,本期内容汇集了窦文涛主持的文化闲话对谈节目《圆桌派》及相关素材,秉持不刻意修饰的对谈风格,携手嘉宾围绕社会万象、养老归宿与人生议题展开深入神侃。

## TL;DR 节目围绕“百岁人生”时代下的养老困局、制度缺口与生死禁忌展开了全面探讨。嘉宾们结合中国“9073”养老结构、县级养老院田野调查以及失能老人日常护理痛点,深刻剖析了传统“养儿防老”破灭后专业照护匮乏与城市无障碍环境缺失的现实。随后,对话借由清华大学关于死亡主题的当代艺术展与个人丧亲体验,直面中国文化对病痛死亡的深层回避与心理疗愈需求。最后,针对“全职儿女”、全球青年财富难以超越父辈的资产困境及北欧高福利独立模式进行对比反思,落脚于父母应当学会体面放手、不予绑架的家庭相处之道。

## Atmosphere & style 整场节目兼具纪实沉重感与老友促膝长谈的温情幽默,在尖锐现实与哲学思辨之间自如切换。面对卧床失禁、临终喘息以及丧父之痛等沉重甚至令人落泪的私密创伤,嘉宾们以坦率赤诚的自我剖析打破禁忌,并穿插风趣豁达的调侃来化解恐惧。从探讨衰老苦难的焦虑压抑,逐步过渡到对生死大限的释然接纳,整场聆听体验既充满直面真实的刺痛,又蕴含着温润宽广的情感抚慰。

## Bulletin - [00:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=0s) 现代社会面临人类寿命大幅延长与独生子女家庭缩小的双重结构性变革,导致传统家庭养老机制失效,老龄人口被迫走向社会化养老。 - [08:05](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=485s) 中国养老格局遵循“9073”模式,即90%居家养老、7%依托社区、仅3%进入专业机构,但随着独生子女家庭照护力枯竭,社区支持网络成为核心短板。 - [15:45](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=945s) 县城基层养老院呈现“两极分化”困境,收费低廉的机构因免责考核过度限制老人行动,护工缺乏职业认同并深感被边缘化。 - [54:40](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=3280s) 全球年轻一代面临财务落后于父辈的普遍困境,催生了“全职儿女”等依托父母退休金提供家政照护的家庭内循环模式。

## Key takeaways - [10:23](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=623s) 长寿时代将人生分为全新阶段,从60岁退休到百岁人生之间存在漫长达四十年的晚年期,迫使个体提前规划自立生活。 - [02:43](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=163s) 现代城市规划与公共基础设施普遍以年轻敏捷的“标准人”为基准,严重缺乏针对失禁、行动迟缓老人的适老化改造。 - [05:59](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=359s) 早期可穿戴外骨骼等助老科技存在续航不足、将机械负荷转移至脆弱腰椎等工程瓶颈,短期内难以替代生理独立性。 - [13:06](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=786s) “养儿防老”观念全面破灭,由于子女精力与财力常被生活内卷消耗,社会机构与专业照护成为不可避免的未来路径。 - [19:08](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=1148s) 专业医疗护理资源长期禁锢在大型医院内部,亟需通过政策激励与责任界定机制下沉至基层社区与家庭场景。 - [22:03](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=1323s) 晚年规划提倡“存肌肉、存钱、存脑力、存爱好”,通过持续自我储蓄和精神寄托应对机能衰退。 - [24:50](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=1490s) 失能失智阶段的成人纸尿裤等护理用品需求巨大,但市场品质与研发投入远滞后于婴幼儿产品,折射出银发经济的空白。 - [39:54](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=2394s) 中国文化深层存在“避谶”与回避死亡的禁忌心理,导致生死教育长期缺位,家属往往以回避态度应对分离创伤。 - [43:19](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=2599s) 传统家庭在丧葬仪轨中凸显父权象征,但在实际长期照护、端屎倒尿等繁重苦累工作中往往由女性默默承担主要压力。 - [54:40](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=3280s) “全职儿女”并非单纯啃老,而是年轻人面对就业压力,以提供家政、数字化支持和就医陪护换取家庭内部资金流转的微经济循环。 - [01:02:25](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=3745s) 北欧福利模式将年轻人的生存与老人的照护完全与家庭剥离并交由国家托底,实现了亲情之间不掺杂经济依赖的“纯粹之爱”。 - [01:05:01](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=3901s) 因错过房地产转型与资产沉淀红利,全球年轻一代在薪酬与财富积累上面临普遍无法超越父辈的现实困境。 - [01:10:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=4200s) 现代父母对成年子女最健康的关爱在于得体放手与托举,不以养老反哺进行道德绑架,让子女自主追求独立人生。

## Detailed walkthrough ### [00:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=0s) The Unprecedented Era of Longevity and the Crisis of Family Care

Modern society has entered entirely unchartered demographic territory on two fronts: never before in history have human beings lived so long in such massive numbers, and never before in Chinese history—through centuries of war, peace, and dynastic change—has the family unit contracted from multiple children down to a single child or very few offspring. This structural rupture creates a daunting elder care challenge that ancient ancestors could never have envisioned and which the current social architecture is ill-equipped to solve. As family sizes shrink, society cannot rely on traditional domestic caretaking and is forced to transition rapidly toward collective social elder care. Yet, outside the spotlight, the vast majority of elderly people across China, particularly in second- and third-tier cities and vast rural areas, remain largely overlooked and underserved. In discussing this shift, the speakers note entrepreneur Chen Dongsheng’s broader vision in pioneering senior care communities, framing the conversation not as corporate self-promotion, but around making "great contributions to the world" during an unprecedented longevity era.

[01:05](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=65s) Physical Confinement, Dementia, and the Meaning of Survival

The conversation turns to the philosophical and physical reality of the end of life, recalling the poignant final days of former Renmin University philosophy professor Zhu Rui, who recorded his dying reflections in "The Last Moments of a Philosopher" while admitted to the palliative hospice ward at Haidian Hospital. For a bedridden thinker confronting death, ultimate happiness was stripped down to the most humble, unattainable wish: to simply step out of bed, slip unnoticed across the street, sit down in a small neighborhood diner, and drink a bowl of hot soup. This highlights the cruel disparity between longevity and quality of life. For a long life to retain its dignity, physical health and mental lucidity must remain in harmony, yet severe divergence between the two leads to heart-wrenching dilemmas. When Ronald Reagan succumbed to Alzheimer’s disease, many media outlets cruelly remarked that the former president had effectively died years earlier and that only a hollow shadow remained on earth, with some commentators even suggesting that a swifter death from cancer would have spared his family endless suffering. The speakers firmly push back against this cold calculation, emphasizing that outsiders cannot comprehend the profound emotional and existential meaning a living elder continues to hold for their loved ones, even when memory or bodily function collapses.

[02:43](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=163s) The Cult of Self-Reliance and the Fallacy of the "Standard Human"

Societal attitudes toward aging often inflict a second, quieter cruelty by measuring all citizens against an idealized "standard human." Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork by researcher Wu Xinyue across county-level nursing homes in southern Jiangsu, the discussion critiques contemporary society's obsession with worshiping the strong, preaching relentless self-reliance and autonomous mobility. Under this ethos, illness, physical decline, and cognitive impairment are treated as abnormal defects to be swept out of sight, ignoring the reality that complete human independence is a temporary fiction: everyone eventually reaches a phase of absolute vulnerability where dignity and pride must yield to total reliance on caretakers. Society's built environment—from digital platforms to mega-airports like Shanghai Pudong International Airport—is calibrated solely for young, brisk commuters carrying light shoulder bags across endless concourses.

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Urban Design and Demographic Reality Gap accDescr: Diagram contrasting modern infrastructure design benchmarks with the physical needs of an aging society.

subgraph Design["Flawed Modern Design Benchmark"] direction TB A["Presumed 'Standard Human'<br/>(Young, agile, independent commuter)"] B["Built Environment<br/>(Vast terminals, stairways, digital-first screens)"] A --> B end

subgraph Reality["Impending Demographic Reality"] direction TB C["Aging Population Shift<br/>(Over 25% elderly demographic)"] D["Physical Realities<br/>(Limited stamina, diaper changes, handrail reliance)"] C --> D end

subgraph Consequence["Societal Outcome"] direction TB E["Unadapted Public Spaces"] F["Enforced Confinement<br/>(Seniors trapped indoors, invisible to society)"] E --> F end

B -.->|"Fails to accommodate"| D D --> E ```

Public facilities celebrate dedicated nursery rooms for mothers and infants but remain blind to the everyday necessities of incontinent seniors who require grab-bars, continuous resting benches, moving walkways, and adult changing stations. Without substantial, barrier-free retrofitting of urban spaces as seniors approach 25% or more of the populace, the elderly are effectively banished into forced domestic isolation simply because venturing outdoors is an insurmountable physical ordeal.

[05:59](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=359s) The Realities of Assistive Tech: The First-Generation Exoskeleton

As people search for practical ways to maintain mobility, technological solutions such as robotic exoskeletons have begun entering the consumer sphere, though early iterations reveal stark engineering limitations. One panelist shares an anecdote about an older friend who eagerly purchased a wearable mobility exoskeleton after finding his aging legs less nimble. While the motorized gear initially produced an intoxicating sensation of effortless, floating strides, real-world testing quickly exposed glaring flaws. The battery drained rapidly, spare power packs were cumbersome to haul, and a flawed bottom-up battery latch caused the power unit to detach and tumble out mid-stride when the wearer hopped. More insidiously, switching the motor off left the user's natural leg muscles feeling dramatically more fatigued and powerless than before. Furthermore, building lighter structural frames fails to resolve the primary ergonomic bottleneck:

- Exoskeletons inevitably transfer heavy kinetic forces and mechanical torque directly onto the user's lumbar spine and waist. - Because middle-aged and older adults frequently suffer from chronic lower-back strain, lifting the legs via motorized assistance merely shifts the load onto an already fragile, compromised core. - Without addressing natural human weight-bearing dynamics, wearable robotics cannot yet substitute for functional physiological independence.

[08:05](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=485s) The "9073" Elderly Care Paradigm and Growing Youth Anxiety

Addressing the realistic destination for the aging public, the discussion examines the dominant care model first formalized by Shanghai, which, alongside Beijing, confronts one of the most advanced demographic aging curves in China. The framework, known as the "9073" formula, maps out the systemic distribution of elder care:

```mermaid flowchart LR accTitle: The 9073 Elder Care Distribution Structure accDescr: Breakdown of the 9073 model for elder care distribution in China.

Total["Total Senior Population"] Total --> Home["90%: Home-based Aging<br/>(Family and domestic setting)"] Total --> Community["7%: Community-supported Care<br/>(Daycare centers, home delivery, local clinics)"] Total --> Facility["3%: Institutional Nursing Care<br/>(Specialized homes, commercial facilities)"] ```

The luxury retirement complexes frequently highlighted in public discourse represent only the very pinnacle of that narrow 3% institutional tier, leaving 97% of the aging population to grow old within standard residential neighborhoods. However, with the rapid depletion of home-based caregivers due to single-child dynamics, remaining at home without robust community networks is becoming untenable, forcing an urgent pivot toward community-integrated care services. This mounting pressure has reverberated downward into the psychology of the younger generation. In public attitude surveys measuring young adults aged 18 to 35, the proportion of respondents who admitted they had never thought about retirement dropped steeply within just a few years from over 70% to roughly 40%. Today, well over half of young Chinese adults are actively researching pension schemes, annuity investments, and social safety nets decades ahead of retirement, driven by anxiety over an increasingly fragile demographic future.

[10:23](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=623s) 老老相护的现实冲击与“人生后四十年”的重新划分

窦文涛与嘉宾们探讨了如今人们面对变老时的心理焦虑与现实依托。当被问及“老了究竟能指望谁?是指望儿女还是指望股市”时,嘉宾坦言亲自目睹的现实具有极大的冲击力。每次走进老年人扎堆的场所,都会同时联想到两重问题:一个是眼前的至亲长辈(比如自己已过八旬的老母亲),另一个则是未来的自己。如今的老龄化社会呈现出一个极度普遍的现象——“老人照顾老人”。以前是六七十岁的人照料八九十岁的老人;在医院里,甚至能看到八十多岁的老人推着坐轮椅、宛如婴儿般的一百岁至亲。“老老相护”的场景让人一方面焦虑何时能为母亲觅得合适的养老院,另一方面则不得不早早设想自己未来的归宿。

即便放眼演艺界也是如此:香港影坛的中流砥柱如刘德华、梁朝伟均已年过六旬仍奋战在一线,周润发更是年逾七十。当看到这些极具影响力的人物都已步入这一年龄段,普通人更难免联想到自身的境遇,促使越来越多的人未雨绸缪地存钱备老。

如果依照陈东升(陈教授)的“百岁人生”理论,将100岁作为人类寿命的常态边界,生命的阶段结构便发生了颠覆性变化。过去人们总以为晚年不过是“安度余生”的短短夕阳岁月,不值一提;然而一旦人能普遍活到八九十岁甚至百岁,从60岁退休算起,整整还有40年的漫长时光。这40年足以相当于一整辈子或半辈子的长度,即便身体各项机能逐步衰退,这段时间该如何安排,成了当下亟待解答的全新命题。

```mermaid flowchart LR accTitle: 百岁人生下的生命周期演变 accDescr: 展示传统人生阶段与百岁人生时代各阶段划分的对比 subgraph Traditional["传统生命阶段"] T1["幼年 / 少年"] --> T2["成年 / 中年"] --> T3["晚年 (余生短暂)"] end subgraph Centenarian["百岁人生阶段"] C1["青年前期"] --> C2["奥德赛期 (18-35岁)"] C2 --> C3["成年 / 中年"] C3 --> C4["活力初老期 (60-75岁)"] C4 --> C5["高龄晚期 (75-100岁)"] end ```

[13:06](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=786s) “奥德赛时期”与养老院两极分化的尴尬困境

现代人生的生命周期不再局限于传统的童年、青年、中年与老年四分法,至少可以细化为四到六个阶段。在青年迈向成熟的过程中,出现了一个格外延长的过渡期——由美国学者提出的“奥德赛时期”(Odyssey years,约指18至35岁)。在这个漫长的“迷茫漫游期”里,年轻人即便大学毕业到了二三十岁,心智与生活状态仍未真正独立,既漂泊不定,经济上也依然深度依赖父母。

与此同时,生命周期的另一端也多出了一段“初老期”。按照目前的退休标准,60岁到75岁之间的人身体尚属健康硬朗,但如何妥善规划这段时间却缺乏成熟支撑。谈及社会机构养老,目前的现状并非床位绝对不足,而是养老机构的“空置率极高”: - **高端机构门槛高昂**:优质养老社区费用动辄不菲,普通家庭承受不起。 - **低端机构条件简陋**:基层或低价养老院设施与服务跟不上,老人和子女不愿入住。 - **底层兜底难度大**:即便收费低廉的机构,对部分最底层的群体而言仍是沉重负担。

大家逐渐认清了“养儿防老”这一传统观念的破灭——如今不仅无法指望子女养老,父母积攒一生的养老金、精力乃至身体健康,反而往往在子女身上被耗费殆尽。面对少子化与人口老龄化的不可逆趋势,未来养老必然需要走向专业化、市场化与机构化。

[15:45](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=945s) 县城养老院调研:“度死日”、失控防护与护理伦理

嘉宾指出,未来中国服务业将迎来重大爆发,尤其是养老照料领域。虽然像泰康等高品质养老社区已引入本科生乃至更高学历的专业照护团队,但在广大基层,看护人员的社会认同依然极度匮乏。学者吴心越曾深入苏南某县级市的一家养老机构进行实地田野调查,揭示了底层养老院的真实生态: - **收费与分层**:护理费加伙食费每月三千多元,院内也接纳周边农村老人;一至四楼安置能自理的老人,五楼及以上则集中安置失能或认知障碍(阿尔茨海默病)老人。 - **心理状态与“度死日”**:院内老人常用吴方言俚语“度死日”来自嘲,意味吃完早中晚三顿饭,一天就算糊弄过去了。老人们往往如同电影《爱尔兰人》(The Irishman)开头描绘的那样,独自坐在轮椅上面壁发呆数小时,连电视也不看。 - **因免责而过度受限**:护工出于对跌倒、骨折等意外事故的恐惧(一旦发生事故面临家属索赔),往往严厉限制老人活动。甚至有老太太伸手去捡掉在地上的饼干屑,都会被护工厉声喝止:“你别动,专心吃你的!”本该进行康复训练的老人因此失去了基本的行动自主。 - **护工自我贬低与身份认同**:基层的“护工阿姨”多为来自农村的中年女性,自身也深感此项工作伺候人、端屎端尿“低人一等”。在费力搀扶肥胖老人转移到轮椅时,甚至会向老人抱怨发泄:“这种粗活也只有我们干,人家大学生、博士生才不会来伺候你。”

对此,学者提出应当借鉴日本将此类职业规范化称为“介护士”的做法,在语言与职业定位上将其正名为“照护专门员”,以赋予其职业尊严与专业属性。

[19:08](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=1148s) 打破医院围墙:家庭照护的专业化与制度缺口

