## Detailed walkthrough
### [00:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=0s) The Trap of Painless Payments and Subscription Traps
The conversation opens with an observation about the spending habits of younger employees in the workplace. Dou Wentao remarks that the post-90s and Gen Z staff on his team frequently run into severe spending troubles without even realizing how it happens. Young colleagues have come to him in distress, admitting they spent 30,000 yuan in a single month and genuinely having no clue where the money went. The blame is often pinned on modern consumer technology and frictionless payment systems—not just traditional credit cards, but an entire ecosystem of predatory apps and seamless checkout flows. Facial recognition and scan-to-pay features make spending feel completely painless compared to the tangible friction of counting out physical paper currency.
This frictionless convenience quickly turns compulsive and addictive, blurring into predatory consumer credit, reminiscent of unregulated lending schemes like the notorious "nude loans" cracked down on by regulators years prior. Dou Wentao reflects on the fundamental illusion of modern digital life: while technology promises greater personal freedom, it actually ensnares people deeper into unconscious consumption. He shares his own frustrating wake-up call from the previous week, when his mobile phone bill suddenly surged by more than 1,000 yuan. After navigating customer service and Apple iTunes verification checks, he discovered he had been billed over 400 yuan for an audio course—wondering aloud in amusement whether it was taught by Wu Zhihong or Liang Wendao—alongside multiple recurring auto-renewing subscriptions of 58 and 68 yuan for services he had opened only once.
- Unconscious spending spirals: Younger staff members report racking up bills exceeding 30,000 yuan in a single month without active memory of their purchases.
- The psychological shift from physical cash: Frictionless biometric facial scans and one-tap digital payments remove the pain of parting with money.
- Dou Wentao's personal billing shock: Over 1,000 yuan in unexpected monthly mobile charges, including a 400-plus yuan audio lecture and recurring monthly subscription fees of 58 and 68 yuan.
---
[02:18](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=138s) Instant Gratification and Influencer Culture
Liang Wendao expands on the structural mechanics of modern consumerism, noting that frictionless payment systems have radically compressed human desire. In the past, desire was naturally bound to delayed gratification: ordering custom-tailored clothing or saving up to buy an automobile required an extensive, multi-step process between paying and finally receiving the item. Today, consumer psychology demands immediate payoff. In fact, the emotional high of the transaction itself—tapping the screen, scanning a face, or clicking "submit order"—often delivers greater dopamine than physically opening and owning the delivered product.
Because merchants intimately understand this hunger for immediacy, almost all contemporary video content has evolved into influencer marketing (*wanghong* sales). Live-streaming and video platforms embed direct purchase windows beneath content, offering viewers the lowest-barrier shortcut to self-reinvention. Liang Wendao notes that purchasing the exact jacket, dress, or accessory worn by a celebrity—joking about buying "the same style as Jiang Fangzhou"—functions as an affordable illusion of becoming that idealized figure. The immediate temptation of one-click parity is engineered to bypass critical restraint.
```mermaid
flowchart TD
accTitle: The Compression of Consumer Gratification
accDescr: Diagram showing how traditional delayed gratification transitioned into instant digital gratification and influencer sales loops.
subgraph Traditional["Traditional Consumption"]
A["Desire Arises"] --> B["Complex Purchase Process"]
B --> C["Delayed Gratification / Waiting"]
C --> D["Physical Receipt & Use"]
end
subgraph Modern["Modern Algorithmic Commerce"]
E["Influencer Content Exposure"] --> F["One-Tap Face Scan Checkout"]
F --> G["Instant Gratification from Buying"]
G --> H["Low-Cost Identity Mimicry"]
end
```
---
[04:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=240s) From Counterculture Rebellion to Upgraded Consumption
Dou Wentao pivots the discussion to a generational contrast in aesthetics and personal identity. In the youth culture of earlier decades, individuality and being "different" meant deliberate rebellion and distinct subcultural codes. He recalls how nightlife cultures varied drastically by city: patrons in Shanghai bars dressed flamboyantly as if stepping onto a theatrical stage, whereas in a Beijing bar, a patron might walk in donning loose drop-crotch pants, a weathered military overcoat, and carrying a birdcage. Rejecting conventional suits and ties was seen as authentic, defiant, and undeniably cool.
Jiang Fangzhou argues that today's concept of being different has been thoroughly commodified and monetized. At age twenty, someone might purchase a popular trendy bag just to fit in with the peer group; however, when individuals subsequently seek distinction, the barrier to entry is defined entirely by price and luxury tier. Being unique no longer means embracing counterculture; it means purchasing a more exclusive, more expensive version of an established status symbol. Wu Zhihong adds that buying standardized prestige items—whether golf clubs or clothing identical to an influencer's—signals an underlying crisis of personal identity. Lacking a clear sense of self, consumers attempt to borrow identity and collective belonging through consumption.
- Historical subcultural distinction: Shanghai's theatrical dress code contrasted against Beijing's countercultural aesthetic of military overcoats, drop-crotch trousers, and birdcages.
- The commercialization of distinction: Individuality transformed from stylistic defiance into climbing an ever-escalating luxury price ladder.
- Identity through mimicry: Purchasing celebrity-endorsed items serves as an externalized search for collective validation when internal self-definition is absent.
---
[06:08](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=368s) Real Financial Ruin or Media Anxiety? The Industry Divide
Wu Zhihong raises a critical counterpoint, questioning whether the widespread narrative of "every young person going broke" reflects genuine reality or is merely media-manufactured anxiety designed to drive engagement. Examining his own psychological counseling firm, he observes that while post-90s employees certainly display common generational markers—burnout, cynicism, self-centeredness, and a readiness to resign abruptly—they are not actually spiraling into ruinous poverty; most live relatively stable, normal lives, even if navigating living expenses between several thousand and ten thousand yuan in Tier-1 metropolises like Beijing, Shanghai, and Guangzhou remains demanding.
```mermaid
flowchart LR
accTitle: Disparity of Consumption Pressure by Industry
accDescr: Flowchart illustrating how different work environments amplify or shield young workers from consumption anxiety.
subgraph Stable["Psychology & General Corporate"]
P1["Moderate Tier-1 Salary"] --> P2["Grounded Peer Circle"]
P2 --> P3["Manageable Living Standards"]
end
subgraph Vulnerable["Media, PR & Luxury Fashion"]
M1["Modest Junior Wages"] --> M2["Daily Immersion in Extreme Wealth"]
M2 --> M3["Purchasing 10,000+ Yuan Goods"]
M3 --> M4["Erosion of Psychological Distance to Luxury"]
end
```
The panel contrasts routine city expenses, such as costly annual gym memberships that Dou Wentao quips are often used for "three minutes of exercise and two hours of taking photos," with the disproportionate pressures found in specific professional sectors. Liang Wendao emphasizes that consumer distress is sharply divided by industry. While junior staff in clinical psychology may remain grounded, entry-level workers in fashion, media, and public relations face severe cognitive dissonance. Earning modest salaries while writing daily articles about luxury villas in the Seychelles costing upwards of $10,000 a night, these young workers become immersed in high-end environments, spending upwards of 10,000 yuan on designer coats simply to fit into their daily work milieu. Jiang Fangzhou adds that this constant exposure has dissolved the psychological distance that ordinary people once maintained from the ultra-wealthy, noting how people previously satisfied their curiosity about elite elegance by reading realistic literature.
- The gym paradox: Costly annual gym passes and personal training sessions frequently double as stages for social media photo production rather than simple physical exercise.