现场就照护专业如何发展展开了深入讨论。嘉宾认为,单纯呼吁大学开设养老专业并非最急迫的抓手,当务之急是推动传统医学院校及护理教育的深度改革。现行的护士与医疗护理资源几乎完全被禁锢在综合医院的高墙之内,而在人口老龄化加剧的今天,社会最迫切需要的是这批受过正规系统训练的专业人员能够真正走出医院,下沉至社区和家庭内部。

要让专业护理力量真正进家入户,面临两大亟待打通的体制瓶颈: - **人员下沉机制**:必须建立合理的激励与分流政策,让具备专业资质的医护人才有动力离开医院编制,服务于广阔的基层和居室。 - **家庭场景的资质认证与权责界定**:在医院的封闭封闭体系内,医疗风险相对可控且责任明确;但一旦专业照护进入私人家庭场景,一旦发生突发状况,风险与法律责任应由谁承担?唯有建立健全的上门护理资质认证、执业规范以及风险分担机制,才能合法、安全地让专业护理人员走入千家万户,真正破解庞大家庭的养老困局。

[20:09](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=1209s) 养老不能等制度完备:个体规划与迁徙选择

面对老龄化社会的现实,大家逐渐意识到不能干等整个社会支持系统完全成熟才去变老。衰老是一个不可逆且不会停步的过程,不能说因为制度尚未健全或护理培训未到位,自己就不变老了。现实并不完美,因此每个人必须提前为自己做打算。

全球各地都有因资源与成本差异而出现的人口养老迁徙现象。例如,许多香港老人选择迁居到广东养老;部分德国老人选择移居到生活成本更低的波兰;英国老人则往往前往气候更温暖、物价更低的地区(如印度或南欧)。这完全取决于每个人的自身条件、能力与可选项。大家一致认为,心态调整与提前布局至关重要,因为人生任何阶段都不是十全十美的——十几岁有青春期的迷茫、心理困扰与身体烦恼;中年时要承担职场的沉重压力与情感打击;到了晚年,无论在家里还是在养老院,若遇不如意也是常态。生老病死本质上带有苦难色彩,未老之人看着觉得凄凉,其实身处其中的人正在经历人生的必经阶段。

- **跨境/跨区域养老趋势**:香港老人北上广东、德国老人前往波兰、英国老人迁往低成本且温暖的国家。 - **阶段性人生认知**:青少年期(迷茫与成长痛)、中年期(职场与情感压力)、老年期(机能衰退与照护困境)。

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[22:03](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=1323s) 规划晚年六十到八十:从写小说到开演唱会

嘉宾们谈到对自身老龄阶段的具体规划。有人将自己 63 岁至 83 岁的后二十年进行了细化分期:60 岁到 70 岁这一阶段,除了培养下一代,还要去实现未竟的理想。例如有人正构思一部名为《两重天记》的小说,虽笑称怕被人偷走创意,但同伴打趣表示可以帮忙打字排版;甚至还认真立下誓言,等小说封笔后要办一场个人演唱会。

面对朋友们的打趣,当事人坚决表示自己绝非开玩笑,甚至连曲目都已拟好,开场第一首就要唱《我的滑板鞋》,旨在给自己设立挑战。这种规划契合了周轶君此前提出的理念——“存肌肉、存钱、存脑力、存爱好”。通过在身体与心理上不断“储蓄”,让晚年有事可做、有寄托可循。窦文涛则笑问自己未来的四十年该如何度过,并直言朋友开演唱会时自己可能已经坐在轮椅上了。

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: 老年储备与人生分段规划 accDescr: 展示周轶君与嘉宾提出的老年储备维度以及晚年分阶段目标设定

subgraph 资源储备 ["老年储备要素"] M["存肌肉<br/>(体能训练)"] F["存资金<br/>(经济防线)"] B["存脑力<br/>(思维活跃)"] H["存爱好<br/>(精神寄托)"] end

subgraph 阶段目标 ["晚年两段式规划 (63-83岁)"] Stage1["60岁至70岁阶段<br/>培养后代 / 创作《两重天记》 / 办演唱会"] Stage2["70岁至80岁阶段<br/>应对高龄挑战 / 深度肌力保持 / 适应机能衰退"] end

M & F & B & H --> Stage1 Stage1 --> Stage2 ```

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[23:36](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=1416s) 晚年失能与谵妄:难以回避的照护暗面

谈话逐渐深入到更为沉重且现实的领域——长期失能与半失智状态。窦文涛坦言,自己最难想象也最恐惧的阶段,是长时间无法自理大小便、只能整日卧床由护工照料的日子。在当前的养老照护中,承担此类繁重排泄护理工作的多为女性护工(阿姨),在日常操作中双方难免存在尴尬与无奈。

更令人担忧的是意识模糊与精神症状的出现。人到了重度衰老或阿尔茨海默病(认知障碍症)阶段,往往只有一半意识,认知出现偏差,甚至被病理性猜疑和被害妄想所控制。例如,老人会固执地认为医护人员和看护都要谋害自己。面对这种失去自我主宰能力、被病理症状吞噬的躯体,究竟还能否保有尊严、还愿不愿继续活下去,成为了摆在每个人面前但尚未到来的尖锐拷问。

---

[24:50](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=1490s) 成人纸尿裤里的尊严:失能照护的日常痛点

胡教授结合长期关注的安宁疗护与失能老人照料议题,指出了一个看似细小却极为折磨人的痛点——失禁护理。在照护者交流社群中,家属和护工每天讨论最频繁的话题就是纸尿裤的选择。

普通成人纸尿裤、拉拉裤(活动裤)、隔尿垫(看护垫)以及内附的加量吸水垫片(片爽),构成了失能老人的日常刚需。老人失禁是所有照护者的“噩梦”:一旦漏尿或弄脏,就必须频繁清洗床单被褥、反复擦拭老人身体;夜间若发生两三次,照护者便整夜无法合眼,体力与精力极易崩溃。

生产这类非织造布(无纺布)产品看似技术门槛不高,但实际使用要求极高: 1. **吸收性与锁水力**:必须快速吸水且不反渗。 2. **防侧漏立体护围**:侧翼必须足够宽且贴合,防止体位变动时侧漏。 3. **透气除臭与防红臀**:夏季不能过厚,否则老人皮肤极易起疹溃破;且需有效控制异味。 4. **性别生理差异**:老年女性因生理结构特征,在防漏与卫生防感染上面临比老年男性更大的挑战。

当前市场上,婴幼儿纸尿裤品牌林立、分级精细且科技含量高,而成人纸尿裤往往被打上低廉、材质粗糙、缺乏大品牌的标签。全社会对儿童倾注了极大的希望与商业研发,却严重忽视了需求同样巨大、对品质要求更高的老年失能市场。

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[27:35](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=1655s) 银发经济的空白与“不靠子女”的代际困境

针对这种对儿童与老人的态度落差,现场分享了一个深刻的人类演化隐喻:在一支向前行进的人类队伍中,儿童走在最前方,充满生机;老人佝偻着身躯走在队尾,步履蹒跚,逐渐掉队,直至倒地不起。中间的中年人回头张望,试图搀扶,但老人走不了两步又倒下了;中年人喊着、望着,却不得不转身继续向前追赶队伍里的孩子。这种残酷的生物学规律令人动容,而现代社会的发展理应有能力通过制度与技术来软化这一冰冷法则。

大家指出,这正是“银发经济”亟待挖掘的潜力所在——银发经济并不意味着剥削老人,而是应当像对待婴幼儿产品那样,用心研发真正贴合老人尊严与生理需求的高品质产品。中国历史上从未面临过如今这般规模空前、前所未有的老龄化危机。

与此同时,这种危机直接传导至“90后”一代。虽然当下一批“90后”的父母普遍思想开明,纷纷表态“老了绝不依靠子女养老”,但这往往只是身体尚好时的一厢情愿。在现实中,由于亲情纽带与现代社会的复杂化,子女根本不可能抽身事外: - 老年人在数字化社会中寸步难行,无法自主在手机端挂号或就医。 - 当疾病来临、连医院二楼都爬不上去时,除了子女,老人根本无人可托。 - 即使花钱雇佣护工,整个求医、决策与看护监管的核心链条依然无法脱离子女的支持。

[30:27](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=1827s) 亲情照护的困局与社会化养老的理想

谈及当下护理服务的普及与局限,嘉宾们讨论到在老人垂危或病重的最关键时刻,亲情是任何外力都无法替代的。然而,亲情的核心是子女,现代独生子女普遍不具备专业的照护技能。在中国传统社会中,即便缺乏专业技能,赡养压力也可以由三到四个子女共同分担;而在独生子女家庭结构下,压力全压在一人身上,家庭照护已难以为继。

嘉宾呼吁全社会与年轻一代必须共同推动国家社会养老保障体系的完善。改革开放四十多年来,中国人的平均预期寿命从上世纪70年代的60多岁跃升至现在的80多岁(上海甚至已达到85岁),这主要依赖家庭支撑,社会养老服务的投入仍有极大的提升空间。

对于“家庭养老”的终极理想——老人患病时,医疗与照护全由公共机构与社会托底,家属仅需前往病房提供情感陪伴与慰藉——现场展开了现实考量: - **少数富裕阶层**:在中国约十分之一的人群中,这种完全依赖商业护理与高档机构的模式早已实现。 - **全民普惠的阻碍**:普遍推行受限于整体财富积累,中国目前的经济水平尚无法与北欧、西欧或法国媲美;唯有遏制社会浪费、逐步缩小巨大的贫富差距,普惠型照护才可能真正落地。

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[33:11](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=1991s) 从艾滋病、自杀到生死学:798“把死亡带回生活”艺术展

话题自然延伸到清华大学景军教授的学术轨迹。景军教授回顾,自2000年回国后,他始终深耕医学社会学,研究路径清晰演变:

```mermaid flowchart LR accTitle: 景军教授的医学社会学研究路径 accDescr: 展示景军教授自2000年回国后从艾滋病、自杀研究到养老及生死学的学术发展历程。 A["艾滋病感染研究<br/>(HIV/AIDS)"] --> B["中国人群自杀研究"] B --> C["老年照料与养老研究"] C --> D["死亡研究 / 生死学"] D --> E["798当代艺术展<br/>《把死亡带回生活》"] ```

景军教授提到,过去撰写关于死亡的学术论文往往很难发表,因为社会普遍将其视为禁忌。但中国公众并非铁板一块。2023年七八月间,他们在北京798艺术区举办了一场名为《把死亡带回生活》的当代艺术展,展厅里挤满了年轻人。这表明年轻一代与老一辈截然不同——他们不再抱持“不能说、不能看、不能碰”的绝对禁忌,而是对探讨死亡展现出强烈的好奇与开放态度。

窦文涛坦言自己做这期节目时内心也充满犹疑,甚至受到汉代以来“避谶”心理的影响,总觉得某些病痛或死亡一旦挂在嘴边,就会招致不祥之兆。当被问及信仰时,窦文涛表示自己更偏向不可知论者;而景军教授则引述孔子“未知生,焉知死”,认为宇宙中存在某种拥有自身意志的客观存在,只是人类极其难以与之沟通和理解。

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[35:16](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=2116s) 墨镜隐喻、中西生死观与《骷髅幻戏图》

针对死亡话题带来的心理防线,现场出现了一段充满戏剧感的对话:一位嘉宾戴着墨镜录制节目,让人联想到一部纪录片中的比喻——人类的双眼无法直视烈日,同样也无法赤裸直视残酷冰冷的死亡真相,因此需要像戴墨镜看太阳一样,借助丧葬仪式来缓冲心理冲击。嘉宾随即笑称,自己戴墨镜纯粹是因为窦文涛提前告知要聊死亡,自己怕现场落泪失控,哪怕墨镜没有度数,也能挡住湿润的眼眶,避免尴尬。

景军教授深入剖析了死亡禁忌的文化演变: - **历史上的通达与自然主义**:战国、秦汉至唐宋,古人不仅有“辞世诗”传统,对生死的态度兼具庄严与旷达。例如宋代名画《骷髅幻戏图》(李嵩作),清华大学王之纲老师将其改编为沉浸式互动装置,观众无论长幼皆可在展厅与提线骷髅互动,说明古代街头木偶戏中骷髅形象极具日常烟火气。 - **异域文化的狂欢化表达**:墨西哥等中美洲文明在阿兹特克传统下演变出“亡灵节”,以狂欢巡游看待死亡;中国传统中的中元节(鬼节)早期也曾伴随放长鞭炮、挂灯笼等丰富仪式。 - **现代单一物质主义的残酷**:现代社会将死亡处理为高度冰冷且机械化的流水线——病人在医院离世后一小时内必须腾退病床、推入阴暗污秽的停尸房;唯科学论与唯物主义解释将死亡简化为“一抔骨灰,就此了结”,剥夺了对生命延续的超越性想象。相比之下,佛教传统(如印光大师、弘一大师的开示)认为人死后48小时神识犹存、不宜轻易搬动触碰,保留了对生命的温情与精神层面的阐释空间。

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[39:54](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=2394s) 临死体验的禁忌反弹与“迟来一步”的艺术呈现

窦文涛提起许子东教授此前在塔希提岛(Tahiti)海域溺水、失去意识长达六分钟的濒死体验。当被问及到了这个年纪是否会经常思考死亡时,许子东无奈苦笑,直言节目播出后遭到了家人的严厉批评,家人认为在公开场合大谈濒死极不吉利,勒令他“别再说了”。

这种强烈的避讳,正是中国民间深蒂固的“报应/谶语”心理——认为公开谈论生死重疾就会招惹厄运,正如过年不能扫地等禁忌如出一辙。

为了打破这种单一恐惧,景军教授在798的《把死亡带回生活》展览中,特意引入了大量青年艺术家的装置作品,通过具象的艺术语言展现死亡的多面性。其中,一位高校学生创作了名为《迟来一步》的装置作品:观众走入幽闭的下层空间,抬头只能仰望到极细微的一线光芒,在强烈的感官落差中,切身体会生命濒临消逝与不可逆转的震撼体验。

[41:28](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=2488s) 临终体验的艺术化表达与“死亡禁忌”的文化根源

艺术展览中还原了濒死状态的沉浸式体验:观众被置于一种失重般的空间中,面对着嘴部被封闭罩住的呼吸造像,耳边回荡着微弱而艰难的喘息声与呼吸机单调运转的机械“咔哒”声。这种大多数人一生中极力回避、甚至从未直视过的临终场景,通过艺术装置被具象化呈现,甚至引来懵懂的孩童驻足向母亲发问。

围绕死亡的话题为何在中国文化中始终伴随着深层禁忌?窦文涛与嘉宾展开探讨。表面上许多人自认是无神论者,但在面对生死大限时,多数人的底色其实是不可知论者——既非纯粹的有神论,也非心无挂碍的无神论,因而心怀敬畏与恐惧。这场关于生死的艺术展在小红书上引发了超过 75 万人次的反馈与热烈互动。主创起初对这一现象十分不解,后来发现小红书用户中女性占比极高,而巡展公教活动的参与者中年轻女性更是占到了 80%。

针对这一人群构成的反差,嘉宾提出了一个切中现实的解释:在传统中国家庭文化中,临终关怀、侍奉汤药、端屎倒尿等最为繁重、污浊的照护劳作,自古以来几乎全由女性默默承担,因而女性对衰老与死亡的体感远比男性更敏锐、更切身。

---

[43:19](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=2599s) 男权仪式与哀伤回避:家庭内部的生死态度

马家辉结合自身经历,指出了传统生死分工中的戏剧性悖论:尽管日常看护由女性承担,但一旦进入丧葬仪轨,男权结构便立刻占据台前。两年前父亲去世,筹备丧事、联络亲友、操办诸事时,家中姐妹出力极多;然而一到了出殡守灵的仪式现场,马家辉头一次强烈感受到传统父权制的绝对分量。作为长子,他手持法器道具走在队伍的最前列行礼叩头,姐妹与女性亲属只能退居其后甚至无法并排。

在日常家庭生活中,马家辉自嘲在香港家中毫无地位,围坐吃饭全听女人讲话,自己日常只有被母亲和姐姐数落的份;然而唯独在丧礼之上,全家女眷却要向他躬身行礼。他调侃自己仿佛成了“新登基的皇帝”,只不过随之而来的现实代价是——得由这位“新皇帝”自掏腰包结清昂贵的丧葬账单,顺便继承一笔债务。

话题转向许子东此前提及的家庭反应。许子东此前大病痊愈,家中亲人却极力制止他公开谈论生死经历。嘉宾们分析,家属反对往往并非为了隐瞒事实,而是出于对“不测”、分离焦虑和巨大悲痛的应激性回避。对于身边至亲而言,重提生死大劫等于重新翻开险些失去至亲的恐惧;避而不谈,成了中国家庭应对脆弱情感的自我保护机制。

---

[45:54](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=2754s) 死亡教育的缺失与存在主义焦虑

面对生命的虚妄与终局,中国人的性格底色极为务实——正因为不可知,索性采取“不知生,焉知死”的回避姿态。然而窦文涛直言,自己每天都会不由自主地思考这些形而上的存在主义命题。他提及民国时期净土宗高僧印光大师的修行主张:修行人应将一个“死”字贴在额头上。

将死亡时刻悬于心头,并非消极厌世,而是一种向死而生的反照:假如今天就是生命的最后一天,当下所言所行是否真正出自本心?这种生活方式虽然让人精神紧绷,却能促使人清醒地珍惜生命。窦文涛呼吁,现代社会除了性教育,更需要系统的“死亡教育”——不仅是丧葬流程与遗产财务等技术操作层面的科普,更是如何面对心理创伤与情绪宣泄的心灵建设。

窦文涛回忆起早年目睹的一桩轰动新闻:一个香港旅行团在菲律宾遭遇重大海难事故,罹难者遗体被分批运回。其中一位留在香港未同行的中年男子,妻儿三人全部遇难。清晨新闻镜头拍到他跪伏在地迎接两个儿子的遗体,悲恸号啕;到了傍晚,妻子的遗体送达,报纸赫然刊出“朝跪双子,暮哭亡妻”的断肠标题。这种一夕之间家破人亡的人间惨剧,引发了他极深的存在主义焦虑(existential anxiety)——厄运不仅会降临于远方的陌生人,也随时可能击碎自己看似平稳的人生。

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: 面对死亡的两种路径 accDescr: 对比传统回避机制与向死而生的死亡教育路径

subgraph Avoidance["传统避忌机制"] A1["务实主义心理: 存而不论"] --> A2["家属的情感防护: 忌讳灾厄与分离"] A2 --> A3["创伤情绪积压与病态回避"] end

subgraph Education["生死教育与反思"] B1["印光大师: 额头上贴一个'死'字"] --> B2["向死而生: 审视今日言行的终极价值"] B2 --> B3["系统性生死教育: 技术筹备 + 悲伤疗愈"] end ```

---

[49:09](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=2949s) 东西方社交文化差异与尚未愈合的丧父之痛

谈及为何不愿公开私密的生死体验,众人探讨了东西方文化在情感宣泄与社交界限上的巨大差异。在西方,社会支持系统被高度机构化与细分化,戒酒协会、互助小组、创伤后应激障碍(PTSD)辅导机构各司其职;而在中国传统中,精神困扰往往依靠熟人之间的日常闲聊倾诉来化解。

然而这种倾诉在社交场合中常常引发尴尬。一位在夏威夷和美国生活多年后回国的师长曾私下提醒窦文涛:在朋友聚会的高兴场合倾倒父母重病的家事是不合时宜的,这在西方礼仪中会给其他宾客带来沉重的心理负担;聚会应是带来快乐的,沉重的私人苦痛应当在一对一的私密空间中与密友交流。窦文涛表示理解,这种界限感并不意味着西方人冷漠,而是分清了狂欢与哀伤的场合。

在节目录制的当下,生死并非遥远的哲学思辨,而是近在咫尺的真实创伤。窦文涛坦承,马家辉今年 1 月经历丧父之痛后常去扫墓,曾强烈提议在节目中好好聊聊父亲,但窦文涛自己的父亲也在今年 4 月刚刚离世。当时窦文涛主动婉拒了马家辉的提议,因为丧亲之痛犹在心头,尚未结痂,他深怕在镜头前一旦触碰这个痛点,夜里便会痛苦难眠、心神俱碎。直到当天景老师等嘉宾到场,冥冥中仿佛有一种机缘促成,才终于鼓起勇气在圆桌旁开启这场关于失去与告别的对话。

[52:56](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=3176s) Grief, Memory, and the Ghostly Familiarity of an Aging Stranger

The conversation turns personal as the host invites Ma Jiahui to reflect on his father. Jiahui shares that his father passed away two years prior from a brain illness. Thankfully, his father did not suffer drawn-out pain, but Jiahui admits that the emotional aftermath over the past two years has been disorienting. He often finds himself walking down the street and catching sight of elderly men in their eighties or nineties who bear an uncanny resemblance to his late father, noting that once people reach a certain advanced age, their facial structures and expressions take on a shared, recognizable quality.

He recounts an incident from just the previous week while riding the East Rail Line train back into Hong Kong. Sitting diagonally across from him by the window was an elderly man with balding white hair and a round face who did nothing but stare at him intently. At first, Jiahui wondered if the passenger was simply a fan of his television programs, but the man continued staring unabated for the entire fifty-minute journey. The sheer duration of the gaze, combined with the man’s physical resemblance to his father, stirred such a deep emotional projection that Jiahui felt intensely uncomfortable and fought back tears, feeling as though his deceased father had miraculously returned from the beyond just to sit and watch him. When the table teasingly asks whether he was merely hallucinating someone staring for fifty straight minutes, Jiahui laughs it off, acknowledging it was almost certainly his own psychological projection onto a polite, curious stranger.

[54:40](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=3280s) The Rise of the "Full-Time Child" and the Domestic Economic Loop

The discussion shifts from personal bereavement to contemporary online phenomena regarding youth and parents, specifically moving past the reflexive stigma attached to the traditional label of *kenlao* (living off one's parents). While living off parents used to be universally frowned upon, economic shifts have given rise to a new, rationalized arrangement: the "full-time child" (全职儿女). In an increasingly brutal job market where young graduates struggle to secure employment, returning home has transformed from passive idleness into structured household labor.

One detailed example brought to the table involves a young woman whose aging parents together draw a pension approaching 10,000 yuan. Both parents enjoy going out and keeping busy, yet neither knows how to cook well, and both are thoroughly confounded by modern smartphone interfaces, digital utility bill payments, and social security platforms. The daughter stepped in to run the household full-time: - She manages their daily digital lives, handles insurances, and navigates social security apps. - She prepares nutritious, home-cooked meals awaiting them when they return. - She arranges hospital medical visits, schedules check-ups, and organizes their leisure travel.

In exchange, the parents turn over their household earnings and pension funds to her management, effectively providing her with financial maintenance. Two years ago, when the "Full-time Children Exchange Center" exploded in popularity on Douban, many criticized it as glorified parental dependency. Yet the daughter's defense was straightforward: "Doesn't my labor deserve this income?" The family dynamic thrives on mutual benefit, with the parents delighted to have their child nearby—their only traditional complaint being why she hasn't found a boyfriend or married yet. The table dubs this arrangement a domestic version of "internal circulation" (家庭内循环), a closed-loop micro-economy where money earned by parents is spent directly compensating their offspring for domestic eldercare rather than leaking to third parties.

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Domestic Internal Circulation Model accDescr: Diagram illustrating the closed-loop economic and care exchange between aging parents and a full-time adult child. subgraph Parents["Aging Parents (Pension ~10,000 RMB)"] A["Enjoy active routine"] --> B["Baffled by smartphones, billing, & healthcare apps"] C["Provide financial lifeline & household budget"] end subgraph FullTimeChild["Full-Time Child (In lieu of outside job)"] D["Daily home-cooked meals"] E["Digital administration & insurance management"] F["Medical escorting & travel planning"] end Parents -->|"Hands over finances & maintenance"| FullTimeChild FullTimeChild -->|"Provides eldercare, tech support & labor"| Parents ```

[57:42](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=3462s) Daughters vs. Housekeepers: The Irreplaceable Nature of Family Love

The table analyzes why a "full-time daughter" fundamentally defies the standard employer-employee logic of hiring an outside domestic helper. From a purely utilitarian perspective, paying a daughter to handle chores looks like purchasing a domestic service. However, the emotional leverage within a family completely subverts typical workplace hierarchy: - **Discipline and Authority:** With an outside housekeeper, an employer who is dissatisfied can scold them; with a daughter, parents do not dare scold her. If a parent complains that the food tastes bad, the daughter will snap back: "Oh, it's terrible? Cook it yourself then!" - **Replaceability:** An outside domestic helper can be fired or replaced year after year. A daughter is irreplaceable, and parents remain indefinitely responsible for her life regardless of job performance. - **The Complication of Love:** Outside domestic labor requires clear emotional boundaries. One speaker jokes about being terrified that a housekeeper might develop affection, especially when workers chatter among themselves about having a "handsome boss." With children, love is unavoidable, and that emotional bond strips parents of consumer leverage.

The panel brings up the classic Cantonese idiom that raising children is a "no-capital business" (无本生意)—meaning children know that parental affection is an unshakeable safety net. No matter how fierce the daytime argument or how poorly the chores are done, parents will inevitably soften two days later and take their child out for a nice birthday dinner. The children have their parents completely "figured out," ensuring parents cannot simply cut off their allowances.

[59:37](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=3577s) Generational Entitlement in *Girls* vs. Nordic State-Supported Independence

The discussion expands to the global scale of youth underemployment and emotional entitlement. A speaker references the American television drama *Girls*, which resonated widely because it accurately captured an uncomfortable reality of modern post-graduate dependence. In the series, an educated young woman insists on clinging to an artistic lifestyle in New York City two years after graduating college, demanding that her parents—modest schoolteachers—continue footing her rent and phone bills. When her parents protest that they can no longer afford it, she indignantly retorts that all her peers receive parental support, going so far as to emotionally blackmail them by claiming that an acquaintance whose parents cut her off ended up undergoing multiple abortions and falling into severe drug addiction.

By stark contrast, a guest speaking from personal experience living in Finland explains how the Nordic welfare model decouples survival from parental dependency entirely: - **Unemployment and Youth Autonomy:** A young adult who cannot find work in Finland never turns to their mother demanding financial rescue. Instead, they go directly to the municipal social services agency. - **State-Sponsored Reintegration:** The social welfare office assesses their career goals, provides professional retraining, and provides an independent living allowance sufficient to rent a modest apartment. The explicit objective of the state is to keep young adults living independently outside their parents' home while they search for work. - **Elderly Care and Institutional Support:** Conversely, when parents grow frail, they do not expect their adult children to move in or support them physically. Instead, they utilize public pensions and social care allocations. Social services dispatch visiting nurses for medical administration, home care, and even companions to take the elderly on regular walks.

The speaker notes that while this institutionalized safety net means Nordic family relationships lack the tight-knit, intertwined emotional intensity found in traditional Asian family households, it guarantees that every individual—young or old—possesses the structural foundation to live alone with dignity.

[01:02:25](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=3745s) 芬兰的“纯粹之爱”与中西养老文化的鸿沟

圆桌派的嘉宾们聊到了北欧家庭关系的独特边界。在芬兰,成年子女与父母之间的陪伴被视作一种“纯粹的爱”(pure love)——彼此之间完全没有经济依附与金钱往来,“我真心地爱你、喜欢你,享受和你在一起的时光,所以我回来看你;你也喜欢和我在一起,所以你才来”。这种超脱的独立性有时甚至让华人难以置信:一位朋友要出差四天,家中无人照顾小孩,便特意请远在芬兰中部的父母过来帮忙;老两口照顾了两天后,便淡定地表示剩下的两天他们要去度夏的小木屋度假,因为“这又不是什么大不了的紧急情况,剩下两天你们自己找保姆吧”,说完便径直离开。

面对芬兰这种高度独立的亲情模式,席间嘉宾感叹这简直像是“另一个世界”。但大家也指出,这种模式很难被直接复制到中国:北欧地广人稀,在长期的超高福利社会结构中发展,但也伴随着孤独感和高自杀率等副作用。在芬兰,人们遇到困难第一反应是找政府而非亲友;而在中国这样一个人口极其庞大、社会结构紧密的国度,90% 的老年人依然选择居家养老。文化、历史与国情的根深蒂固,决定了在相当长的时间内,中国式养老不可能完全寄托于“政府全包”,居家养老仍将是绝对主流。相比之下,香港的某些机制与芬兰有相似之处,即低收入家庭可以依赖政府综援,甚至出现一家四口领救济金比外出打工收入更高的现象,但受限于香港极度逼仄的居住环境,其舒适度与北欧近万元的保障水平完全不可同日而语。

[01:05:01](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=3901s) 啃老潮与全球青年“无法超越父母”的困境

随后,窦文涛抛出了一组令人心惊的宏观数据,直言世界正在经历几千年未有的大变局,连西方社会也深陷代际停滞的泥淖:

* **全球青年失业数据**:国际劳工组织(ILO)发布的《2020全球青年就业趋势》报告显示,全球13亿年轻人中,有多达2.67亿人处于未就业状态,不得不依赖父母的照顾与经济支持。 * **美国Z世代悲观预期**:2023年针对美国Z世代(1995—2010年出生)的一项调查显示,65%的Z世代以及74%的“00后”认为,自己在财务上的发展速度已远远落后于父辈。 * **中国家庭的啃老比例**:北京大学一项关于中国家庭的调查数据显示,劳动年龄人口中“啃老”的比例从2010年的不足2%急剧飙升至2018年的40%以上。

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: 全球青年财务困境与代际断层成因 accDescr: 展现房产资产沉淀、经济放缓及全球青年无法超越父辈的逻辑链路。 subgraph 父辈红利 ["父辈一代(40-60岁)"] A["赶上经济红利期与房改转折"] --> B["低成本积累核心资产(通常拥有多套房产)"] end

subgraph 子代困境 ["年轻一代(30岁以下 / Z世代)"] C["工时长、工作内卷但薪酬增幅见顶"] --> D["仅凭自身工资几乎不可能独立置业"] D --> E["财务进展全方位落后于父辈"] end

B -.->|"家庭财富壁垒"| E E --> F["啃老常态化 / 无法超越父辈成为全球共识"] ```

窦文涛对40%这一惊人数字的统计口径表示怀疑,并当场询问许子东与马家辉是否还在给女儿零花钱。马家辉幽默地援引了一句电影台词回应:“我们还肯问你要钱,你就该偷笑了。”如果女儿真的伸手要钱,当父母的反倒觉得该珍惜这份被需要的机会。然而嘉宾们分析指出,这一代年轻人的无力感并非源于懒惰——正如许多深圳青年所反驳的那样,他们往往比上一辈工作时间更长、更辛苦,但核心在于家庭财富的锚点是“房地产”。父辈在几十年前的转型红利期购置了房产,而如今30岁以下的年轻人仅凭薪水几乎无法在一线城市买房;当房地产成为家庭主要资产时,子女一代在财富积累上注定无法超越父母。一位来自欧洲大学的法籍华裔高管也曾证实,欧洲青年早在90年代后就已失去了对未来的乐观预期,他们普遍意识到自己永远无法像做专业人士的父母那样,在中老年时轻松拥有市区一套、郊区一套的房产。

[01:10:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=4200s) 亲情的终极功课:目送与得体的放手

面对未来子女可能面临的代际滑落,窦文涛向在场的年轻母亲发问:如果孩子长大后收入平平,只想去追求理想、留学深造或是漂泊几年,甚至到了30岁还需要家里接济,父母是否有能力且愿意托底?

嘉宾坦言,自己与丈夫铁仁(Tie Ren)曾探讨过这个现实问题:他们这一代父母也许无法像过去的家庭那样直接给孩子留下一套房子,但他们努力工作攒下的积蓄,是为了给孩子提供“选择的自由”与容错空间。如果孩子想要房子,父母给不起;但如果孩子想去见识世界、出国漂泊,父母愿意提供底气,前提是孩子不能完全躺在家里依赖父母。

她更进一步分享了自己在育儿后学习心理学的心得。很多父母对子女倾注了极深的爱,却容易在晚年演变成情感绑架。真正的健康亲情,最高境界恰恰是“学会得体地放手”: * **不求子女反哺养老**:并不希望孩子将来为了“照顾自己”而牺牲个人人生回归家庭。 * **像飞鸟一样展翅高飞**:做父母的付出全部的爱,最终目的就是为了让他们能够展翅飞远,甚至“头也不回地往前走”。不留恋、不回头,才是成功的家庭教育。 * **拒绝用愧疚感绑架下一代**:不希望在未来用自己的眼泪、虚弱或情绪失控去给孩子制造精神内疚,让他们觉得“我不该走远、我得时刻回家看着他们”。父母唯有自身保持独立与坚强,才是对成年子女最深沉的托举与成全。

[01:12:02](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=4322s) 片尾寄语与告别 (Let You Fly Away Comfortably)

在节目的最后收尾时刻,伴随着尾声的渐隐与收束,传出了最后的告别寄语:“and then, let you fly away comfortably.”(然后,让你舒服地展翅远飞)。这句充满诗意与释怀感的话语为整场关于养老、社会保险与人生归宿的沉重讨论画下了一个轻盈而温暖的句号,寓意着在看清生活的现实与种种制度变迁之后,人们依然能找到属于内心的安定与自在,体面而从容地走向人生的下一段旅程。

## Notable quotes > [15:45](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=945s) 度死日

> [15:45](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=945s) 你别动,专心吃你的!

> [15:45](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=945s) 这种粗活也只有我们干,人家大学生、博士生才不会来伺候你。

> [22:03](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=1323s) 存肌肉、存钱、存脑力、存爱好 — 周轶君

> [27:35](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=1655s) 老了绝不依靠子女养老

> [33:11](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=1991s) 未知生,焉知死 — 孔子

> [33:11](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=1991s) 把死亡带回生活 — 景军

> [45:54](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=2754s) 朝跪双子,暮哭亡妻

> [54:40](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=3280s) 全职儿女

> [54:40](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=3280s) Doesn't my labor deserve this income?

> [57:42](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=3462s) Oh, it's terrible? Cook it yourself then!

> [01:05:01](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=3901s) 我们还肯问你要钱,你就该偷笑了。 — 马家辉

> [01:12:02](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0&t=4322s) and then, let you fly away comfortably.