- The industry divide: Young media and luxury PR workers experience acute lifestyle distortion compared to peers in standard corporate or counseling roles.
- The collapse of distance: Daily proximity to luxury marketing erodes the boundary between elite fantasy and achievable personal consumption.
[09:21](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=561s) The Disappearing Distance to Luxury: From "Tiny Times" to Taste Arbiters
The discussion opens with reflections on how popular media shapes perceptions of glamour and wealth. One speaker recalls reading Chi Li's *Coming to Life* to imagine what life was like in Wuhan, and even reading Guo Jingming's *Tiny Times* trilogy twice just to peek into the lifestyles and brand names of Shanghai's elite. In those days, a reader had to rely purely on imagination to bridge the gap; once the book closed, you snapped right back into your ordinary everyday reality. Today, however, that protective distance between ordinary people and high-end lifestyles has evaporated. With social media and short video feeds, luxury is rendered directly on screen, accompanied by an instant link allowing viewers to buy into that world with a single click.
```mermaid
flowchart TD
accTitle: Service Providers vs Taste Arbiters
accDescr: Contrasting how private butlers and luxury service workers view high-end lifestyles versus how media editors define consumption standards.
subgraph Service["Direct Service Workers"]
A["Five-Star Hotel Butlers / Travel Agents"] --> B["Earn Modest Wages (~100k/yr)"]
B --> C["Clear Role Boundary: Serving, Not Emulating"]
end
subgraph Arbiters["Media & Taste Arbiters"]
D["Fashion Editors / Account Creators"] --> E["Low Salaries / Cannot Afford Items"]
E --> F["Possess Cultural Power: Define Taste & Must-Haves"]
end
```
A sharp contrast is drawn between service industry professionals and lifestyle media creators:
- **Luxury travel agents and five-star hotel butlers:** Even when serving ultra-wealthy clients every day, staff earning roughly 100,000 RMB a year rarely feel compelled to mimic the high rollers they serve. Their professional boundary is clear: their job is simply to provide service.
- **Fashion media editors and official account writers:** Though their actual pay is equally modest—often unable to afford even one of the luxury bags they feature—they wield cultural authority. They dictate what constitutes "taste," tell audiences what the "five must-have bags for every stylish woman this season" are, and prescribe what a "good life" ought to look like, creating a painful disconnect between the lifestyle they promote and the reality of their own bank accounts.
---
[11:30](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=690s) Marriage Pressures, Invisible Overtime, and the Right to Disconnect
While Professor Wu suggests that most consumers remain rational and avoid habitual overspending, the panel highlights that social baselines have become intensely demanding. Marriage expectations reflect this pressure directly: citing a survey, the speakers note that over 80 percent of women surveyed set strict minimum requirements for a partner, including an income of no less than 5,000 RMB per month, ownership of a home, and a traditional bride price (dowry).
Under such heavy societal expectations, young workers feel compelled to work grueling hours, yet labor enforcement struggles to curb the notorious "996" schedule (9 a.m. to 9 p.m., 6 days a week). If labor inspectors question an employer about 996 practices, bosses readily deflect blame:
- Management claims tasks are designed for standard working hours (e.g., "This can be done in five hours a day"), placing the blame on the employee's supposed inefficiency: "One person finishes in eight hours, but another needs fifteen."
- Because tasks cannot be easily quantified, workers who fail to finish are quietly replaced by candidates willing to put in longer hours.
- Smartphones and messaging apps enforce an around-the-clock leash, keeping employees tethered to work 24/7.
- The panel contrasts this with France's legal principle of the "right to disconnect" (*le droit à la déconnexion*), which formally establishes an employee's legal entitlement to be unreachable outside working hours and ignore after-hours communications from their boss.
---
[13:21](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=801s) The Urban Commute and the Brutal "Three-Phase Sleep" Routine
Beyond long office hours, the speakers point to an agonizing factor specific to mega-cities like Beijing: extreme commute times. Rather than a conventional 9-to-9 schedule, tech workers face a "9-to-3" or "9-to-4" reality, dedicating upwards of four hours every single day just to travel between cheap outer-ring rentals and city-center office parks.
```mermaid
flowchart LR
accTitle: The Three-Phase Sleep Cycle
accDescr: Visualizing the fragmented sleep pattern of mega-city commuters across morning transit, nighttime bed rest, and evening transit.
A["Segment 1:<br/>2h Morning Commute<br/>(Bus/Subway nap)"] --> B["Workday:<br/>Office shift & Overtime"]
B --> C["Segment 2:<br/>2h Evening Commute<br/>(Transit nap)"]
C --> D["Segment 3:<br/>Brief Sleep at Home<br/>(Small shared room)"]
D --> A
```
This brutal schedule has forced young professionals into a fragmented lifestyle dubbed "three-phase sleep" (or effectively four phases):
- Sleeping in their own beds for a few short hours after returning home late at night.
- Grabbing a two-hour nap on the morning subway or bus after queuing up at 5:30 a.m. to secure a transfer-free seat.
- Catching another fragmented nap during the two-hour evening journey home.
- Spending all of Sunday completely drained, using their single day off merely to physically recover from the spiritual and physical exhaustion of the week rather than enjoying recreation.
A panelist compares this to young workers commuting from Hong Kong's Tuen Mun, who wait through five packed subway trains at 6:00 p.m., constantly on guard, finally reaching home for dinner at 9:00 or 10:00 p.m. totally depleted.
---
[15:11](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=911s) "Brother Dong," the Myth of Endless Striving, and Systemic Traps
The conversation turns to the corporate folklore surrounding JD.com founder Liu Qiangdong ("Brother Dong"). Famous stories recount how Liu used to sleep on the office floor while handling customer service, setting an alarm to ring every two hours throughout the night so he could wake up and immediately respond to customer inquiries. He coined the relentless slogan "81168"—working from 8:00 a.m. to 11:00 p.m., six days a week, plus eight hours on Sunday—proclaiming, "Anyone who strives is my brother."
The speakers pierce through this romanticized narrative of struggle with concrete urban realities:
- **Office lingering as refuge:** A Beijing friend working in tech revealed that midnight offices remain packed largely because workers share cramped, poorly conditioned rental apartments that lack decent living amenities or air conditioning; young staff would literally rather stay at the office than go home to a depressing room.
- **The ring-road conveyor belt:** New graduates in Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, and Shenzhen arrive with minimal savings and low starting wages, forcing them beyond the Fifth Ring Road. The corporate narrative promises that if you work hard for a couple of years, you can move closer—to the Fourth Ring, then the Third Ring.
- **Successology vs. structural health:** The panelists call out this rhetoric as the self-serving "language of the successful." Equating relentless sacrifice with personal virtue ignores the biological toll; for ordinary employees without equity, replicating the boss's work schedule leads not to corporate triumph, but to severe health crises and death from overwork (过劳死) in their early thirties.
---
[17:27](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=1047s) "The Unexamined Life": Wealthy Parents and Alternative Paths
In the final moments of this discussion, the panel examines how the philosophy of labor differs across generations and social classes. Successful self-made entrepreneurs frequently cling to the moralized creed that "labor is noble" and that an unstriving life is fundamentally worthless. In response, a speaker counters with Socrates' famous dictum: "The unexamined life is not worth living," emphasizing that one must reflect on how they actually want to spend their time on earth rather than unthinkingly embracing perpetual grind.