## Mentioned 窦文涛, 陈东升, 朱锐, 吴心越, 周轶君, 马家辉, 景军, 许子东, 刘德华, 梁朝伟, 周润发, Ronald Reagan, 印光大师, 弘一大师, 孔子, 王之纲, 李嵩, 铁仁, 圆桌派, 锵锵行天下, 爱尔兰人, Girls, 两重天记, 我的滑板鞋, 骷髅幻戏图, 把死亡带回生活, 迟来一步, 2020全球青年就业趋势, 泰康, 豆瓣, 小红书, 国际劳工组织, 北京大学, 清华大学, 中国人民大学, 海淀医院, 上海浦东国际机场, 798艺术区

## Video description 💡订阅我们,换个视角看懂万象: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCwiWVn-hZq3_zuOk570kyGA

简介:《圆桌派》节目以圆桌为名,旨在体现圆桌席上人人平等,每期由窦文涛携手三位嘉宾,还原在生活中发生在圆桌旁、海阔天空的精彩聊天。延续真实不“装”的窦式主持风格,立足网络,放眼世间,神侃包罗万象的话题,嬉笑言谈中彼此迸发出智慧火花。 《锵锵行天下》第三季江南烟雨,一路如一副徐徐铺开的画卷。访名山,赏奇石,寻妙缘。窦文涛与老友们浸润在江南的诗情画意中。数十天的路程,在十三集的正片中难以完整展现,有太多的行程与内容难以取舍,所以借由本次《锵锵拾遗》,再次将未播出的素材进行汇编拾遗,将此次江南之行的更多精彩内容奉献给观众,让观众重温江南烟雨中的谈笑风生。 主持人:窦文涛 嘉宾:陈坤 / 周迅 / 蒋方舟 / 王晶 / 梁文道 / 马家辉 / 周轶君 / 武志红 / 马未都 / 张亚东 / 严歌苓 / 汪海林 / 金宇澄 / 李玫瑾

【圆桌派 窦文涛】人性 · 社会 · 认知:https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLYxKs_Kmt18U 【鸿观·宋鸿兵】金融 · 权力 · 逻辑:https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLcTh2pbxeb-o 【观复嘟嘟 马未都】历史 · 收藏 · 人生:https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLOBX8CQ3IYr0 【第一人称复数 周轶君】青年 · 女性 · 世界:https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLE0SKDns16wY 【风马牛书房 冯仑】财富 · 经济 · 规律:https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLBtYaSLkGpag 【百家新说 尹烨】科技 · 生命 · 未来:https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLIUyn5AuyYUo 【众生 蔡永康】人物 · 命运 · 社会观察:https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLIOgZ1dPF0JA 【锵锵行天下 窦文涛】世界 · 文明 · 思想:https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLIJzYJ5gZ-HA

#中国未来 #中国社会 #植物 #生态 #大自然 #经济 #推荐 #热门 #经济 #圆桌派 #纪实 #时间 #历史 #文化 #聊天 #新闻 #心理健康 #中美关系 #科技 #经济 #金融 #香港 #台湾 #hongkong #taiwan #民生 #纪实 #纪录片 #窦文涛 #周轶君 #马未都 #许子东 #尹烨 #圆桌派第七季 #圆桌派 #中国经济 #中国内卷 #中国危机 #地方债 #新能源车 #光伏 #经济危机 #中国房地产 #中美竞争 #科技创新 #制度决定一切 #民营经济 #企业家精神 #AI时代

[Source](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5c3KDI8k_B0)

中文简报

社保挂靠被倒查20年!广东率先动手,多少人的养老金要归零了 节目围绕“百岁人生”时代下的养老困局、制度缺口与生死禁忌展开了全面探讨。嘉宾们结合中国“9073”养老结构、县级养老院田野调查以及失能老人日常护理痛点,深刻剖析了传统“养儿防老”破灭后专业照护匮乏与城市无障碍环境缺失的现实。随后,对话借由清华大学关于死亡主题的当代艺术展与个人丧亲体验,直面中国文化对病痛死亡的深层回避与心理疗愈需求。最后,针对“全职儿女”、全球青年财富难以超越父辈的资产困境及北欧高福利独立模式进行对比反思,落脚于父母应当学会体面放手、不予绑架的家庭相处之道。 现代社会面临人类寿命大幅延长与独生子女家庭缩小的双重结构性变革,导致传统家庭养老机制失效,老龄人口被迫走向社会化养老。 (0:00) 中国养老格局遵循“9073”模式,即90%居家养老、7%依托社区、仅3%进入专业机构,但随着独生子女家庭照护力枯竭,社区支持网络成为核心短板。 (8:05) 县城基层养老院呈现“两极分化”困境,收费低廉的机构因免责考核过度限制老人行动,护工缺乏职业认同并深感被边缘化。 (15:45) 全球年轻一代面临财务落后于父辈的普遍困境,催生了“全职儿女”等依托父母退休金提供家政照护的家庭内循环模式。 (54:40)

Reading summary

本期节目探讨了长寿时代与少子化冲击下中国养老面临的系统性困境,指出传统家庭照护的解体正倒逼社会化照料与生死观念的重塑,而代际财富沉淀的失衡也催生出新型家庭依附模式。 长寿时代来临与适老公共设计的滞后 (8:05) 现代社会正面临历史上未曾有过的结构性转折:一方面人类普遍寿命大幅延长,迈向“百岁人生”;另一方面中国家庭规模急剧收缩,传统“养儿防老”格局瓦解。以上海等城市确立的“9073”养老格局为例,90%的老人依托居家养老,7%依托社区支持,仅有3%能进入专业机构。然而,当前绝大多数社区与公共空间的设计仍以年轻、健全的“标准人”为基准,机场与市政设施缺乏适老扶手、连续休息凳及成人护理台,导致大量行动不便的高龄长者被困于家中。 技术辅助方案在现实应用中亦显露局限。以第一代外骨骼助行设备为例,尽管其能提供短期的行走推力,但机械扭矩往往直接转移至使用者的腰椎与核心肌群,反而加重了中老年人常见的腰部劳损,且受制于电池续航与结构重量,尚无法成为替代生理机能的独立方案。面对这漫长的“活力初老”与高龄晚期,青年群体也普遍产生退缩性焦虑,越来越多年轻人在18至35岁的“奥德赛时期”便已开始筹谋养老储蓄。 基层护理伦理困境与家庭医疗支持缺失 (15:45) 学者吴心越在苏南县级养老院的田野调查揭示了基层照护的残酷现实。在每月收费三千多元的普通养老院中,部分老人以吴语俚语“度死日”自嘲,整日面壁发呆。由于机构与护工极度恐惧老人跌倒骨折引发家属索赔纠纷,往往采取过度限制行动的防御性管理,甚至严厉制止老人的日常自主动作。同时,农村中年女护工面临着照料工作社会认同低落的心理困境,学者呼吁应借鉴日本“介护士”经验,在职业规范与称谓上赋予其专业尊严。 失能与失禁照护是不可回避的日常痛点。相比研发精细、品牌林立的婴幼儿纸尿裤,成人失禁用品在防侧漏、锁水与透气除臭等关键指标上严重滞后,高质量“银发产品”供给匮乏。嘉宾们强调,单纯在高校开设养老专业无法解近渴,关键在于推动传统护理教育改革,打破大型综合医院的高墙,建立医护人员下沉至私人家庭的执业资质认证与医疗风险分担机制,使专业力量合法安全地走入基层居所。 生死禁忌的代际分歧与性别分工悖论 (33:11) 清华大学景军教授回顾了其从艾滋病、自杀干预延伸至医学社会学生死学的历程。2023年北京798艺术区举办的《把死亡带回生活》展览引发年轻人强烈共鸣,表明新生代正在打破老一辈“避谶”与回避死亡的传统禁忌。中国传统文化曾有旷达的生死表达(如宋代《骷髅幻戏图》与民间习俗),但现代流水线式的冰冷停尸流程与机械化救治,剥离了生命告别的温情。 展览反馈同时暴露了照护与仪式中的性别悖论:线上关注者与线下公教参与者中女性占比高达80%,这是因为在家庭内部,侍奉汤药、排泄清洁等最沉重的临终看护向来多由女性承担。马家辉指出,这种日常的女性照料分工,到了丧礼仪轨现场却被传统的男权结构替代——长子手持法器行于台前接受躬迎,而承担最多劳作的女性亲属却退居其后。此外,家庭对公开讨论病痛濒死的心态回避,本质上是一种害怕失去至亲的防御机制,凸显出全社会系统性生死教育的严重匮乏。 代际财富断层与“全职儿女”的内循环 (54:40) 宏观数据显示,全球青年正陷入代际停滞。国际劳工组织2020年报告显示全球有2.67亿年轻人处于未就业状态;2023年美国调查显示多数Z世代认为财务发展远落后于父辈;北京大学调查亦显示中国劳动年龄人口的啃老比例在2018年攀升至40%以上。嘉宾分析指出,当代青年的无力感并非由于缺乏奋斗,而是因为家庭核心资产锚定在房产等过去时代的制度红利上,当代年轻人仅凭薪水难以在一线城市完成原始积累。 就业市场的严峻促使家庭关系重构,“全职儿女”成为一种理性的家庭内循环模式:成年子女通过承担烧饭、打理手机应用、管理社保医保与陪诊就医等复杂劳务,换取父母的退休金供养。对比北欧(如芬兰)依靠公共福利机构由政府向失业青年发放独立住房补贴、派遣市政护理员上门照顾老人的“纯粹之爱”,中国家庭依然紧密捆绑。嘉宾提出,健康的代际亲情最终需要学会“得体地放手”,父母应保持自身坚强与独立,不以养老反哺绑架下一代,让子女能够从容飞离家庭。 中国受限于庞大的人口规模、发展阶段与紧密的家庭文化,短期内难以复制北欧由政府全盘托底的福利养老模式,90%的长者仍将依托居家养老。如何在独生子女代际支持见顶、基层护理专业人才匮乏的现实下,构建起可持续的普惠型社区长期护理与适老环境,仍是制度层面尚未破解的长期挑战。

Source quotes

[15:45] 度死日 [15:45] 你别动,专心吃你的! [15:45] 这种粗活也只有我们干,人家大学生、博士生才不会来伺候你。 [22:03] 周轶君: 存肌肉、存钱、存脑力、存爱好 [27:35] 老了绝不依靠子女养老 [33:11] 孔子: 未知生,焉知死 [33:11] 景军: 把死亡带回生活 [45:54] 朝跪双子,暮哭亡妻 [54:40] 全职儿女 [54:40] Doesn't my labor deserve this income? [57:42] Oh, it's terrible? Cook it yourself then! [65:01] 马家辉: 我们还肯问你要钱,你就该偷笑了。 [72:02] and then, let you fly away comfortably.

Original transcript

[0:00] Never before have so many people lived [0:02] for so long. Second, throughout Chinese [0:04] history, regardless of war or peace, [0:05] families always had many children. This [0:07] is the first time in Chinese history [0:09] that we’ve seen families with few or [0:11] even single children, meaning that the [0:13] daunting challenge of elder care is [0:14] something our ancestors never imagined. [0:16] We have never encountered this before; [0:18] it’s a problem we cannot solve now, [0:20] which means we must significantly [0:22] reduce reliance on family-based care [0:24] and drastically increase social elder [0:26] care. The vast majority of people in [0:29] the country, including the elderly in [0:31] second-and third-tier cities and rural [0:33] areas, are not receiving any attention. [0:36] In the end, I discovered that Dongsheng [0:38] has a higher perspective; he said you [0:40] don't necessarily have to talk about [0:41] our company like that. I said, let’s [0:43] use the phrase "great contributions to [0:45] the world." As a pioneer in the elder [0:50] care industry, we want to take this [0:51] opportunity to have a good talk about [0:54] this unprecedented era of longevity. [0:58] Wasn't it the former Renmin University [1:01] philosophy professor, Zhu Rui, who [1:03] wrote "The Last Moments of a [1:04] Philosopher"? [1:05] Yes, exactly. [1:07] Oh, was it that he kept recording his [1:09] thoughts while on his deathbed? [1:14] He did an interview because he was in [1:15] the hospice ward at Haidian Hospital. [1:21] He said his biggest dream at that time [1:24] was just to get out of bed, slip out of [1:26] that room, sit down in a restaurant [1:28] across the street from the hospital, [1:30] and have a bowl of soup, yet he [1:31] couldn't fulfill it. Therefore, I think [1:37] these two dilemmas boil down to this: [1:40] if you live a long life, your body and [1:42] mind must be in harmony for that life [1:44] to be meaningful. It's hard to say [1:48] which situation is worse. For example, [1:53] when Reagan passed away, many media [1:55] outlets wrote commentaries saying he [1:57] had actually died many years ago, and [1:59] what remained in this world was just a [2:01] shadow. [2:04] Dementia, right? [2:07] Some even wrote that if he had passed [2:09] away earlier from something like cancer [2:11] , it might have been better for his [2:13] family. Of course, I disagree with such [2:17] views. I specifically wrote a piece [2:19] arguing that they underestimate the [2:21] significant meaning of a person to [2:23] their family, regardless of whether [2:25] their body or mind is failing. [2:27] This is something outsiders really [2:29] don't understand. But if you think [2:32] about societal judgment, it's that if [2:34] your mind is gone, they consider you [2:36] already gone, even if your body remains [2:39] . So I think this is a very cruel part [2:43] of life. But, there is an author named [2:46] Wu Xinyue, isn't there? He went to do [2:49] some research, investigating nursing [2:51] homes in county-level cities in [2:53] Southern Jiangsu. I think he raised a [2:55] viewpoint that you seem to have [2:57] mentioned as well. In the past, I [2:58] didn't really understand it. He said [3:00] our society is now all about worshiping [3:02] the strong. Promoting the worship of [3:04] the strong all day long, [3:06] and promoting independence and [3:07] self-reliance all day long. We think [3:12] being old, sick, demented, or disabled [3:14] is an exception—a special case—and [3:16] it’s as if they need to be hidden [3:19] away. But in reality, what kind of [3:23] independence is there between people? [3:26] You might reach a stage in life. Where [3:28] you can't even care about shame or [3:30] pride; you just need someone to look [3:32] after you because you're completely [3:34] immobile. Yes, that’s right. I’ve [3:37] said this before because society has a [3:39] default setting; it presumes a " [3:41] standard human." [3:42] Mm. [3:43] This standard human is usually young [3:45] and healthy. They are mobile and have [3:47] no issues at all. It uses this [3:50] benchmark to design many of our spaces, [3:52] even the digital spaces we mentioned [3:54] earlier. [3:55] Mm. [3:56] Everything is designed according to [3:58] this standard, and anyone who doesn't [4:00] fit it is categorized as a "special [4:02] group." That "special group" label is a [4:04] huge problem, because they aren't a [4:05] special group—everyone will [4:07] eventually arrive there. [4:09] Everyone will travel down this path to [4:11] that point. So, it's actually everyone. [4:16] For example, when I get to an airport, [4:18] I often observe that for those with [4:20] limited mobility, the terminal is [4:22] simply vast and endless. [4:26] Take Pudong Airport for example. If you [4:29] walk through it, the original design [4:30] might have been fine, the standard [4:32] design was okay at the time? Everyone [4:36] was a commuter or a white-collar worker [4:38] , carrying a bag, able to move quickly. [4:48] But if this airport doesn't have many [4:50] moving walkways, or if it doesn't [4:52] provide enough chairs on the side, or [4:54] when you get to the restroom...because [4:56] one good thing we have now is: We now [4:57] consider mother-infant needs; many [4:59] places have started setting up [5:01] dedicated rooms, but they haven't yet [5:02] considered that when the elderly go out [5:04] , they often need to change diapers, [5:06] for instance. [5:14] Mm. [5:16] Because they are wearing diapers, and [5:17] when they get to those places, they [5:19] need many handrails. Without handrails, [5:24] they can't stand or squat at all, and [5:26] that includes many places today that [5:28] aren't elderly-friendly. It's [5:31] practically a disaster. You're thinking [5:33] , what are these things, really? When [5:36] the whole society was young, it wasn't [5:37] a problem, because the core structure [5:39] of society was young. Now, if the [5:42] elderly population reaches 25%or more, [5:44] all these spaces will have to be [5:46] completely renovated. Without [5:48] renovations, seniors really can't leave [5:50] their homes. Every senior would be [5:52] stuck at home, just as you said—even [5:53] if you didn't want to hide them, it [5:55] wouldn't matter; they'd be forced into [5:57] hiding. Because they can't get out, [5:58] yeah. [5:59] A friend of mine recently tried a new [6:02] gadget; he tested out an exoskeleton. [6:05] Think about it, when you're old and [6:07] less mobile, it’s mostly about this [6:09] middle section here—whether your [6:10] bones can run or walk. He’s about a [6:14] dozen years older than my brother, and [6:15] he felt his legs weren't as nimble. He [6:19] loves using these kinds of new products [6:21] , so he bought one and said it made [6:22] walking feel really effortless. Wait, [6:25] no, let me tell you. [6:27] Right, he did have a "but" later on. [6:29] He started hopping around, and first [6:31] off, he realized the battery life [6:33] wasn't long enough, and then... [6:35] No battery left. [6:36] And carrying an extra battery is heavy, [6:38] right? [6:39] Second, he said this thing is truly a [6:41] first-generation product. The design [6:43] didn't account for things like, say, [6:45] the battery—it should be designed [6:46] from the top, but it was designed from [6:48] the bottom up, you know? One hop and it [6:50] falls right out. That’s a problem. [6:52] Plus, after you get used to it, when [6:54] you turn the power off and walk on your [6:56] own, you actually feel like your legs [6:58] have even less strength. So, this is [7:01] the first generation. As an optimist, [7:03] an optimist who is gradually aging, he [7:05] wonders if these products will get [7:07] better in the future and help us move [7:09] around more freely. Because I have a [7:11] student who works on exoskeletons. [7:13] And I discovered a problem, which isn't [7:15] the same problem Yijun just mentioned. [7:18] These exoskeletons currently place [7:19] quite high demands on your lower back. [7:22] Oh. [7:22] Oh. [7:23] They're trying their best to make the [7:24] materials lighter and lighter, because [7:26] it won't work if it's heavy, but even [7:28] if it's light, it still affects your [7:29] back. [7:29] Because the lower back is a [7:31] load-bearing area. [7:32] Right. [7:33] Like people like me, since we're always [7:35] sitting down, we all have back issues. [7:37] And after a while, you'll find your [7:39] waist can't take it; when you walk, you [7:41] can lift your legs quite high, and it [7:43] even feels a bit like floating. [7:45] But the problem is, for this [7:46] load-bearing part, [7:47] it doesn't solve the issue with the [7:49] waist. [7:49] It’s basically the same feeling; you [7:51] still have to rely on your waist to [7:52] control it. [7:53] Yes, because the whole thing— [7:55] including how it's worn—the center of [7:57] gravity and force is right on the waist [8:00] . In the past, it seemed like people [8:01] didn't really plan for it. [8:03] Mm, right, because it felt like a very [8:04] distant thing. [8:05] Yes. So, will we all live there in the [8:08] future? It seems like living in nursing [8:10] homes is still the minority; most [8:12] Chinese families still stay at home. [8:14] Yes. That's right. [8:16] So what will happen in the future? Will [8:18] children be even less able to take care [8:20] of their elderly parents later on? [8:22] Well, this was first proposed by [8:24] Shanghai, because in terms of aging [8:26] cities in China, Beijing and Shanghai [8:29] are among the oldest—they have a [8:31] large elderly population. So Shanghai [8:34] was the first to propose this, what [8:37] they call "9073." It's a ratio, meaning [8:40] that 90%of people are actually at home. [8:44] Yes. [8:45] Yes, and 7%are in what they call [8:47] community-based elderly care, which is [8:49] essentially still at home. It’s just [8:52] that there might be more community [8:54] resources, and only 3%of people are in [8:56] nursing homes. So, the people we are [8:58] talking about here are likely the top [9:01] tier of that 3%—a very, very small [9:03] group that is practically negligible [9:05] when placed within China's total [9:07] population. [9:08] Yes. [9:08] So the reality is that everyone is [9:10] still at home. And of course, I'm not [9:12] saying it will always be this way, [9:13] because it's very obvious that the [9:15] number of people available to provide [9:17] care at home is shrinking. [9:18] Exactly. [9:19] There just aren't enough people left at [9:20] home to provide care. Right, so what [9:22] will this society do in the future? [9:24] So, it must shift from being at home to [9:26] being in society. But shifting to [9:29] society involves a lot of details; for [9:32] example, going to a nursing home versus [9:34] staying at home but having strong [9:36] support within the community—I think [9:38] those are the two paths. [9:42] You know, I saw this social survey. It [9:46] surveyed young people aged 18 to 35. A [9:52] few years ago, when asked if they had [9:54] considered their future retirement [9:56] issues, about 70-something percent said [9:58] they hadn't, because of their age. But [10:03] in a new survey conducted a couple of [10:05] years ago, that figure dropped to 40- [10:07] something percent. In other words, over [10:12] half of people aged 18 to 35 are [10:14] already inquiring about things like [10:16] pension insurance, right? Because, I [10:19] mean, the rabbit—what should we call [10:22] it? Not a rabbit hole, what should we [10:23] call it? People are starting to wonder, [10:25] what will happen when we get old? [10:27] Who can we count on? [10:28] Right, you— [10:29] You see so much of it now; seeing is [10:30] very important. [10:31] Can you count on your daughter, or how [10:33] will things be in the future? Do you, [10:34] do you count on them? On people? [10:37] I count on a lot, I count on the stock [10:39] market. Because what you see is very [10:43] important. Back to my experience just [10:47] now, every time I go to places with [10:49] many elderly people, I see two problems [10:51] : one is my elder, my mother now, and [10:53] the other is myself. So, when we talk [10:57] about an aging society, we mean that [10:58] elderly people taking care of elderly [11:00] people has become too common. [11:02] Yes. [11:03] My mother is over 80; I look at her [11:05] spirit and health now. [11:06] Nowadays, it’s 60-year-olds taking [11:08] care of 80-year-olds; in the past, it [11:10] was 70-year-olds taking care of people [11:12] in their 80s or 90s. I used to take my [11:15] father to the hospital many times [11:16] before. I saw someone who looked over [11:20] 80 pushing someone who was 100, someone [11:22] like a baby sitting in a wheelchair. [11:24] Old people caring for the old. That’s [11:28] why when I walked in, I was thinking [11:30] about those two aging issues, [11:31] considering, on one hand, when I might [11:33] find a suitable nursing home for my [11:35] mother. On the other hand, I [11:39] immediately think about how I should [11:41] arrange my own later life. That’s why [11:46] I say seeing is important. Plus, take [11:50] our films for example, the stars of [11:53] Hong Kong cinema, Andy Lau is already [11:55] over 60, Tony Leung, what about them? [11:59] Okay, they are all over 60. They are [12:03] still on the front line past 60, and [12:06] Chow Yun-fat is over 70. When we see [12:08] that these influential people in the [12:10] film industry are already in their 60s [12:12] or 70s, how can you not think about [12:14] yourself? So, as you mentioned, more [12:18] and more people want to save because [12:20] they have heard more, seen more, and [12:22] experienced more. Because what is my [12:26] point? Following Professor Chen’s [12:28] theory, if we take 100 years old as a [12:30] human boundary, there is indeed a [12:32] problem. In the past, we imagined the [12:35] last stage of life as just "living out [12:37] one’s remaining days." [12:39] Not worth mentioning, right? That was [12:42] the twilight of life, but now, it’s [12:44] true that if human lifespan increases, [12:47] many people will live to their 80s, 90s [12:49] , or even 100. So, starting from 60, [12:52] that’s 40 years right there. Those 40 [12:55] years are enough for a whole lifetime, [12:57] or at least half a lifetime. [12:59] How one plans for this and spends this [13:01] time—even though the body is [13:02] gradually declining. Have you ever [13:04] pondered this kind of issue? [13:06] Because the stages of life are [13:08] different now; before, they were [13:10] clearly divided into childhood, [13:12] adolescence, then [13:13] middle age, and then old age. Now, I [13:16] think dividing them into at least four, [13:18] or even six, is no problem at all. [13:22] There is actually a long period before [13:24] adulthood where people don't fully [13:26] mature. [13:27] Hmm. [13:28] Isn't there that popular internet term [13:30] now, the "Odyssey years"? [13:31] Hmm. [13:32] The Odyssey years are from 18 to 35, [13:34] like you said. [13:35] The lost period. [13:36] Yes, as you mentioned, in the past, if [13:38] you put them through university, they [13:40] would be independent, but now finishing [13:42] university is useless. For example, [13:44] they are in their 20s, they graduate, [13:47] but into their 30s, they are still not [13:49] truly adults. [13:50] So after puberty, there is an extra [13:52] stage. I don't know what demographers [13:55] call it, but online it’s called the " [13:57] Odyssey years," a term coined by an [13:59] American author. [14:00] And of course, during this... [14:02] You mean still wandering? Nothing is [14:04] settled, right? Yes, nothing is settled [14:07] . [14:08] And they mainly rely on their parents; [14:09] I have several people around me like [14:11] that. [14:13] Then, looking further ahead, you could [14:15] mark out what you might call the early [14:17] years of retirement. For instance, [14:20] China's current policy still sets it at [14:23] 60, right? But if we go by 60, I think [14:26] from 60 to 75, let's say 75. During [14:29] this time, people are still relatively [14:31] healthy. [14:32] Yes. [14:32] It's hard to say what happens after, [14:34] but this is actually an extra period of [14:36] time. How to arrange this time is [14:37] indeed a pretty big issue. Speaking of [14:40] nursing homes, I saw a figure; it’s [14:42] not that we don’t have enough nursing [14:43] homes in our country, but that the [14:45] vacancy rate is very high. [14:47] Ah. [14:48] Yes, why is that? Top-tier nursing [14:50] homes might be expensive, so people [14:51] can't get in, and the lower-tier ones [14:53] aren't good enough, so people won't go [14:55] there either. That’s the problem; [14:56] elderly care services might not have [14:58] kept up. And for those at the bottom, [15:00] even those types of nursing homes are [15:02] considered too expensive. [15:04] Right, or maybe our mindset just hasn't [15:06] kept up, but China is inevitably facing [15:08] a massive population decline, right? At [15:11] this point, our generation can't [15:13] necessarily count on our children to [15:14] support us in the future. I always say, [15:16] everyone talks about "raising children [15:18] to provide for old age." [15:19] Raising children doesn't provide for [15:20] old age anymore. [15:21] Exactly. [15:22] That's just how it is, that's just how [15:23] it is. [15:24] They've spent all our retirement [15:25] savings, yeah. [15:26] Right, that's exactly what happens, [15:27] including your energy and your health [15:29] —they're all exhausted by your [15:31] children, it's true. [15:32] So, you really can't count on that. In [15:35] the future, it will definitely be all [15:36] about institutions and the market. So, [15:38] we need to focus on the elderly care [15:40] industry; our care services need to [15:42] keep up. And I personally believe that [15:45] in the future, China will see growth in [15:47] three major industries. The first is [15:50] the service industry; you know, many of [15:52] the service staff here at Taikang are [15:54] college graduates. This type of work [15:57] wasn't respected before; if you asked [15:59] someone, "What do you do for a living?" [16:01] and they said they help the elderly [16:03] with their daily needs, people would [16:04] look down on them. They felt [16:06] discriminated against, but in the [16:07] future, these people will be in high [16:09] demand; there aren't enough of these [16:11] positions. [16:11] Right. [16:12] Right, you know, a scholar named Wu [16:14] Xinyue specifically went to a nursing [16:17] home in a county-level city in southern [16:19] Jiangsu to conduct a study. Upon [16:22] investigating, you'd find that nursing [16:24] and food costs add up to over 3,000 [16:26] yuan, and some people from rural areas [16:29] live there too. For example, floors one [16:31] through four are for those who are [16:33] still mobile. Those who are less [16:35] capable or have dementia are on the [16:36] fifth floor and above. He discovered [16:38] that these elderly people often used a [16:41] local phrase, something like "dù sǐ [16:43] rì"(whiling away the days until death) [16:45] . Oh. [16:48] It's a Jiangsu dialect phrase, meaning [16:50] the elderly have this feeling that once [16:52] they've finished breakfast, lunch, and [16:54] dinner, well, another day has just [16:56] passed. You know, I recently watched [17:00] that Martin Scorsese film, "The [17:02] Irishman." At the beginning, I thought [17:06] this scene was just like some nursing [17:09] homes, where an old man can sit in a [17:11] wheelchair for hours, not even watching [17:13] TV, just staring blankly. [17:16] Staring blankly. And you know, there's [17:20] a caregiver there—when an old lady [17:22] dropped cookie crumbs on the floor and [17:24] reached out to sweep them up, the [17:26] caregiver said, "Don't move, just focus [17:28] on eating." Because they fear accidents [17:31] , for instance, if an old man breaks [17:33] his leg, the family comes looking for [17:36] them; if the nursing home says he was [17:38] exercising early, well, then...In the [17:40] end, they still have to pay [17:41] compensation. So, what is the actual [17:44] situation in nursing homes at the [17:46] county-level city that he observed? It [17:48] is that the elderly are actually [17:50] restricted in their freedom to some [17:51] extent. [17:53] Including the nursing staff: "Don't [17:55] move, just stay right there." They [17:58] don't encourage you to move. If you [18:02] want to do things, the so-called [18:04] nursing aides are actually mostly older [18:06] aunts from rural areas, we just call [18:08] them "Auntie." They themselves feel [18:11] this kind of work is beneath them, and [18:13] they look down on themselves too. For [18:14] example, during his investigation, he [18:17] saw a nursing aide, an auntie from the [18:19] countryside, helping a grandmother— [18:21] that grandma was quite heavy. You know, [18:24] lifting takes skill, I've learned that, [18:26] right? You have to hold her like that, [18:28] have her hold onto you, support her [18:29] weight, before you can move her to the [18:31] wheelchair. After all that effort to [18:33] get her into the wheelchair, she seemed [18:36] to be venting as she spoke to the [18:37] grandmother, pointing out that this [18:39] work is only for people like us, saying [18:41] , "Look at college students or people [18:43] with PhDs, they wouldn't do this kind [18:45] of work." It means they also look down [18:47] on the job of changing diapers and [18:49] helping with the bathroom. So he [18:50] suggests, he says language is important [18:53] . [18:53] Mhm. [18:54] He suggests that in the future, they [18:55] should be called "care specialists." [18:57] Mhm. [18:57] It’s hard to just call them nursing [18:59] aides. [18:59] In Japan, they are called "care workers [19:01] ." Care workers—this "care specialist [19:03] " is a profession. Honestly, I tell you [19:05] , it's much more professional than what [19:07] family members do, it's just... [19:08] Can universities open up this major in [19:10] the future? [19:10] There should be. [19:11] Actually, it's not quite that, what is [19:13] primarily needed now is the reform of [19:15] medical schools. They do have nursing [19:17] programs. [19:19] But the nursing profession still serves [19:21] people inside the hospital. What we [19:25] really need now is for people who have [19:27] this professional training to be able [19:29] to go into the community and even into [19:30] homes. [19:33] Mhm. [19:34] It’s something like that, because... [19:36] Because medical and nursing staff are [19:37] currently all still inside the [19:38] hospitals. [19:39] Right. [19:39] They aren't out there. [19:41] Right now, when you are at home, if you [19:43] encounter this situation, you need [19:44] someone who...I mean, first, there must [19:47] be enough people who can leave the [19:48] hospitals and go to these places; [19:50] second, there must be a question of [19:52] certification. Because once you're in [19:54] the hospital, everything seems [19:55] controllable. But if something happens [19:58] at home, whose risk is that? [20:01] They need to have the qualifications, [20:02] and we need to allow these people to [20:04] come into the home to play that role. I [20:08] think this would solve a great many [20:09] problems. There are all kinds of [20:14] technical issues, whether it's language [20:16] or the right mindset, but we can't just [20:18] wait for the whole system to catch up [20:20] before we grow old. Aging doesn't stop. [20:26] You can't just say, "I won't grow old [20:27] because the system or training isn't [20:29] ready yet." It's not that perfect, so [20:33] you still have to make your own [20:35] arrangements and think ahead. Look at [20:38] the resources; I read reports that many [20:40] elderly people in Hong Kong are moving [20:42] to Guangdong. [20:42] Right. [20:44] And some Germans are moving to Poland. [20:47] Do British people go to India? Lower [20:50] costs. [20:51] They go to warmer places. It all [20:53] depends on each person's individual [20:54] conditions, abilities, and options. [20:57] I’m saying you have to make plans in [20:59] advance; you can't wait for the system [21:01] to change, so mindset is very important [21:03] . I have personally started adjusting [21:07] my own mindset, realizing that even [21:09] before you're old, life isn't [21:10] necessarily perfect. [21:13] Mm. [21:14] In your teens, you have teen health [21:16] issues and psychological problems. [21:19] Being lost about the future is also [21:21] very painful. Then, in middle age, work [21:24] is exhausting, and there are many [21:26] emotional blows in relationships. When [21:30] you're old, whether you live at home or [21:32] in a nursing home, if things are not as [21:34] you wish, then so be it. Sometimes we [21:37] look at them and say, "Oh, how [21:39] miserable," but that misery and [21:41] suffering are what they are [21:42] experiencing. Life is essentially [21:45] suffering. As for the suffering of old [21:49] age, sometimes when we aren't old yet, [21:50] or when we are caring for the elderly, [21:52] we feel bitter on their behalf. I've [21:59] mentally prepared myself that every age [22:01] has its own struggles, so I’ve [22:03] divided up my next 20 years, say from [22:05] 63 to 83. What can I do from my 60s to [22:10] my 70s? Just like we said, cultivating [22:13] the next generation. As for my ideals [22:15] or what I want to do, people often [22:17] think I'm joking. Professor Hu might be [22:20] hearing this for the first time—can I [22:22] talk about the novel I'm writing? " [22:24] Chronicles of Two Heavens." But I’m [22:26] afraid someone might steal the idea. [22:28] Don't worry, I’ll help you type it. [22:30] I often say that once I finish my book [22:32] and write my final piece, I'm going to [22:33] hold a concert. I’m going to hold a [22:35] concert. My friends all laugh, but [22:36] you’re the only one who didn’t. [22:38] I’m serious about the concert. [22:40] I’m really trying to process this. [22:42] A concert? [22:43] It’s hard to process. I’ll sing my [22:45] heart out. Hey, I’ve even thought of [22:48] the setlist. The first song is "My [22:50] Skate Shoes." [22:51] Skate wolf. [22:52] Why not? Why can't I? It’s just [22:55] giving myself a challenge. Alright, [22:59] once I pass this first stage of old age [23:01] and these challenges, I’ll move on to [23:03] the next. I’m not sure what it’ll [23:07] be yet, maybe by then I’ll really be [23:09] working on my muscles. I think what [23:12] you’re saying is on the same path as [23:14] what Yijun said—you know, storing [23:16] muscles, storing money. [23:18] Exactly. [23:18] Storing brainpower, right? Just storing [23:21] hobbies—it’s all about storing. [23:23] I’m not just storing; I’m putting [23:24] it into practice. I really am going to [23:26] hold a concert, and I’ll give you a [23:27] ticket when the time comes. [23:28] Then I’ll definitely have to go. No [23:29] — [23:30] I’ll be in a wheelchair by then. [23:31] Listen, Wentao, what about you? What [23:33] will your next 40 years be like? How [23:34] can you talk such nonsense? [23:36] I—my thoughts are just so rich. [23:38] Because I find it hard to imagine a [23:40] phase—have you thought about it?— [23:42] where you might reach a point where you [23:44] can’t even take care of your own [23:46] bodily functions for a long time. [23:48] Hmm, a caregiver helping you every day. [23:52] It seems everyone is used to thinking [23:54] it’s mostly "aunties" who do this [23:56] work; actually, it is mostly aunties. [24:00] Right, but the aunties are also quite [24:02] embarrassed. At first, I just thought, [24:05] when that day comes, if for a long, [24:08] long time you have to relieve yourself [24:10] in bed all day and just lie there—and [24:12] actually, you know, you only have half [24:14] your consciousness, you might not be [24:17] able to think clearly, you might have [24:19] lapses in perception, or even [24:20] psychiatric symptoms. This is entirely [24:24] possible. For instance, with dementia, [24:26] you might think you’re in control, [24:28] but you’re actually being controlled [24:30] by psychiatric symptoms. You might [24:32] become pathologically suspicious. You [24:35] might become paranoid, thinking that [24:37] all the doctors and nurses are trying [24:38] to harm you. This is a state that [24:41] hasn't arrived for us yet, but it’s [24:43] one we might face. In that state, how [24:44] long would you want to live? [24:46] That is, you— [24:47] Would you be willing to live in that [24:48] state? [24:48] I actually have a bit to say about this [24:50] . [24:50] Right. I’ve recently been looking [24:52] into—not studying, but paying [24:54] attention to—the issue of elderly [24:56] palliative care. [24:57] Ah, hmm. Yeah, because this sounds like [25:00] a pretty simple thing, but it's [25:02] actually not simple, because in those [25:04] caregiver support groups I'm in, they [25:06] talk every day about, "What kind of [25:08] adult diapers should I use?" But a lot [25:11] of the time, I can't use regular [25:13] diapers; I have to use what are called [25:15] pull-ups. [25:16] Hmm. [25:16] You know the difference between [25:18] pull-ups and diapers, right? I [25:19] Yeah, I do. I buy them for my grandma [25:21] all the time, I know. [25:22] And there's the stuff you put [25:23] underneath, [25:23] the underpads, also called incontinence [25:25] pads. Hmm. [25:26] Sometimes, inside the diaper, there's [25:29] another thing called an insert. Or a [25:32] booster pad. You know why they discuss [25:35] this every day? Because this—this [25:38] incontinence—is a nightmare for every [25:41] caregiver. Because it means you have to [25:44] constantly wash everything over and [25:46] over. You have to repeatedly clean and [25:48] wipe down the elderly person. And if [25:51] this happens a couple of times during [25:53] the night, you—you just can't get any [25:55] sleep at all. [25:56] You've experienced it yourself. [25:58] Yes, or when you have to go out, [26:00] because sometimes you have to go out to [26:02] the hospital, right? This problem, [26:06] strictly speaking, is just about a [26:08] little piece of non-woven fabric. But [26:12] you have to make that non-woven fabric [26:14] with good absorption capabilities. And [26:18] the side leakage guards need to be wide [26:20] enough. And it shouldn't hold odors. [26:25] Also, when summer comes, it can't be [26:28] too thick, or it will cause skin [26:29] irritation and rashes. [26:33] There are all kinds of things. You just [26:36] mentioned the caregiver taking care of [26:38] an elderly man. [26:39] Right. [26:40] Actually, for elderly women, due to [26:42] their physiology, [26:44] they actually face even greater [26:46] challenges than elderly men. [26:48] Right. [26:50] So, this is a very tangible, vital part [26:53] of life. That’s why I’m saying that [27:00] manufacturers really need to study how [27:01] to develop the best diapers for the [27:03] elderly, like they do for baby diapers [27:05] and products. [27:10] Hmm. [27:11] For babies, there are big brands, [27:13] various product tiers, and segmentation [27:15] . For elderly diapers, they are, first, [27:18] cheap; second, the materials aren't [27:21] great; and third, there are basically [27:23] no real brands. In other words, we [27:26] don't value the elderly market at all. [27:29] But the probability of elderly people [27:31] needing diapers is extremely high. [27:35] What you said really resonates with me. [27:38] It’s like, society, [27:40] it has such hope for children. [27:42] Yes. [27:42] It's full of hope. Aging is truly, at [27:46] times, a form of human destiny. My [27:50] brother once told me about something he [27:52] saw; he said he watched a documentary [27:54] that featured an animation. It made him [27:58] realize that some things are just [28:00] inevitable. He said this animation [28:02] depicted humanity, starting from our [28:04] early ancestors. He said they were [28:06] walking forward in a single line. The [28:08] children were at the front, while the [28:10] elderly at the back gradually hunched [28:12] over, walking slower and slower, [28:14] falling behind the rest of the pack. My [28:17] brother said that imagery really struck [28:19] him—the elderly at the very end [28:21] becoming more and more frail, until [28:23] finally, they just collapsed onto the [28:26] ground. Some would cry out, and then [28:28] someone, a middle-aged person in the [28:30] middle of the line, would look back, [28:32] take a look, and try to help the [28:34] elderly person up to keep moving. But [28:36] the elderly person couldn't take two [28:38] steps before falling again. Then the [28:40] person would look back, call out, but [28:42] still have to move forward, unable to [28:44] return because the children were still [28:46] heading ahead. This line of humanity, [28:49] in the end, just kept seeing the [28:51] elderly fall like that, but, [28:57] yet I always feel that perhaps now, we [28:59] might have the conditions to soften [29:01] this cruel biological rule. I think [29:05] what Professor Hu is saying perfectly [29:07] illustrates that we have great [29:08] potential in the "silver economy." The [29:11] silver economy doesn't necessarily mean [29:12] you have to profit off the elderly, but [29:14] it does show we aren't caring for them [29:16] enough. How do we develop products that [29:18] truly meet their needs, just like we do [29:20] for children, right? It shows there is [29:22] great potential. I believe that [29:23] throughout Chinese history, we have [29:25] never seen an elder-care crisis like [29:26] the one we have today. In reality, such [29:28] a crisis has never existed before; this [29:30] is the first time. That is my take. [29:32] You're taking the post-90s generation, [29:34] who are already struggling to get by, [29:36] and adding even more anxiety to their [29:38] lives. No, [29:39] if they don't face it now, the anxiety [29:41] will be even greater when they reach [29:42] middle age. [29:43] I’ve noticed that nowadays, parents [29:45] of this post-90s generation, [29:47] hmm, [29:47] are all saying—my friends around me [29:49] are all saying—that they absolutely [29:50] won't rely on their children to support [29:52] them. [29:53] But they can't simply opt out either. [29:55] From the perspective of familial [29:56] affection, it’s something they still [29:58] have to do. If they don't help, what [30:00] exactly does "helping" even mean? When [30:02] it comes to things like finding a [30:04] hospital, they will need you to help. [30:05] They have no way to navigate the [30:07] hospitals themselves. They can't figure [30:08] out how to use digital systems to book [30:10] appointments. Even when it comes to the [30:13] very end—when they are healthy, [30:14] it’s fine, they can manage without [30:16] their children's help. But in the end, [30:18] if they need to go to a hospital, they [30:19] can't even climb to the second floor on [30:20] their own. If they don't turn to their [30:22] children, who else can they turn to? [30:23] Hiring a caregiver works too. With such [30:27] widespread availability of caregiving [30:28] services now, Hu told me the other day [30:30] that at the most critical moments, [30:32] it’s really about family affection. [30:35] No one can replace that, but what is [30:37] family affection? Well, family [30:39] affection means your children. But [30:41] first of all, the children don't have [30:43] the skills for that. [30:45] Who has these skills? [30:46] Right, they don't have the skills to [30:48] provide care. In our traditional [30:53] Chinese society, if nobody had those [30:55] skills, it could be shared and divided [30:57] among four or three children. Now [31:03] there’s only one, so what can be done [31:05] ? So your call to society was about [31:08] exactly this. [31:10] What I meant by my call was that your [31:12] generation should urge the country and [31:14] also put in effort yourselves to make [31:16] our national social elderly care system [31:18] much better. Without a good social [31:21] pension system, our current [31:23] family-based elderly care system is [31:24] already struggling to cope. To this day [31:28] , over 40 years since the reform and [31:30] opening up, we have relied on family [31:32] care. The life expectancy of Chinese [31:34] people has gone from 60-something in [31:36] the 70s to over 80 now, reaching 85 in [31:39] Shanghai. We’ve sustained this for so [31:41] long through family support alone, [31:43] without many social elderly care [31:45] services, which means there is actually [31:46] room for much more investment. [31:49] We all have an ideal scenario, for [31:51] example, when an elderly person in the [31:54] family gets old and sick. In that case, [31:57] all medical services or other needs [31:59] should be handled by public [32:01] institutions or society, and the family [32:03] members just provide emotional support [32:05] by visiting the ward, right? Without [32:08] the burden of hiring caregivers or the [32:10] specific burden of family caregiving, [32:12] do you think this ideal is achievable? [32:15] Yes, for some people, it has already [32:17] been achieved. For some people, that is [32:19] , the relatively wealthy, it has long [32:21] been achieved. [32:24] It is unlikely to be universal, but for [32:26] many people—at least one-tenth of [32:27] China—it has already been achieved; [32:29] they can use caregivers or other [32:31] arrangements to handle this well. [32:34] To put it bluntly, the wealthy are just [32:36] a tiny minority. [32:37] Let’s put it this way: is universal [32:39] coverage achievable or not? Some say [32:41] it's not, because our economic level [32:43] cannot compare with Northern Europe, [32:45] Western Europe, or France; that is, our [32:47] wealth accumulation isn't there yet. If [32:53] we go back to the point, if we could [32:54] stop the waste, and if we could reduce [32:56] this, I mean, the huge wealth gap, just [32:58] narrow it down a bit. It might be [33:03] achievable. [33:05] Professor Xu, Teacher Hui, this is our [33:08] old gang. [33:11] Professor Xu, this question actually [33:13] leads perfectly into your research on [33:15] elder care, end-of-life care, and death [33:18] . How did you come to focus your [33:22] research on this in recent years? [33:25] After I returned to China in 2000, [33:27] I’ve been doing medical sociology [33:29] research. I started by researching HIV/ [33:32] AIDS infections, and later I conducted [33:34] research on suicide among Chinese [33:36] people. After finishing the suicide [33:38] research, I began studying elder care, [33:40] and then moved on to death studies. [33:43] People often didn't want to publish the [33:44] articles we wrote. No one wanted to [33:48] publish many articles about death, but [33:49] I felt that we shouldn't treat all [33:51] Chinese people as a monolith that views [33:53] it as taboo. So, recently, from July to [33:57] August, we held a modern art exhibition [34:00] at 798 titled "Bringing Death Back to [34:02] Life." It was full of young people. [34:05] Do you think young people are [34:06] interested in death? They are extremely [34:08] interested—well, not just interested. [34:11] It’s that they are different from our [34:13] older generation, who believe we can't [34:15] talk about, look at, mention, or even [34:17] touch death. Their taboos are different [34:19] . [34:20] You mentioned that even I hesitated to [34:22] do this show. Because I found my own [34:23] thoughts to be very chaotic; I have all [34:26] kinds of ideas. For instance, I have [34:28] that feeling—back in the Han Dynasty, [34:30] there was a concept called "avoiding [34:32] the omen." [34:32] Like a self-fulfilling prophecy, that [34:34] kind of omen. Yes. Sometimes I feel [34:36] like there are certain illnesses one [34:38] shouldn't mention; if you bring them up [34:40] , you might just invite them upon [34:41] yourself. Including death, I feel this [34:45] kind of hesitation myself. Are you an [34:49] atheist? I am, or I should say I'm an [34:53] agnostic. [34:54] What about you, Professor Xu? " [34:56] If you do not know life, how can you [34:58] know death?" I do believe there is an [35:02] existence, and that existence has its [35:04] own will. But the point is, it’s very [35:08] difficult for us humans to communicate [35:10] with or understand it. There is no way [35:13] to understand it. [35:16] Seeing you wearing those sunglasses [35:18] today reminds me of a documentary. It [35:24] said that just as our eyes cannot look [35:26] directly at the sun, many times we [35:28] humans cannot face that unbearable, [35:30] naked truth directly; so we need to [35:32] wear sunglasses to look at the sun, [35:34] just as we need to put on a pair of [35:35] shades. These sunglasses are just like [35:42] many of our funeral rites or the things [35:44] we do for the deceased. It’s as if [35:48] they help us avoid facing them directly [35:50] . [35:51] Wentao, let me clarify first. When did [35:53] you hold them up? [35:56] I, I want to clarify, I’m wearing [35:57] these sunglasses today because Wentao [35:59] told me we’d be talking about death, [36:01] and I’m afraid I’ll cry, afraid [36:03] that I’ll tear up, so I’m just [36:04] being prepared. [36:07] His glasses are fake, they have no [36:09] prescription. [36:11] It doesn’t matter if they have no [36:13] prescription; the point is that when I [36:15] cry, when my eyes well up, you won’t [36:17] feel as awkward. Professor Jing, do you [36:20] think there’s any validity to the [36:22] taboos surrounding this topic? [36:26] If we look at history as a whole, [36:28] it’s unclear exactly when we turned [36:30] this into, how should I put it, a taboo [36:32] . But in the early days, if you look at [36:36] the Warring States period, the Qin [36:38] dynasty, or even the Tang dynasty, [36:40] there was something called "deathbed [36:42] poetry." This culture was not only [36:45] about solemnity, but also about [36:47] open-mindedness and a form of [36:49] naturalism. The explanations for death [36:52] in ancient China were incredibly [36:54] brilliant, and they did include taboos. [36:57] But that was only one part of it. [37:00] However, in our society today, it seems [37:02] that taboos regarding death have [37:04] increasingly become our primary, [37:06] instinctive reaction to it, which [37:08] hasn't historically been the case. In [37:11] your article, you also mentioned that [37:13] cultures in different countries are [37:15] truly very different; for example, in [37:16] Central and South America, there were [37:18] the Aztecs. [37:19] Right, they have the Day of the Dead. [37:22] They treat death like a carnival. [37:27] I think China actually has that too, [37:29] like during the Ghost Festival; it’s [37:31] just that throughout the course of [37:32] history, we’ve evolved—actually, in [37:34] the past, we used to set off long [37:36] firecrackers. Lanterns; and if you look [37:40] at the Song dynasty, there’s the " [37:42] Skeleton Fantasy Painting." We recently [37:45] took the "Skeleton Fantasy Painting," [37:47] and our teacher at Tsinghua, Wang [37:49] Zhigang, turned it into an interactive [37:51] installation. How old were the children [37:53] ? Children of any age can come into [37:56] this room in our exhibition and [37:57] interact with the skeleton. This [38:00] existed in the Song dynasty, which [38:02] means that back then, on the streets, [38:04] people were already using skeletons as [38:06] puppets; the integration was so casual [38:08] and strong that it even entered the [38:09] artwork. So, historically speaking, it [38:13] seems that the reaction to death in [38:15] Chinese cultural history hasn't been so [38:17] singular; in fact, it’s actually [38:19] quite complex. It's just that I feel [38:24] since entering modern society, our [38:26] general approach has been: don't talk [38:28] about it, don't mention it, don't touch [38:30] it, and don't look at it. But why is it [38:33] like this? My take is that I feel our [38:36] own society is increasingly lacking the [38:38] imagination for other possibilities. [38:42] Religion, on the other hand, is a [38:44] supreme form of imagination for those [38:46] other possibilities. It’s saying that [38:50] my existence isn't just materialistic; [38:51] I have another explanation for it. For [38:56] example, our perception of the body— [38:58] take how in hospitals today, once [38:59] someone dies, they must leave the bed [39:01] within an hour and go straight to the [39:03] morgue. [39:05] Mm. [39:06] What kind of place is a morgue? Every [39:09] hospital morgue is just a filthy, cold [39:11] place. But if you look at the teachings [39:15] of Master Yinguang or Master Hongyi, [39:17] they would say that for 48 hours after [39:19] someone dies, they still have [39:20] perception, so you shouldn't disturb [39:22] them. They have a completely different [39:25] set of explanations. But now, our [39:29] explanation—if I may be blunt—is a [39:31] materialistic one, where only science [39:33] can explain death, and nothing else can [39:36] . Our entire society's view on death is [39:41] singular, and it's also very cruel: [39:43] once you die, you’re just a pile of [39:45] ashes, and that's it. This is truly [39:49] terrifying for all of humanity. [39:54] Professor Xu mentioned in our first [39:56] episode a near-death experience he [39:58] recently had, where he lost [39:59] consciousness for six minutes in the [40:01] waters off Tahiti. Professor Xu, at [40:07] your age now...Do you avoid thinking [40:09] about it, and just let come what may? [40:13] Or do you find yourself thinking about [40:14] it from time to time? [40:16] Better not talk about it; my family [40:18] criticized me after I brought it up [40:19] last time. [40:20] Why? [40:21] They felt it wasn't appropriate to talk [40:23] about such things. [40:23] What was their reasoning? [40:25] No real reason; they just didn't want [40:26] to discuss it. [40:27] Right, you see, that’s it—many [40:29] people have this kind of taboo [40:31] mentality about talking about it openly [40:33] . Is there a problem with that? It’s [40:38] basically what Chinese people call " [40:40] karmic retribution"—that by talking [40:42] about it, you’ll bring it upon [40:43] yourself. For example, we aren't [40:48] supposed to sweep the floor during [40:49] holidays; there are many such taboos, [40:51] and if you break them, you'll be [40:53] punished. Talking about life and death [40:57] is a big deal. Recently, in our " [41:02] Bringing Death Back to Life" exhibition [41:04] , a key focus was how we can use art to [41:07] reveal the multifaceted nature of death [41:09] . A student from a certain university [41:15] created an installation called "One [41:17] Step Too Late." In this installation, [41:21] there’s a light above; if you look up [41:23] , you only see a sliver of light. Below [41:27] , you experience a sense of [41:28] weightlessness, and opposite you is an [41:30] artistic image they created—breathing [41:32] , with