To illustrate this generational clash, an anecdote is shared about a wealthy, self-made entrepreneur whose son moved to London:
- The father made an agreement requiring the son to be self-reliant rather than living off family wealth, but secretly panicked when the son chose an academic career path.
- Although the speaker reassured the father that his son was true "scholar material" and an authentic intellectual, the anxious father worried: *"British university professors don't make much money. Can he afford a big house in London? Can he live the kind of life I do?"*
- The father's material anxieties blind him to the fact that his son simply values scholarship and intellectual pursuit over the commercial rat race.
[18:53](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=1133s) Musk’s Mars Ambition vs. The Right to an Ordinary Life
The conversation begins with reflections on generational shifts in ambition and the purpose of success. Many extraordinarily wealthy parents actively hope their children choose not to follow in their footsteps; instead of chasing cutthroat fortunes, they would prefer their offspring lead relaxed lives, simply having fun or pursuing academic careers as quiet professors rather than corporate titans. Some even joke that their kids shouldn't bother with conventional school pressures, expressing an explicit wish: "My dream is for you not to live like me, just go and have fun."
This contrast leads directly to a critique of modern tech ethos, exemplified by figures like Elon Musk. Musk famously argued that "no one can change the world by working 40 hours a week" while pushing his vision to colonize Mars. But the panel questions the moral supremacy embedded in that mindset: why has "changing the world" been crowned as an inherently righteous moral duty? While many founders and executives are genuinely sincere when they claim, "If you chase money, you won't make the big bucks. We operate on passion, and the money just follows," that narrative can end up delegitimizing everyone else.
The speakers push back on the guilt imposed on ordinary individuals who harbor no grand ambitions to overhaul human civilization. If someone finds ultimate life satisfaction simply by completing their daily shift, returning home to have a couple of drinks, watching television or American dramas, and enjoying a peaceful domestic routine, why should that be branded as vulgar or uninspired? True contentment does not require reshaping communication networks or launching rockets, and choosing a modest, quiet life should not be treated as a lesser existence.
[21:23](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=1283s) Luck, the Garage Myth, and Steve Jobs’ Deathbed Regrets
Examining the origins of modern tech mythology, the panel notes that early Silicon Valley pioneers—popularized in China through ubiquitous biographies of Steve Jobs—rarely set out with a master plan to amass vast fortunes. In the beginning, two or three enthusiasts were simply tinkering away in garages out of genuine curiosity and the sheer thrill of building something interesting; the immense wealth arrived only as a downstream consequence. When a product benefits hundreds of millions of people, society naturally rewards the creator with staggering financial returns.
```mermaid
flowchart TD
accTitle: The Mechanics and Regrets of Extraordinary Wealth
accDescr: A diagram illustrating the three paths to massive wealth governed by luck alongside Steve Jobs' ultimate reflections.
subgraph WealthPaths["Three Paths to Great Wealth"]
A["Inventors & Creators<br/>(Garage Tinkering)"]
B["Inheritors of Dynasties"]
C["Elite Corporate Climbers<br/>(McKinsey / C-Suite)"]
end
L["Universal Factor: Pure Luck<br/>('Great wealth is ordained by heaven')"]
R["Steve Jobs' Deathbed Reflection:<br/>Too much life traded for work"]
A --> L
B --> L
C --> L
L -.-> R
```
Yet, behind the romanticized narrative of entrepreneurial genius lies a more sober reality. One panelist shares a conversation with a private wealth manager who handles ultra-high-net-worth clients. When asked what secret separates the ultra-wealthy from everyone else, the manager categorized them into three archetypes:
- The authentic inventor-creators who make breakthroughs (such as Steve Jobs).
- Those who inherit generational wealth.
- The elite corporate operators who rise to the pinnacle of elite firms (such as McKinsey).
When pressed on what inherent trait enables their success, the wealth manager was blunt: it is overwhelmingly down to pure luck. Countless people work just as hard and possess comparable drive, but without luck aligned in their favor, extraordinary wealth remains unreachable. This echoes the traditional Chinese proverb: *"Small wealth comes from frugality, great wealth is ordained by heaven"* (小富由俭,大富由天). Moreover, the relentless pursuit of such heights often extracts a tragic personal toll. Steve Jobs himself expressed profound regret before his death, admitting that he had spent far too much time working when his core energy, time, and spirit ought to have been devoted to his family and cultivating inner, spiritual insights.
[23:01](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=1381s) 996 as Exploitation: The Alienation of the Whole Human
The discussion pivots sharply from individual ambition to systemic coercion, zeroing in on a crucial word often glossed over in discussions of hard work: *exploitation*. The institutionalization of the "996" schedule (9:00 AM to 9:00 PM, six days a week) cannot be framed as a harmless motivational tool; at its core, it is systemic exploitation. While an individual ought to have the personal liberty to choose an extreme work rhythm—even an "8118" schedule—companies cannot be allowed to mandate or structurally impose such burdens upon their workforce.
The fundamental harm of exploitation lies in how it prevents a person from remaining a whole, intact human being. Under relentless overtime, an employee's entire waking existence is consumed by labor that does not even belong to them. It becomes the textbook definition of alienation: labor performed for someone else's profit at the expense of one's own vitality. The classical, ideal human condition—fishing in the morning, enjoying a drink in the afternoon, playing cards at night, and spending leisurely hours with family—is stripped away, replaced by an artificial struggle that reduces the worker to a mere instrument of production.
[24:06](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=1446s) The Parisian Overtime Paradox: When Voluntary Hustle Traps Everyone
Addressing the claim that work hours can simply be left to "individual choice and freedom," the speaker argues that social realities are far more tangled, illustrating the dilemma through two vivid personal experiences from Paris.
During a visit to a clothing boutique in Paris, the speaker found a pair of jeans and headed to the fitting room. By the time they stepped up to the counter, payment card in hand, the clock struck exactly 5:00 PM. Despite an eager customer ready to pay, the shopkeeper flatly refused to complete the transaction, announcing in French that the shop was closed for the day and telling them to come back tomorrow. The concept of personal time took absolute precedence over making an extra sale.
The second experience revealed an even deeper structural paradox during a Parisian street demonstration. The speaker initially assumed the workers were protesting against mandatory overtime. However, upon reading the demonstration placards, their translator clarified the reality: the workers were actually protesting against an employer *allowing voluntary overtime*.
The logic behind this protest exposes the flaw of pure individual choice in a competitive workplace:
- When a boss permits overtime, those who choose to work extra hours take home higher pay.
- The employees who voluntarily hustle gain favor and set an elevated benchmark, making management perceive them as the only truly dedicated workers.
- Colleagues who choose standard hours are left behind, suffering both economic disparity and intense peer pressure.
- Consequently, "voluntary" overtime inevitably morphs into collective, involuntary coercion, sparking an involutionary rat race where everyone is forced to overwork just to keep up.
[26:19](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=1579s) The Reproduction of Labor, Housing Pressure, and Dating Shackles
The conversation deepens into the material boundaries of human capacity: labor is not an infinite resource. Unlike machinery, human labor must be continually reproduced through adequate sleep, nourishment, and physical and mental rest. When chronic overwork deprives people of recovery, it causes severe health degradation, insomnia, and psychological burnout.
This strain is compounded by rigid social expectations, particularly surrounding housing, marriage, and financial security in Chinese society. While renting long-term is widely accepted in cultures like the United States, domestic dating standards often place immense material demands on relationships, where owning an apartment is frequently treated as a prerequisite for marriage. One panelist remarks on the cultural shock of hearing women declare that they will only marry someone who owns a home, prompting reflections on the psychological friction this creates between partners.
A female panelist shares a personal dating story illustrating how cultural and financial pressures distort relationships. She previously dated a man while covering all their expenses herself, even at high-end restaurants. The boyfriend openly bragged about this arrangement, claiming it proved how progressive he was compared to traditional Chinese men because he "believed in equality." Over time, however, the dynamic felt distinctly manipulative and hollow.
The discussion concludes with an empowering counter-narrative: many women work diligently precisely so that when they fall in love, they never have to evaluate a partner based on material conditions or status prerequisites. Achieving self-reliance allows an individual to unlock themselves from cultural shackles, whereas overanalyzing status metrics only binds people to unnecessary societal chains.
[28:31](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=1711s) Social Expectations, Self-Evaluation, and the True "High-Spec" Life
The conversation opens with an observation on modern dating dynamics: two groups of people have the hardest time finding a partner—highly accomplished women and men at the lower end of the socioeconomic spectrum. For the accomplished women, the difficulty lies in having too many options and possessing unique combinations of money and charm that make it hard to settle down. Statistically, however, this stems from a longstanding social expectation that men should be slightly "higher" than women; past studies have shown that the standard for males is relatively stable at three times higher than the female standard. As these expectations shift, the speakers question whether a person's true self can still find its place amidst all these so-called "standard" and "premium" requirements. At the same time, they acknowledge that this very dilemma proves lives are getting better—unlike their parents' generation, who wouldn't have dared to imagine such things, young people today at least have clothes and basic necessities, even if their souls have been left behind by rapid economic growth.
Because economic development has outpaced spiritual fulfillment, the speakers emphasize the urgent need to study philosophy and psychology. Invoking the maxim that "the unexamined life is not worth living," Dou Wentao notes that without examining these psychological mechanisms, a person simply becomes a pitiful figure who gets "deceived, manipulated, hypnotized, and bamboozled." To illustrate this, he recounts an experiment conducted by a foreign professor involving over 100 students:
```mermaid
flowchart LR
accTitle: Psychological Experiment on Self-Evaluation and Consumption
accDescr: A flowchart showing how students given poor mock test scores showed a much higher desire to purchase a photograph compared to students told they did well.
subgraph Setup["1. Mock Test Evaluation"]
A["Over 100 Students"] --> B["Group A: Told scores were terrible"]
A --> C["Group B: Told they did well"]
end
subgraph Offer["2. Consumer Choice"]
B --> D["Shown photographer's photo to buy"]
C --> D
end
subgraph Result["3. Purchasing Desire"]
D --> E["Group A: Much higher desire to buy"]
D --> F["Group B: Lower desire to buy"]
end
```
This experiment demonstrates that when people encounter setbacks, failure, or low self-evaluation, they are much more prone to buying things. Psychologist Wu Zhihong connects this to relational psychology: when a person receives positive recognition within their relationships and maintains a good self-evaluation, their desire to possess "high-end" conditions decreases. Conversely, someone with a very low self-evaluation wants to latch onto high-end conditions, thinking, "Look, if I’m connected to that thing, my sense of self becomes better." Therefore, if Chinese parents want their children not to constantly chase a "high-spec" material lifestyle, they must realize that the best "high-spec" is love. Recalling a Spring Festival Gala performance where children sang, "Love is praising me, love is hugging me," Wu Zhihong concludes that parents who hug, praise, and validate their children more will give them a truly high-spec life—meaning the root issue is not a lack of money, but a lack of love.
[31:50](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=1910s) The 996 Grind, Lipstick Economics, and Dou Wentao's Linen Addiction
Beyond a lack of love, another guest points out a simpler factor driving youth consumption: a profound lack of happiness. After enduring a grueling "996" work shift where it is impossible to find meaning or joy, the moment of purchasing something might genuinely be the only happy highlight of a young person's day. Furthermore, the reason the older generation criticizes young people for buying "useless" things instead of necessities like houses or cars is simply that young people cannot afford the big-ticket items. For instance, a young woman might spend 1,500 yuan a month buying five lipsticks. That 1,500 yuan brings her immense joy, whereas it is a drop in the bucket compared to the cost of a house.
Dou Wentao relates to this completely, joking that he is much more generous—or rather, much more of a spendthrift—than his wealthy business-owner friends simply because he cannot afford their villas anyway, so he just buys clothes. He confesses that he has recently developed a shopping addiction that he needs to quit. Specifically, he is obsessed with a small, relatively affordable clothing brand in Hong Kong, drawn entirely to the tactile texture of their cotton and linen fabrics against his skin. No matter how busy he is whenever he returns to Hong Kong, he has to visit their shop. The previous night, lying in bed, he realized he had bought a whole bed's worth of clothing in different styles just for that cotton and linen material. Whenever a show doesn't go well, or he feels unhappy after an unpleasant interaction with someone, he heads straight to that store. Buying a piece of clothing makes him feel as satisfied as if he had "eaten a piece of bread," leaving him feeling bathed in the scent of pure cotton and linen.
[34:10](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=2050s) Psychoanalyzing the Quilt: Transitional Objects and "I Shop, Therefore I Am"
Hearing Dou Wentao's confession, the other guests immediately tease him for silently setting himself up to be psychoanalyzed again. They diagnose his obsession with soft, linen-like textures against his skin as a search for a mother's embrace—a clear sign of lacking maternal love and physical touch. As the table erupts into banter, with one guest joking, "We'll just take turns touching you later," Dou Wentao laughs and connects their analysis to a Beijing exhibition by the famous Western artist Louise Bourgeois. He notes that Bourgeois's themes heavily revolve around motherhood, utilizing scraps of old bedsheets and sofa fabrics stitched together with fine needlework to evoke the texture of home and maternal love.
Dou Wentao tries to recall an English term for the childhood cloths or small towels that many foreign adults still cling to every night when they go to sleep, and the guests identify it as a "comfort object." Wu Zhihong elaborates on the psychology behind this:
- **Comfort / Transitional Objects:** In psychology, a comfort object is also known as a "transitional object," which acts as a symbol and extension of the mother.
- **The Mechanism of Control:** When children are very young, they might share a small pillow or blanket with their mother. Because the mother has to go to work or go on business trips, the child cannot control her presence—but they can control that small piece of cloth as a substitute, telling themselves, "I am with Mom."
- **Financial Cost:** Genuinely affectionate extensions of maternal love and human connection do not actually cost much money, even when they manifest in adulthood as slightly pricey linen clothes.
Amused that his consumer desires are actually a search for maternal love, Dou Wentao listens as scholar Liang Wendao introduces a broader philosophical perspective from a classic political philosophy book recently translated into Chinese. The book discusses the concept of "possessive individualism," which argues that modern people define and prove their existence through how many things they own and possess. Building on this concept, modern thinkers have modified René Descartes' famous quote, "I think, therefore I am," into "I shop, therefore I am," because people now rely on the things they buy to explain what kind of person they are.
Returning to the personal psychoanalysis, Wu Zhihong points out the ambiguous detail in Dou Wentao's story: the bed. Covering his bed with linen clothes and lying among them is what makes Dou feel especially satisfied. Prompted by this, Dou Wentao shares one last personal habit with "Professor Wu": every morning when he wakes up, he cannot get out of bed immediately. He has to linger in bed for a while before the day can start, and while lingering, he has to hug his quilt tightly to "get his fill," wondering aloud with a laugh whether this, too, is a sign of lacking love or if he is even a normal person.