the mouth covered and sealed. [41:39] Finally, there is the sound of someone [41:41] unable to breathe, along with a [41:43] ventilator; it lets us feel what the [41:45] final moments of life are like—just [41:46] the sound of a ventilator clicking, [41:48] something many of us have never even [41:50] seen before. Even if they have seen it, [41:57] they prefer to push it out of their [41:58] consciousness as quickly as possible. [42:02] But when we turn it into an art piece, [42:04] some children walk inside and ask their [42:06] mothers what it is. The taboo around [42:10] the discourse of death is very [42:11] interesting; it makes you wonder where [42:13] these taboos come from. [42:14] Hmm. [42:16] Since you are an atheist, why are you [42:17] afraid to talk about this subject? So I [42:21] feel that most of us are actually not [42:23] atheists. But they are agnostics; they [42:26] aren't theists either, they are [42:28] agnostics. The issue is very complex, [42:32] which is why during this exhibition, [42:34] 750,000 people provided feedback on [42:37] Xiaohongshu. At first, I didn't [42:39] understand the demographic of [42:40] Xiaohongshu, and I wondered why there [42:42] was so much engagement there. They told [42:46] me Xiaohongshu has a higher proportion [42:48] of women, and then I finally understood [42:50] , because during our public education [42:52] events, 80%of the attendees were women [42:54] —young women, that is. I have my own [42:58] rather rough explanation, which might [43:00] be this. It’s that in our traditional [43:04] Chinese culture, the dirty and heavy [43:06] work of end-of-life care is basically [43:08] all borne by women. [43:11] Oh. This topic is also quite popular on [43:14] Xiaohongshu, can you explain this [43:16] phenomenon? [43:19] Actually, that makes sense, but if you [43:21] look back at traditions, especially in [43:23] funeral rites, men are still the ones [43:25] in charge. Right, let me give you an [43:30] example. My father passed away two [43:32] years ago. During the whole process, we [43:35] were preparing for the funeral, [43:37] notifying relatives and friends, and [43:38] making arrangements. My sisters did a [43:42] lot, and of course, I did too. But when [43:46] it came time for the funeral ceremony, [43:48] I remember it was the first time in my [43:50] life I felt so strongly the weight of [43:52] Chinese patriarchal tradition. I was [43:57] the son; I stood there doing all the [43:59] bowing—we men had our specific roles. [44:03] We were out in front, and they stood [44:05] behind, sometimes not even being able [44:07] to stand behind. I had to stand there [44:10] holding various, well, I don’t even [44:12] know what the ritual items were. I had [44:15] to stand at the very front, leading my [44:17] sisters and other female family members [44:19] . That was the first time in my life I [44:23] felt I had such a high status in the [44:25] family. [44:26] This was in Hong Kong, in Hong Kong. [44:28] In Hong Kong, I usually don't have much [44:30] status. When the family eats together, [44:32] it’s the women doing all the talking. [44:34] I just listen. I’m basically the one [44:36] who gets scolded; my sister scolds me, [44:39] my mom scolds me, that’s how it is. [44:41] But that time, I felt, oh, they were [44:43] all bowing to me. It was like the [44:46] female members of my family were [44:48] looking up to me. Of course, I also [44:52] ended up paying the funeral bill, so [44:54] that was the more painful, the literal [44:56] painful part. [44:59] If that were a kingdom, you’d be the [45:01] new emperor. [45:02] Yeah, exactly. Now I’ve just [45:05] inherited a pile of debt. But coming [45:08] back to this, Zidong, sorry, you [45:10] mentioned your family scolded you, [45:11] criticizing you and telling you not to [45:13] bring it up. I’m quite curious, [45:16] because you didn’t die; you’re [45:18] alive. They should be very happy and [45:20] want to talk about it over and over. So [45:23] I’m wondering, when we talk about [45:25] death, if there’s really a taboo, [45:27] it’s perhaps not about death itself. [45:30] It’s more about the feelings and [45:31] emotions that death brings. Zidong, [45:34] maybe your family doesn't want you to [45:35] talk about it because they don't want [45:37] to bring up the unexpected. We want to [45:40] avoid the unexpected. [45:42] That’s a way to put it. [45:43] Avoiding separation, avoiding anxiety, [45:46] and that sense of grief. [45:49] These people have no empathy. [45:51] Making a big deal out of it on the [45:52] sidelines. [45:54] This family meeting...I think, well, [45:56] what do I really feel deep down? See, I [45:59] don't like talking about this either. [46:03] We must discuss this, as it actually [46:05] relates to our confusion about the [46:06] truth of life and this world. Chinese [46:10] people are inherently pragmatic—who [46:13] knows if it’s real or fake, who knows [46:15] if it exists or not? It's better if I [46:18] don't talk about it. But I think about [46:20] these existential questions almost [46:22] every day, and I find them very [46:23] meaningful. For instance, like Master [46:26] Yinguang you just mentioned, a [46:27] prominent monk of the Pure Land [46:29] tradition during the Republican era— [46:31] he advocated keeping the word "death" [46:33] pinned to one's forehead. [46:35] Hmm. [46:36] Meaning, how can you lead a positive [46:38] and healthy life? He actually suggests [46:40] that if you think about this every day, [46:42] you will cherish the fact that you are [46:44] alive today. If this were the last day [46:47] of my life, is what I'm doing now what [46:49] I want to be doing? Is what I'm saying [46:52] now what I want to be saying? It’s so [46:55] exhausting to live like that. But it is [46:58] something you need to learn and face. [47:01] That's why I often say that for [47:03] children, we now emphasize sex [47:04] education, right? I think we should [47:08] also have "death education." How you [47:12] face and handle it—not just the [47:14] technical side, which is very important [47:16] , like how to arrange ceremonies, [47:18] manage finances, and so on—but also [47:20] the emotional response. I remember one [47:24] incident very clearly. It happened in [47:28] Hong Kong, I think, or maybe the [47:30] Philippines—a boat, a tour group— [47:32] there was an accident and quite a few [47:34] people died. Then there was a news [47:40] report saying that those who died at [47:42] sea were unfortunately found, and their [47:43] bodies were being sent back in batches. [47:48] OK, there was this man whose wife and [47:50] two children had all died. Two or three [47:53] of them—basically, he was the only [47:55] one left in his family. He didn't go on [47:57] the trip; he was waiting in Hong Kong. [47:59] Then, one day, the bodies of his two [48:02] sons were sent back. The news captured [48:06] him kneeling there, wailing in agony, [48:08] you know, OK. Then by evening, his [48:12] wife's body was sent back. The news [48:17] headline was quite striking, something [48:19] like "Kneeling for his sons in the [48:21] morning, mourning his wife at night." [48:27] I just thought, "My God," if you [48:28] encounter a situation like this, how do [48:30] you go on living your life after that? [48:33] Such a tragedy happening all in one day [48:35] . News of tragedies like this makes me [48:38] anxious. I worry that such misfortunes [48:41] in life could happen at any moment; [48:43] they could happen to others, and they [48:45] could just as easily happen to me. I [48:52] was almost curious about how they would [48:54] respond to the film, having somewhat [48:55] prepared myself mentally for how I [48:57] might cope if a tragedy were to occur [48:59] in life; I do have this existential [49:01] anxiety. [49:09] So I hesitated until the very end about [49:11] whether to share it or not, but I felt [49:13] as if it were a sign from above; Mr. [49:15] Jing initially refused us, fearing he [49:17] might regret doing many interviews, but [49:19] finally, the news came that he agreed [49:21] to come. I said, that must be heaven [49:27] telling us to speak. Why wouldn't the [49:59] family approve? [50:00] I can understand that. [50:01] They don't want to talk too much about [50:03] their own affairs. [50:03] It’s not necessarily about his family [50:05] specifically; it’s likely that they [50:06] just don't allow privacy to be [50:07] discussed. [50:08] Ah, right. You would receive many calls [50:10] of condolence, which is unpleasant, [50:12] right? [50:14] Because our show is actually based on [50:16] conversations from daily life. [50:19] Professor Xu mentioned this last time. [50:21] He said, look, Chinese people [50:23] traditionally aren't used to seeing [50:25] psychologists; unlike Westerners, who [50:27] categorize everything—for example, [50:28] clubs for those quitting alcohol, [50:30] support groups for those quitting [50:32] something, or PTSD organizations. But [50:34] you see, for Chinese people, many [50:36] things are resolved through [50:37] conversation. This is one instance [50:39] where I feel there is a real difference [50:41] between the East and the West; you have [50:43] spent time in Hawaii, and I also have a [50:45] teacher who lived in the US for many [50:46] years and also spent over a decade in [50:48] Hawaii. [50:49] Later, he also returned to Beijing, [50:50] returned to the country. You see, I am [50:53] a very typical Chinese person. [50:55] Regarding my parents 'geriatric [50:57] illnesses, sometimes when I chat with [50:59] friends, I talk about it. As I talk, [51:01] you can see them listening and feeling [51:03] a bit awkward. Later, he told me [51:07] privately, "You shouldn't talk about [51:09] these family matters when we're [51:10] chatting, because it makes us feel [51:12] burdened." He said that according to [51:17] Western culture, you shouldn't discuss [51:19] your family's personal business in a [51:21] group setting. We think it's still [51:24] about trusting friends or finding an [51:25] outlet. But he feels that bringing up [51:29] one's own family issues in a gathering [51:31] of friends is inappropriate; I think it [51:33] depends on the relationship—intimate [51:35] relationships are different. So [51:38] everyone's situation is different; for [51:40] those who are very close, I think [51:42] Westerners would also agree. It’s [51:44] just that when everyone is together, [51:45] it’s for something happy—parties [51:47] are meant to be happy events, not to [51:49] make people feel uncomfortable. [51:50] Right. [51:51] If you need to talk about being [51:52] uncomfortable or unhappy, you should [51:54] find someone to talk to individually. [51:56] You shouldn't discuss those things at a [51:58] party. Discussing this at the very end [52:02] might be a taboo, and I think it’s a [52:04] taboo here as well. I don’t think it [52:07] should be called a taboo; [52:09] sometimes it’s just because of the [52:11] grief. [52:11] You see, that’s why I really want to [52:13] say something to Jiahui today, because [52:16] I also lost my father this year. [52:18] This year. [52:19] He passed away in January, around April [52:22] . I think Jiahui is a very devoted son. [52:26] He often visits his father’s grave, [52:28] and he strongly suggested that he [52:29] wanted to talk about his father. At the [52:35] time, I told him that I felt I hadn't [52:37] moved on yet, and I was afraid that if [52:39] we talked about it, I wouldn't be able [52:41] to sleep at night because it would stir [52:43] up those painful emotions, so I said [52:45] let’s not talk about it yet. That’s [52:50] actually why I’ve avoided talking [52:51] about it too much. Mhm. [52:54] But since Professor Jing is here today, [52:56] I can tell Jiahui that maybe you can [52:58] talk about your father. [53:02] I’ll let you talk, since you asked me [53:04] to, because my father also passed away [53:06] two years ago, and since it was from a [53:08] brain illness, thankfully he didn't [53:10] suffer much, so I think I can share how [53:12] I've felt these past two years. I often [53:18] find myself seeing a stranger on the [53:19] street, someone around eighty or ninety [53:21] , and I feel like they look so much [53:23] like my father. When people get to a [53:32] certain age, there’s a certain look [53:34] ...just last week, I was taking the [53:35] East Rail Line back to Hong Kong, and I [53:38] was sitting there, when a man sitting [53:40] diagonally across from me by the window [53:42] —white hair, balding, round face— [53:44] was just looking at me like that. I [53:51] don't know why, maybe he was a viewer [53:53] of the show or something, but he kept [53:54] looking at me, just kept staring. He [53:57] watched me the whole ride—I was on [53:59] that train for about 50 minutes—and I [54:01] felt so uncomfortable that, by the end, [54:03] I almost wanted to cry. Why? Because he [54:06] looked so much like my father. I think, [54:08] of course, it might just be a [54:09] psychological effect. Perhaps a certain [54:12] expression of his reminded me of him, [54:14] and it certainly wasn't his fault. [54:18] It wasn't his fault, it was mine; it [54:20] just stirred up that feeling as if my [54:22] father had returned and was watching me [54:24] . Because when someone stares at you [54:27] like that for 50 minutes, and you know [54:29] I’m being polite, you know how I [54:31] stare. [54:31] You must have been hallucinating; he [54:33] really stared at you for 50 minutes? [54:34] Well, he was likely just looking, so I [54:36] said he must be a fan of the show. What [54:38] do you mean by "the show"? [54:39] Wow, look, you've shared some insights [54:41] about Finland with us, so now I want to [54:43] share what people are talking about [54:44] online here. [54:45] There’s a very unpleasant term. [54:47] It’s called "kenlao"(living off one's [54:48] parents). [54:49] I’ve heard of that. [54:50] Right, but now, we shouldn't [54:51] discriminate against any way of life. [54:54] Mm. [54:54] Well, there is a type of person who is [54:56] quite justified in doing so. Living off [54:58] their parents. For example, finding a [55:00] job is really difficult right now. So, [55:03] they go home because they actually [55:05] can't find work. But this young [55:10] woman’s parents have a combined [55:11] pension of nearly 10,000, and her [55:13] father can’t cook well, nor can her [55:15] mother, yet the couple just loves to go [55:17] out and work. And the couple, they [55:23] don't grasp modern technology at all; [55:25] smartphones, paying bills, and social [55:27] security are all confusing to them, but [55:29] they just love going to work. So [55:33] there’s this daughter at home who [55:34] handles all of that. She buys insurance [55:39] for her parents, manages daily life, [55:41] and when they get home, she has tasty [55:43] meals prepared for them. And then, and [55:47] then, her parents just give her their [55:49] money; not just as... [55:51] Which money do they give her? [55:53] They let her manage the money they earn [55:55] , so she essentially takes care of her [55:57] parents' lives. [55:59] Her parents are actually getting quite [56:01] old. [56:01] So, does that mean they pay her a [56:03] salary? [56:03] Not exactly; it’s just that they give [56:05] her the money for household expenses [56:07] since she’s their child. But in [56:09] reality, the role she plays in the [56:11] family is just like yours—buying [56:13] insurance for them, taking them for [56:14] medical check-ups, helping them out, [56:16] and even planning trips for them. [56:19] That’s how this family survives. [56:21] Mm. [56:22] This daughter can be fully justified. [56:25] Two years ago, there was a very popular [56:27] group on Douban called the "Full-time [56:29] Children Exchange Center." Mm. [56:32] Many people couldn't understand it, [56:34] thinking it was just a form of "living [56:36] off one's parents," but she argued: " [56:37] Doesn't my labor deserve this income?" [56:40] Our family feels this is great; the [56:42] parents are happy their daughter [56:43] doesn't have to leave, and perhaps the [56:45] only concern is, "Why don't you find a [56:47] boyfriend?" or "Why aren't you married [56:49] yet?" [56:51] But they’ve lived in peace like this [56:52] so far. Actually, besides "full-time [56:56] child," there’s an even better name: [56:59] "domestic internal circulation." [57:02] Everyone talks about "internal [57:04] circulation"(domestic economic cycle) [57:06] now, right? An internal economic cycle [57:08] means relying on ourselves rather than [57:10] the outside. A domestic internal cycle [57:14] is where money is earned and then spent [57:16] within the family, because from a [57:17] consumption perspective, I... [57:22] Of course, for instance, if you handle [57:24] everything for me, to me, you're also a [57:26] commodity; I’m buying your services, [57:28] right? I give you money, and you [57:32] don’t go out and spend it recklessly, [57:34] right? You might buy some things back, [57:39] some describe it as a closed-loop [57:40] economy, but the point is, if it's a [57:42] full-time daughter, from this [57:44] perspective, it's still different from [57:46] hiring a housekeeper from outside. For [57:51] example, there's a big difference with [57:52] the housekeeper in my home. I can scold [57:55] my housekeeper if she doesn't do a good [57:57] job. [57:57] You don't dare scold your daughter. [57:59] I don't dare scold my daughter. [58:01] Right? My daughter cooks terrible meals [58:02] , and there's an even more important [58:04] difference. [58:04] With a housekeeper, you can... [58:06] Hire them this year and choose not to [58:08] next year. [58:08] That’s right, you can replace them. [58:10] Your children... [58:11] Cannot be replaced. [58:12] You have your daughter manage the whole [58:14] house for you, and you still have to be [58:15] responsible for her life. [58:17] And you can't even make demands; if I [58:19] make a demand, it’s not me scolding [58:20] her, it’s her scolding me back. But [58:24] if you provide the money, meaning you [58:25] control your children’s financial [58:27] lifeline, then can't you speak with [58:29] more authority? Because... [58:32] There's an element of love involved; [58:34] with my housekeeper, there’s no love, [58:36] you must never have love, you know? [58:39] I’m always afraid that my housekeeper [58:41] might love me. Because my housekeeper [58:43] often comes back saying, "Hey, my [58:45] housekeeper friends all say, 'You are [58:47] handsome, your boss is handsome.'" Like [58:49] that, and I get very terrified. [58:52] Returning to the point, you have love [58:54] for your children, so you can't make [58:55] demands, and of course, you can't [58:57] replace them either. There’s a saying [59:01] in Hong Kong: raising children is a " [59:03] no-capital business"—it costs nothing [59:05] . It means that generally speaking, no [59:09] matter how much we clash or have [59:10] conflicts, I’ll still treat you well [59:12] two days later, and I’ll still take [59:14] you out to dinner on your birthday. [59:17] They have us figured out, right? [59:20] Yes, they’ve got us figured out, so [59:22] you can't have too many demands, right? [59:25] If I tell my daughter her cooking is [59:27] terrible, she’ll say, "Oh, it's [59:29] terrible? Cook it yourself then," and [59:31] she’ll lecture me, right? [59:33] Can you stop giving her money? Right, [59:35] you can't stop paying her. [59:37] Yes, you are all good parents. I’ve [59:40] heard, you know, that many young people [59:42] studying abroad really just get [59:44] attached to that lifestyle. But in [59:47] reality, they can't find jobs; it’s a [59:49] global issue. They say there’s a TV [59:51] show, an American series called "Girls. [59:54] " Many people felt a strong resonance [59:56] after watching it, but they still [59:58] couldn't bring themselves to like this [60:00] girl. Why is that? Because this girl [60:02] reflects a reality—there really are [60:04] girls like this. Their parents tell [60:06] them, "You've already graduated, why [60:08] are you still clinging to life in New [60:10] York? It's been two years since you [60:12] graduated. Your phone bill, your rent, [60:14] everything—we’re just ordinary [60:16] teachers, we can't afford this," and [60:18] the daughter replies, "Do you know what [60:20] ? Don't all my friends around me [60:22] receive support from their parents? If [60:25] you don't support me, look at a girl I [60:27] know. After her parents cut her off, [60:31] she had multiple abortions and even [60:32] became a drug addict. So..." [60:35] You're telling me you have experiences [60:36] like that. [60:37] That is why Mr. Ma says that love is, [60:39] in essence, about relationships. Since [60:41] coming to Finland, the thing I think [60:42] about most often is relationships. [60:44] Because I have children now and have [60:46] become a more independent person, when [60:48] you want to rely on others but have no [60:49] friends to rely on, I find myself [60:51] thinking about relationships. Finland [60:53] encourages independence from a young [60:54] age, and it’s not just about the [60:56] mother being independent. Sure, they [60:58] give you subsidies, but even for [60:59] children, if you're unemployed or [61:00] anything else, it's the state that [61:02] provides the support. When you're [61:04] unemployed, you don't go asking your [61:05] mom for money, saying, "Mom, I can't [61:07] find a job today, you have to support [61:09] me." No, you go directly to the social [61:11] services office and say, "I can't find [61:13] a job." Then the social services office [61:15] says, "Okay, what are your career [61:16] aspirations?""We will help you with [61:18] training." Then they give you money to [61:20] start with, allowing you to at least [61:22] rent a basic place to live. They don't [61:24] tell you to move back home; they tell [61:26] you to rent a place outside. Of course, [61:28] it's not a luxury apartment, but as [61:29] long as you have the basics of food and [61:31] shelter, they believe you'll be able to [61:33] continue looking for a job out there. [61:35] Until you find what you're looking for, [61:36] right? Therefore, their first thought [61:38] for everything is the government, not [61:40] their parents. Likewise, when parents [61:42] grow old and need help, they don't [61:44] think about having their children bring [61:45] them home to care for them; they think [61:47] about going to the government and [61:49] asking, "Do I have any retirement or [61:50] elderly subsidies?" Right? Just like [61:52] our social insurance and pension funds, [61:54] right? You start receiving money, and [61:56] once you have it, you start thinking, " [61:58] Now I need someone to come and visit me [62:00] .""The social services department would [62:02] then say, 'Okay, I'll find a nurse to [62:03] visit you, and if you need injections [62:05] or anything else, we can even arrange [62:07] for walks.'" I'll come visit you every [62:08] so often and take you out for a walk. " [62:10] So, really, everyone can live alone, [62:12] regardless of age—excluding children, [62:15] of course—anyone can. That makes [62:17] things interesting. Their relationships [62:21] aren't as tight-knit as our family ties [62:23] , I have to admit, but when they do [62:25] choose to be together—that is, when [62:27] children and parents are at my age and [62:29] they still want to be together—they [62:30] tell me this is 'pure love,' meaning [62:32] it's real love. [62:36] There's no money involved between us. [62:38] Right? I truly love you, I really like [62:41] you, and I enjoy being with you, which [62:43] is why I come back to see you. And you [62:45] like being with me too, so you come. My [62:48] friend's parents were so independent [62:50] that when he had to go on a four-day [62:51] business trip and had no one to look [62:53] after his child, he asked his parents [62:55] to come down from central Finland. [62:57] After taking care of the child for two [62:59] days, his parents said," For the other [63:01] two days, I'm going to our cabin— [63:02] Finns love their summer cabins—I'm [63:04] going to the cabin. " [63:05] It wasn't a big deal; it wasn't an [63:07] emergency, so they said," For the other [63:09] two days, you find a nanny. " [63:10] Exactly, exactly. [63:12] And they just left. It sounds like [63:13] another world, it really does. But you [63:18] know, this model doesn't always [63:19] translate because, look, there are so [63:21] few people there, right? And their [63:27] society has been developing for so many [63:29] years under this Nordic high-welfare [63:31] model, but I'm sure it has its own [63:32] problems, like higher suicide rates and [63:34] such, right? [63:38] Indeed, because they aren't as close [63:40] with their families—or rather, not as [63:42] tight-knit—they do feel that if they [63:44] have a problem, they should go to the [63:45] government, as I mentioned. I wouldn't [63:48] —I wouldn't turn to family or friends [63:50] for help. I think it's very different [63:53] from the situation in China, with its [63:55] massive population, and the way we [63:56] handle elderly care here. [63:58] Regardless of your circumstances, [64:01] currently 90%of the elderly live at [64:03] home. Mmhmm. [64:05] You could try to sell them on the idea [64:06] that everywhere else in the world, the [64:08] government takes care of everything. [64:10] But let me tell you, it's impossible. [64:12] It's just too deeply tied to culture, [64:14] history, and national circumstances. My [64:17] own experience with retirement planning [64:19] makes me realize that for a very long [64:21] time to come, the vast majority of our [64:23] elderly will likely still be cared for [64:25] at home. [64:27] Mm. [64:28] Actually, Hong Kong is like Finland in [64:30] this regard. Really? [64:31] Yes, if you don't have money in Hong [64:33] Kong, the government provides you with [64:35] aid. It’s just that housing in Hong [64:38] Kong is so tight that the amount they [64:40] give you for living expenses isn't as [64:42] generous or as comfortable as in [64:43] Finland, which is nearly ten thousand. [64:48] Many people do the math; for some [64:50] poorer families, having all four [64:51] members collect aid is better than [64:53] going out to work. Mm, that happens in [64:57] Finland too, right? [64:59] Yes, but I truly believe this is a [65:01] change unlike any we've seen in [65:03] thousands of years. The world is [65:05] changing, and that includes the West. [65:08] I've been looking at some figures [65:10] recently. I’m very skeptical of these [65:13] figures. [65:13] I’m even questioning if these numbers [65:15] are real, yet they seem to come from a [65:17] very authoritative source. [65:18] Mm. Can you imagine? The International [65:21] Labour Organization released the 2020 [65:23] Global Employment Trends for Youth [65:25] report—it’s probably even worse now [65:27] —stating that out of 1.3 billion [65:29] young people globally...How many are [65:31] not working? 267 million. [65:34] That’s a huge number. [65:37] 267 million are relying on their [65:39] parents for care and financial support. [65:45] And then, a 2023 survey in the US [65:47] targeting Gen Z shows...Do you know [65:49] what Gen Z means? [65:52] Born between 1995 and 2010. See, Mom [65:55] knows, right? 65%of Gen Z and 74%of [65:58] those born after 2000 believe their [66:00] financial progress is far behind that [66:03] of their parents 'generation. Mm. [66:06] Do you understand? It means that while [66:09] we used to think children were lazy and [66:11] unwilling to endure hardship, now you [66:13] see many young people in Shenzhen [66:14] saying," You are the generation that [66:16] enjoyed the dividends of economic [66:17] growth. We young people today sometimes [66:21] work harder than our parents and for [66:23] longer hours, but we just can't earn as [66:25] much money. "In other words, you see, [66:27] this is a global issue. They believe [66:29] their financial progress lags far [66:31] behind their parents, and the [66:32] percentage of them living with their [66:34] parents is also significantly higher [66:36] than in the past. Right, data from a [66:38] Peking University survey on Chinese [66:40] families shows the proportion of our [66:42] working-age population" relying on [66:43] their parents. "I...I can't believe [66:46] this number. It says this rate of" [66:49] relying on parents "rose from less than [66:52] 2%in 2010 to over 40%in 2018. [66:56] 40%. I think there might be an issue [66:59] with their definition of" relying on [67:01] parents. "Tell me, Professor Zidong, do [67:03] you give your daughter money now? [67:04] Jiahui, do you give your daughter money [67:06] ? [67:07] I didn't give my daughter money, but I [67:09] remember a line from a movie, said by a [67:11] daughter." You should cherish the fact [67:14] that we still ask you for money. " [67:15] Exactly, exactly. [67:17] If my daughter actually asked me for [67:19] money, I should cherish that [67:20] opportunity, right? [67:22] This would have been unthinkable when [67:24] we were young. [67:25] I mean, just graduating from college. [67:27] When we were in college, it was already [67:29] very hard for our parents to support us [67:30] . [67:31] What is the reason? Do you know? For [67:33] the vast majority of Chinese families, [67:35] the source of wealth is real estate. [67:38] And as for houses, only the parents' [67:40] generation—those now in their 40s or [67:42] 50 s—acquired homes during this [67:44] transition period. But for young people [67:47] today, those under 30, it is extremely [67:49] difficult to buy a house relying solely [67:51] on their own income. Therefore, once [67:54] real estate becomes the primary family [67:56] asset, the children's generation cannot [67:58] surpass their parents. [67:59] Right, right, that's true. [68:01] You can't surpass your parents, no [68:02] matter how hard you work. [68:04] Even if your salary is high, you might [68:06] not necessarily surpass your parents, [68:08] so that's where this 40%comes in. But [68:12] the bigger, more worrisome situation is [68:14] this: I recently had a friend from [68:16] France visit. He is the only Asian, or [68:21] rather ethnic Chinese, executive in a [68:24] European university. I asked him when [68:29] European youth started feeling that [68:30] tomorrow won't be better. He said after [68:35] the 90s. [68:36] Hmm. [68:40] He said that since the 90s, young [68:42] people in Europe don't wonder if the [68:43] world will be better in 20 years; they [68:45] think," I won't be able to live like my [68:47] parents. "" [68:52] I can't have a house like theirs. "They [68:55] aren't wealthy people, you know. [68:58] They aren't business people; they [68:59] likely worked in a profession after [69:01] college. By the time they reached their [69:05] 50s or 60s, they generally had two [69:06] homes: one in the city and one in the [69:09] suburbs, and so on. But young people in [69:14] their 20s and 30s today feel they won't [69:15] reach that point by old age, and they [69:17] don't have the luxury of handing one of [69:19] those houses down to their two children [69:21] . Just think about it, how could you [69:26] possibly live better than your parents? [69:30] But think about it, how can your [69:32] children in the future expect to live [69:33] like you do? This is a global issue, it [69:37] is a— [69:39] Let me ask you, look at our kids—no, [69:42] no, yours and Tieren's. I mean, look at [69:46] your kids, they're so cute, seven and [69:48] five years old. [69:50] Of course, let's not talk about the [69:52] conditions in Northern Europe; let's [69:53] say we're talking about China. Then— [69:56] People see that Tieren has a good job, [69:58] earns a good living, and you have [70:00] property and savings. When this child [70:03] grows up in the future. The money he [70:05] earns only allows him to live a, say, [70:07] relatively ordinary life. Then, for [70:09] example, he wants to pursue his ideals [70:12] further, continue his education, or [70:13] even just drift for a few years. Even [70:16] if he reaches the age of 30. But can [70:18] you guys actually afford to support him [70:20] ? [70:21] Support, as parents. [70:23] Just now, Teacher Zong said, I might [70:25] not necessarily leave a house for my [70:27] son, right? I have also discussed with [70:29] Tie Ren that we might not be able to do [70:31] what our parents did, like," Oh, here's [70:33] a house for you. "But, I want to give [70:35] him the opportunity to choose. What I [70:38] mean is, if he says today that he wants [70:40] a house, I might not be able to provide [70:41] it, but if you tell me that money is a [70:43] bit tight and you want to study abroad, [70:45] or you want to drift for a few years, [70:47] as long as you're not at home, I hope [70:49] the effort I'm making now can give you [70:51] the opportunity to choose; logically, [70:52] you should create this opportunity [70:54] yourself. [70:58] Right, you should support yourself or [71:00] something, but I think, as I said, [71:01] it’s very reasonable for you to build [71:03] upon your original foundation, but if [71:05] you say you want to rely on it [71:06] completely, then I don't think that's [71:08] okay. Like, if he says he wants to come [71:12] back to take care of me, I don't want [71:13] that. After I had a child, I studied [71:15] psychology. [71:16] Having a child and studying psychology, [71:18] something went wrong, having a child. [71:20] Because you know, I’m terrified that [71:22] one day—because parents are like this [71:24] , right? This love is so deep, but have [71:27] you ever thought that giving so much [71:28] love is, in the end, to let them go, [71:30] right? And he’d better not even look [71:33] back. Just like a bird spreading its [71:34] wings to fly high, right? Just leave us [71:36] behind. Yes, not looking back and not [71:39] lingering—that is successful [71:41] parenting, right? So you have to be [71:44] willing to let go. I don't want to use [71:48] my tears, or my future emotional [71:49] instability, to make him feel guilty, [71:51] thinking," I shouldn't have left, I [71:53] shouldn't have flown away, I shouldn't [71:55] have gone so far, I should keep coming [71:57] home to check on them. "No, my feeling [72:00] is, I need to be independent myself, [72:02] and then, let you fly away comfortably.