[38:33](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=2313s) Psychological Regression, Omnipotent Narcissism, and Out-of-Control Consumption
Prompted by whether someone filled with love in their heart would avoid high consumption, the discussion turns to the psychological concept of "regression." If human psychological development is imagined as having stages one through five, the higher stages present much more difficult challenges, whereas the lower stages make it easier to obtain satisfaction. When a person encounters setbacks or failures at a higher level—such as facing setbacks at work despite having high emotional intelligence—they naturally want to regress to a lower stage where they once found fulfillment, like returning to their mother's arms to seek comfort. Whenever people form relationships, they are often looking for this kind of comfort. However, the worst form of regression goes even further back, to before an infant even forms a bond with its mother: a state of "omnipotent narcissism."
Omnipotent narcissism is the primal feeling of "I am God" and "I am the best." At birth and during the first few months of life, babies feel as though they are the entire world and the world's number one. In their perception, they cannot distinguish between "self" and "other," nor can they perceive the boundaries of their own bodies; to the infant, "I am the mother, and the mother is me; there are no boundaries." When a person is unfulfilled in their relationship with their mother or primary caregiver, they retreat to this state, which manifests as a desire to be a king, to be number one, and to have everything be perfect.
```mermaid
flowchart TD
accTitle: Psychological Regression to Omnipotent Narcissism
accDescr: How setbacks at higher developmental stages lead to regression, either to maternal comfort or further back to omnipotent narcissism and out-of-control consumerism.
subgraph HighStage["Higher Developmental Stages"]
A["Work & Life Challenges (Stages 1-5)"] --> B["Encountering Setbacks & Failures"]
end
subgraph RegressionPaths["Psychological Regression"]
B -->|"Seeking relational comfort"| C["Maternal Bond (Comfort Objects / Relationships)"]
B -->|"Unfulfilled with primary caregiver"| D["Pre-Bond Infant State: Omnipotent Narcissism"]
end
subgraph Manifestation["Behavioral Manifestations"]
D --> E["'I am God / Number One' (No self-other boundaries)"]
E --> F["Out-of-Control Consumerism (Owning the best to prove one is the best)"]
end
```
This psychological mechanism directly explains severe consumerism and out-of-control spending. While everyone lives in a consumer society, those who are completely out of control—constantly chasing things they simply cannot afford—are actually seeking that primal, omnipotent satisfaction. By possessing the very best things, they attempt to prove that they themselves are the best. It is a lonely game, whereas people who can gain a certain level of satisfaction in relationships might simply rely on a comfort object, like looking for a familiar blanket.
[41:03](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=2463s) Comfort Objects, the 168,000-Yuan Jacket, and Defining Poverty
The mention of a blanket sparks light banter about comfort objects, with one speaker joking, "How miserable. I should have prepared more pieces of cloth when I was young; they were very cheap, indeed." Another guest shares a personal story from her college days: everyone's comfort object is different, and hers was a jacket worth 168,000 at a certain luxury brand store. Whenever she was in a bad mood in college, she wouldn't buy it—since it was something she could never afford—but would simply go to the store to touch that jacket, which gave her immense satisfaction.
Reflecting on that experience, she argues that defining a "poor person" is sometimes not about actual income level, "but when your desires exceed your earnings, you are actually a poor person." The psychologist playful declines to analyze her further on the spot ("if I analyze you, it might not go well, let's talk about something else") and pivots to analyzing Liang Wendao instead. He summarizes the psychological trap: when people haven't even reached a basic 60-point satisfaction level in their needs, they try to compensate by seeking absolute perfection—100 points—which also manifests in working excessively long overtime hours.
[42:09](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=2529s) "Boss Liang" on 996, Huawei's Share Structure, and Overtime Laws
Teased as "Boss Liang" because his own company operates on a heavy schedule, Liang Wendao explains that his small company does not actually require a 996 schedule; they set normal working hours, yet most employees are hardworking and voluntarily work 996 or even "7/11" schedules. Dou Wentao jokes that "where you sit determines where you stand," and brings up the public debate around Huawei. Some people argue that if any company is qualified to demand overtime, it is Huawei, because founder Ren Zhengfei holds only about 1% of the shares while 99% belong to the employees—meaning everyone is striving together.
The guests agree that if contributions directly lead to rewards, overtime is understandable. The problem in many other companies is that employees feel they are burning themselves out solely for the boss's personal ambition or dream without getting anything realistic in return. Zhou Yijun notes that she only learned the term "OT" (overtime) after moving to Hong Kong, where hours worked outside regular schedules are reasonably compensated either with time off in lieu or overtime pay. Liang Wendao clarifies that Hong Kong's labor legislation is actually still incomplete: the minimum wage law was only introduced a few years ago, and while there has been ongoing discussion about legislating maximum weekly working hours like in many other parts of the world, that law still has not been enacted.
- **Mainland China's Working Hours Evolution (recalled by Dou Wentao):**
- **1980s:** Standard six-day workweek.
- **1994:** Introduction of the "big week, small week" (大小周) system—alternating between a five-day "big week" and a six-day "small week."
- **1995:** Transition to the standard two-day weekend (双休), promoted at the time as a way to improve labor efficiency and stimulate the tertiary (service) sector by giving workers more leisure time.
In contrast to the 1995 push for rest, the issue has recently become heated again because certain successful individuals and internet moguls have framed 996 as the "glory of the striver" (奋斗者的光荣), claiming that some people couldn't even get the chance to work 996 if they wanted to. This rhetoric triggered strong pushback from workers, exemplified by programmers declaring: "I'd rather not marry, not have kids, and not buy a house than work myself to death at my desk. I don't want 996."
[45:28](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=2728s) Publishing vs. Internet Time: How 24-Hour Competition Drives Overtime
Liang Wendao—jokingly ribbed by the table as an "unscrupulous boss"—explains that overtime culture is heavily dictated by the nature of the industry itself. When his team started out in traditional publishing, there was no concept of 996. While editors sometimes rushed manuscripts or read proofs, and frequently read books after hours because they genuinely loved reading, it was hard to separate personal reading from preparing for future projects, and very few people stayed late in the office.
However, everything changed when they began producing video programs and developing an app, becoming truly internet-oriented. He recalls telling the young staff in his design department, "Don't work too hard. You must give yourselves enough rest, give yourselves extra time to visit exhibitions, browse through things, and see all kinds of stuff." (A guest jokingly interjects what the boss's unspoken subtext usually is: "My tasks must be finished on time.") Liang insists he only asked if they could handle the workload, to which they said yes, yet he soon noticed them working until 10 or 11 at night.
| Dimension | Traditional Media & Publishing | Internet & App Industry |
|:--- |:--- |:--- |
| **Sense of Time** | Cyclical with clear cutoffs (e.g., signing off the final newspaper edition for the printing press) | Continuous 24-hour daily updates and maintenance |
| **After-Hours State** | Staff get off work and go for late-night snacks; editors read at home | "No such thing as getting off work anymore" (especially for the editor-in-chief) |
| **Competitive Pressure** | Defined publication schedules | Relentless daily time-slot competition; missing a scheduled post means losing the audience's attention |
He realized this was a structural limitation of "internet time" versus "publishing time." In traditional Hong Kong newspaper media, once the final edition was signed off and sent to the printing press, work was over and everyone could go out for a late-night snack. On the internet, news sites and apps require 24-hour daily updates and maintenance. Furthermore, fierce industry-wide competition forces everyone's hand: when every competitor posts content at a specific time every single day, failing to follow suit means audiences will immediately ignore and abandon you.
Even so, the other guests push back on institutionalizing this pressure: while the nature of internet work may require continuous coverage, a company cannot establish 996 as an official system. Instead, employers must make proper arrangements—which means not only paying overtime, but also hiring more staff to share the shifts.
subgraph Levels["着装审美的进阶"]
A["第一层:干净 (Cleanliness)<br/>整洁清爽,基础底线"]
B["第二层:得体 (Decency)<br/>依场合而定,合乎规范"]
C["第三层:悦己 (Amusement)<br/>取悦自身,不迎合他人眼光"]
end
A --> B
B --> C
```
张永和分享了自己在东京的一段经历。他在逛 Comme des Garçons(川久保玲)专卖店时,看到一双改造过的传统球鞋,鞋头被夸张地拉得极长。他当时心想:“这设计太离谱了,怎么可能有人会买?”然而当天下午参加建筑师会议时,一位日本建筑师脚上正好穿着这双鞋。那人走起路来鞋头晃晃悠悠,神态却无比严肃泰然。张永和坦言,作为旁观者虽然觉得极不协调,但对方完全自得其乐,这种“穿衣只为自己高兴”的心态反而非常值得玩味。
[58:53](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=3533s) Suit Buttons, Military Origins, and Tailoring Proportions
The conversation opens with a practical question about tailoring etiquette: should one fasten the bottom button on a suit? The speaker explains that while conventional wisdom dictates leaving the third button of a three-button jacket undone, it is not an absolute rule. Looking at a photograph brought for the discussion, the subject actually buttons the bottom one. The garment itself features a relatively modern cut built directly on the foundations of historical military uniforms. As noted, virtually all classic men’s tailoring traces its DNA back to military dress, which lends garments their crisp, structured silhouette.
Beyond aesthetics, this tailored structure solves a persistent everyday dilemma: whether shirts can neatly tuck into trousers. Ready-to-wear shirts are often cut excessively long, creating bulk around the waist, whereas refined tailoring allows pieces to sit properly without unnecessary fabric bunching up. The speakers chuckle over the perpetual annoyance of having to tuck long shirts in, with one noting a friend who consistently dresses like a vintage motorcycle cop and carries the broad-shouldered presence of a former athlete.
- **Suit rules vs. reality**: The bottom button rule on three-button jackets is traditional guidance rather than an unbreakable law.
- **Military heritage**: Classic men's tailoring derives its structure, lapels, and silhouettes from military uniforms.
- **The ready-to-wear problem**: Off-the-rack garments tend to be cut too long, forcing awkward tucking that disrupts clean lines.
---
[01:00:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=3600s) Sartorial Friends: From Paris Shops to Liang Sicheng's Collar Design
The speaker shares a curated personal photo album showcasing friends and mentors who possess a distinct flair for dressing. The collection begins with the shopkeeper of a boutique he frequents in Paris, admired for his impeccably styled hat. Next appears the speaker's cousin, a graphic designer in his seventies who originally introduced him to the world of style. The portrait draws immediate admiration for its aristocratic elegance, though the table laughs over the camera perspective: because the shot was taken up close, the cousin's hands look exaggeratedly large, almost like carved sculptures. Other images include a tall friend with neatly slicked-back hair, an avant-garde fashion stylist from Shanghai wearing his own creations, and a striking Taiwanese architect whose rugged charm earns him the playful nickname "the Irish man."
```mermaid
flowchart TD
accTitle: Evolution of Liang Sicheng's Functional Triangle Collar
accDescr: Diagram showing how Liang Sicheng's cold-weather modification became a modern suit design.
subgraph Historical["Historical Adaptation"]
A["Liang Sicheng returns from the US"]
B["Facing harsh winter cold"]
C["Adds triangular fabric patch to vest"]
D["Sketches design in letter to Lin Huiyin"]
end
subgraph Modern["Modern Garment Interpretation"]
E["Archival letter discovered"]
F["Triangular flap built into suit jacket lapel"]
G["Flipped closed when cold for warmth and style"]
end
A --> B --> C --> D --> E --> F --> G
```
The gallery moves to personal memories: a photograph of the speaker visiting his mother’s ancestral hometown in Wuxi alongside his wife, where neighborhood elders helped them identify an old tree behind the courtyard as belonging to his family. The photo captures a tailored silhouette that elongates the frame, creating upright, graceful proportions. Another image features sculptor Zhu Cheng from Chengdu and Lu Jia playfully trying on hats together. The highlight is a bespoke suit jacket directly inspired by the legendary architect Liang Sicheng. During bitter winters after returning from the United States, Liang had sewn a small triangular flap onto his vest to seal out drafts, documenting the modification with an affectionate sketch in a letter to his wife, Lin Huiyin. Charmed by this historical detail, the speaker incorporated the convertible triangular flap into the suit lapel—allowing the wearer to flip and fasten it across the chest whenever temperatures drop. The photo reel concludes with a portrait of a 90-year-old uncle proudly wearing a bright red shirt and a stylish hat, illustrating that "pleasing oneself" through clothes knows no age limit.
- **Liang Sicheng's winter hack**: The architect sketched a functional triangular flap on his vest in letters to Lin Huiyin, inspiring modern lapel designs.
- **Zhu Cheng and Lu Jia**: The Chengdu sculptor and companion bonded over impromptu hat and outfit dress-up games.
- **Nonagenarian style**: An uncle in his mid-nineties still delighted in bright red shirts and statement hats.
---
[01:03:52](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=3832s) The San Francisco Basement and the Courage of Colorful Pants
The table asks how the speaker first became conscious of personal style, as he admits he was entirely oblivious to it in his early years. The turning point arrived when his graphic-designer cousin—raised in Japan and Los Angeles—flew up to San Francisco to meet him for the first time after he arrived from Beijing. Following a large family banquet, the cousin noticed a modest basement boutique, told the family to keep chatting on the sidewalk above, and led him downstairs into what felt like another universe.
The shop was an austere, unfinished concrete box. Its sole centerpiece was an exposed overhead toilet U-bend pipe from the plumbing above, dramatically illuminated by a focused laser beam like an installation artwork. Aside from two minimalist metal racks displaying just a handful of garments, the room was empty. In that subterranean gallery, the cousin bought two pairs of trousers: one vibrant red, the other striking yellow. Coming from 1980s mainland China, an era defined almost exclusively by utilitarian blue uniforms, this visual confrontation was staggering. Even today, the speakers observe, wearing bright red or yellow trousers requires immense confidence for a man in his thirties. Most men default to black, not only because it conceals aging frames and declining muscle tone, but because of sheer utility: "We can go to an opening ceremony, and then head straight to a funeral." Yet looking at the older men in the photographs, their willingness to dress colorfully radiates vitality, contentment, and genuine joie de vivre.
---
[01:07:15](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=4035s) Compliments, Confidence, and Dressing Up for the Room
The discussion shifts to how external affirmation shapes male vanity. One speaker reflects that throughout his life, he rarely paid attention to his parents' wardrobes, save for a distinct period when his father turned forty. Transferred to head the archives department at a newspaper office, his father suddenly began dressing up every single morning, meticulously selecting suits and tying neckties—an uncommon sight in a casual editorial office. The secret soon came to light: among the department’s ten staff members, the other nine were women. The younger female colleagues frequently showered him with praise, cooing, "Oh, Mr. Ma, you look so handsome today!" That flurry of compliments fueled the undisputed peak of his father’s lifetime wardrobe.
The group connects this dynamic to professions like interior design and home decor. Male interior designers frequently dress with remarkable polish because their primary clients are female homeowners; maintaining an elegant, well-groomed personal appearance instills trust and reliably brings in new commissions. Aside from exceptionally striking men like Daniel Wu, Takeshi Kaneshiro, or Eddie Peng, most ordinary people share fairly average physical baselines, making posture, attire, and confidence the real differentiators. The conversation turns to how self-assurance transforms presence, with a speaker recalling observing young American women who confidently rock crop tops and short shorts regardless of whether their body types fit conventional fashion ideals.
[01:09:41](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=4181s) Confidence, Color Theory, and David Hockney's Palette
The conversation begins with a reflection on how personal carriage and self-assurance transform physical appearance. When observing women abroad who might be considered "chubby" by conventional anthropological or biological standards, the speaker notes that they never looked unattractive because they carried themselves with total confidence—radiating an attitude of, "I'm wearing this, I'm comfortable, I'm natural." By contrast, in various Asian societies, young women with conventionally praised figures often dress fashionably yet end up lacking genuine aesthetic charm. Their posture betrays a constant anxiety over rude, judgmental, or unfriendly stares, and that absence of ease undermines the entire look.
The dialogue then turns toward the challenge of bold color palettes. Most people shy away from highly saturated hues because the perceived risk of styling failure is daunting. Holding up a book by David Hockney, one speaker points out how masterfully the painter pairs intense, clashing shades—such as bright green alongside vivid pink. When asked whether Hockney follows some rigid color theory or absolute rule, the panel observes that his sartorial flair is inseparable from his art. Hockney’s paintings are celebrated for their vibrant, high-saturation landscapes and radiant fields of red and green; his personal wardrobe is simply a living extension of his artistic instincts.
Wearing vibrant tones ultimately comes down to natural affinity and psychological comfort. One guest mentions owning a remarkably electric green shirt, noting that if an outfit feels relaxed and gives the wearer a burst of energy, onlookers will instinctively find it pleasing to the eye. Conversely, if putting on a striking color triggers self-consciousness or embarrassment, it is better left unworn.
[01:12:41](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=4361s) The Beiping Snow Robe and Childhood Genders Swapped
The panel shifts to private garments that people wear purely for their own pleasure rather than public display. Professor Zhang shares that he had a traditional padded cotton robe custom-made, cut in the long scholar's style associated with Lu Xun or Republican-era Peking University intellectuals. Emblazoned with a rustic, traditional large golden pattern, it is never worn to ordinary functions because it would feel far too theatrical. Instead, Zhang reserves it exclusively for snowy days to walk out and photograph snow-draped trees—channeling the timeless romantic sentiment that "Beijing turns into Beiping when it snows"—or for walking to intimate evening gatherings with close friends.
This confession prompts another panelist to recount an experience from his youth: briefly trying on women's clothing. Growing up in a cramped Hong Kong apartment with eight family members squeezed into a tiny space, he was the only male present alongside seven women—his mother, sisters, grandmother, and aunts—while his father was routinely away working. With no balcony, women’s bras and undergarments hung drying across the doorways as a constant fixture of daily life. Around age ten or eleven, out of sheer curiosity when the house was empty, he secretly tried on his sisters' tops, skirts, and undergarments. The revelation was not about cross-dressing, but about physical empathy: slipping into high heels and restrictive undergarments made him understand how deeply women's clothing binds the body and conditions their psychological state. While men are culturally permitted an expansive physical freedom to sprawl and spread their legs, women are forced into constant discipline—controlling their strides, enduring tight garments, and worrying about staying covered.
Hearing this, Zhang confesses that he too spent his early childhood dressed in skirts and floral prints. As the second child, his parents had been convinced they would have a daughter and had pre-made an entire wardrobe of girls' clothing. When he arrived as a boy, he wore the dresses anyway, prompting the table to joke that this early upbringing might explain why many people note his gentle, slightly effeminate side today.
```mermaid
flowchart TD
accTitle: Wardrobe and Bodily Psychology Flow
accDescr: Diagram showing how clothing moves from physical construction to psychological state and societal perception.
subgraph S1["Inner Experience & Comfort"]
A["Clothing Cut & Fit"] --> B["Physical Freedom or Restriction"]
B --> C["Mental State & Bodily Awareness"]
end
subgraph S2["Outer Perception & Taste"]
C --> D["Gait, Posture & Presence"]
D --> E["Authentic Aesthetic Appeal"]
F["Superficial Brand Logos"] -.->|"Compensates for lack of"| E
end
```
[01:16:44](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=4604s) Tailoring, Restraint, and the Three Generations of Taste
The dialogue turns to the fundamental relationship between tailored garments and physical discipline. A classic suit jacket is engineered primarily for sitting and measured movement rather than vigorous athletic exertion; its very tightness imposes an air of neatness and restraint. This mirrors the historic habits of aristocrats, whose measured way of eating and deliberate cadence prevented undignified haste. When someone raises the paradox of James Bond performing wild action scenes in ultra-fitted suits, another guest jokes about the constant fear that 007 might rip his crotch. A skilled bespoke tailor explains that high-end cutters subtly engineer hidden ease and allowances at critical tension points, allowing movement without resorting to baggy silhouettes.
This discipline extends into the wider definition of sartorial taste. True fashion sense encompasses far more than selecting cuts, patterns, and colors; it is an embodied demeanor that dictates how one walks, sits, speaks, and holds a gaze. As the old adage warns, "It takes three generations to learn how to dress and eat." When someone lacks this organic cultural habitus, even head-to-toe luxury garments look awkward—resembling someone who just hauled heavy buckets from a village well. It is precisely this lack of embodied grace that drives people to flaunt oversized brand logos, needing visible labels to prove what their posture fails to communicate.
The discussion wraps up with a celebration of the artistic eye and street culture:
- Photographic perspective can elevate any face; with a painter’s sensibility, aging faces, sculptors, and everyday people framed in ordinary scarves and hats become compelling works of art.
- The root cause of looking awkward is often internal insecurity—fixating on the feeling that one ought to look like somebody else.
- Exploring European cities reveals thriving vintage subcultures ("vintage" or *gu-zhu*), where eclectic second-hand garments offer immense creative joy and personality far beyond standard retail fashion.
[01:20:37](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=4837s) Vintage Shopping in Japan, Deceased Estates, and Yohji Yamamoto
Reflecting on someone whose manner of dress sometimes resembles the British writer Oscar Wilde, one speaker shares a lingering memory of browsing in a specialty shop and spotting a rare pair of Nike sneakers released decades ago. There was only a single pair left, and they were half a size too small. Despite agonizing over the decision and wondering, "maybe I could squeeze into them," the speaker ultimately had to leave them behind upon realizing they were unwearable, though the shoes still cross their mind. This leads to a broader lament that in big Chinese cities today, wandering through massive shopping malls rarely offers that genuine joy of browsing.
Another guest chimes in about their love for hunting through vintage, second-hand, and antique clothing in Japan. Calling themselves a "little potato from the south," the speaker admits with a laugh that the primary appeal is simple: "Wow, it's so cheap!" It feels like a bargain even if the piece is never worn. However, they later discovered that Japanese vintage shops are actually divided into distinct categories:
- **Regular vintage:** Standard second-hand and antique garments.
- **Estate vintage from the deceased:** Clothing that belonged to people who passed away—whether from illness or even by hanging themselves. This category is sold at "extra cheap" prices, and some pieces still have their original price tags attached.
Beyond the thrill of cheap treasure hunting, there is a design-driven reason to buy vintage in Japan: the country's "three major brands are all finished" and their current output is terrible, meaning anyone looking for good design—such as Yohji Yamamoto—has to buy vintage rather than new. When someone brings up the rumor that Yohji Yamamoto's clothes are worn by gangsters—like the characters associated with Takeshi Kitano—another guest clarifies the designer's actual inspiration. While Yamamoto may have remarked that bad guys have personality, he didn't design for criminals; rather, he was inspired by thin gypsies who had nothing to eat and wore loose-fitting garments. Still, the gangster association is very real in practice: while waiting across the street for his wife near a cluster of Comme des Garçons and Yohji Yamamoto boutiques, the speaker watched an actual Japanese gangster dressed in a full set of oversized clothes pacing back and forth between the first and second display windows, carefully picking out outfits—a sight so striking the speaker badly wanted to film it.
[01:23:30](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=5010s) Cleanliness vs. "Wasteland Style" and Knowing Yourself
Observing that even Japanese gangsters insist on style and flair, the conversation turns to a fundamental point previously raised by Professor Zhang Yonghe (张永和): the most basic element of good taste in dressing is simply cleanliness. Looking back to childhood when everyone wore the exact same style of clothing, there was always that one family whose outfits were washed impeccably clean. Even in identical garments, they looked "high-class" and completely distinct from everyone else, projecting a consistent self-respect, respect for others, and respect for the clothes themselves.
By contrast, the panel jokes that Professor Zhang must deeply despise the currently trendy "wasteland style" (废土风, emphasizing *fei* as in "waste" or "junk") popularized among young people after the success of the movie *Dune*. This aesthetic makes wearers look as though they have been rolling in the sand—featuring worn-out, distressed leather jackets that are "dirty but cool, with holes in them, basically in tatters, barely covering the body." Ironically, these trendy pieces are manually worn down to achieve a specific patina finish, and even when washed clean, they cost more than regular new clothes.
Tracing this tattered, blown-up look with big holes back to rugged origins (with a passing mention of bowling), a speaker notes that such heavy, rugged garments only really suit people who are genuinely athletic and fit. If someone with a more refined, delicate temperament puts them on, the result looks utterly ridiculous. Ultimately, good style requires self-knowledge. As the speaker puts it, sometimes when looking at a friend in a certain outfit, "I know in your heart you’re imagining yourself as a cowboy," even when they don't look the part at all—though if it makes them happy, there is nothing anyone can do about it.
[01:25:45](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=5145s) How Wide Streets, 500-Meter Mega-Blocks, and E-Commerce Killed the Urban Stroll
The discussion shifts from clothing to the physical layout of cities, specifically how Beijing's overly wide roads have destroyed the pleasure of strolling through small streets. A speaker recalls growing up in Beijing when the streets were narrow: after dinner, their parents would take the speaker and their brother out for an aimless walk. Along the way, they would naturally bump into friends, classmates, neighbors, or relatives, stop on the pavement to chat, and only incidentally remember to buy something or spot a sale. Shopping back then was a byproduct of socializing and walking, completely unlike today's hyper-purposeful trips where people go out to buy a single specific item and immediately leave.
```mermaid
flowchart LR
accTitle: Urban Street Scale Comparison
accDescr: Compares the 40m by 40m human-scale blocks designed in a Shanghai industrial zone against the 500m by 500m mega-blocks in modern new towns and Beijing.
subgraph HumanScale["Human-Scale Design (Shanghai Project)"]
direction TB
A["40m x 40m Block Size"] --> B["High Street Density & Narrow Roads"]
B --> C["Incidental Shopping & Street Life"]
end
subgraph MegaScale["Modern New Towns (e.g., Beijing)"]
direction TB
D["500m x 500m+ Block Size"] --> E["Low Street Density & Wide Roads"]
E --> F["Pedestrian-Unfriendly High-Rises"]
end
HumanScale -.->|"Contrasts with"| MegaScale
```
Addressing the architect at the table, the host asks how much of this urban shift is the fault of architects. The architect explains that if given the choice, they actively push in the opposite direction, currently designing small streets and compact blocks:
- **Shanghai industrial zone project:** Each block (the area enclosed by four streets) is designed to be just **40 meters by 40 meters**.
- **Modern new towns (including in Beijing):** Standard blocks measure **500 meters by 500 meters** or even larger.
These massive 500-meter blocks result in very low street density coupled with excessively wide roads, effectively killing off the pleasure of urban life. While the architect notes that you couldn't blame the rapid development of earlier decades—when China was recovering from ruins—the resulting clusters of high-rise buildings are deeply unfriendly to pedestrians, and it is time for China's architectural community to seriously reflect. Compounding the architectural problem is the explosive rise of e-commerce in mainland China; while nowhere else in the world matches China's current level of convenience, that very efficiency leaves something vital missing from daily life.
[01:28:01](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=5281s) The Magic of unprofitable Little Shops in Turin and Rural Japan
The architect points out that while Chinese men often claim they dislike shopping—only going when forced by their wives—shopping was originally one of the fundamental reasons to live in a city rather than the suburbs. To illustrate the human joy that online shopping can never replace, he recounts an afternoon in Turin, Italy, where he had gone to give a lecture. Strolling down an old street lined with tiny storefronts, he stepped into a completely empty record shop where a woman sat surrounded by vinyl. When he asked for a specific record, she searched through her stock and told him, "Take a look, these are all old records, the quality might be bad, or it might be good, I'll play it for you."
As the music played, the two struck up a warm conversation. With no other customers around, the shopkeeper stepped out to buy coffee for the two of them, came back, and began recommending more records for him to listen to. While rain or snow fell outside, he spent a couple of blissful hours in the shop. At the end of it all, he bought two used records for the equivalent of about 10 yuan—meaning that after buying the coffees, the woman actually lost money on his visit.
Another guest immediately resonates with this, noting that such small shops are never really about turning a profit. He recalls stumbling upon a tiny shop tucked away in the corner of an obscure Japanese town where tourists rarely set foot. Run by a designer who drove a long distance to work every day despite having almost no customers, the space felt like an art exhibition, filled with little items brought back from Europe alongside jeans and T-shirts. Captivated by the interior and the lighting—which the owner explained had been shipped over from Italy—the guest even asked if he could buy one of the vintage lamps. The sheer atmosphere and the fascinating character of the owner kept him lingering there for a long time.
[01:30:36](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=5436s) A Hidden Bookstore in a Kyoto Alleyway
The conversation turns to the quiet charm of independent shops where the experience isn't strictly transactional—not like you have to buy something, almost like looking at August Sander's photography. One speaker recalls a frustrating Sunday or holiday in Kyoto when he didn't realize the entire antique street was closed. With nowhere else to go, he noticed a handwritten English sign at the entrance of a narrow alley that simply read, "We're a bookstore." Stepping into the alley, he found a tiny storefront with a small display window and door. Inside the window sat just two books: a photography collection by August Sander and a book on architecture. Thinking, "Isn't this my kind of shop?", he walked right in.
Inside the remarkably empty little room, a middle-aged man came out and managed a bit of English. When the visitor mentioned his interest in the two books in the window, the shopkeeper asked what other photographers he liked. After hearing a few names, the owner climbed up a small ladder—not a staircase, just a climbing ladder—into an upstairs space. The visitor could hear him moving around above before he climbed back down carrying a single book, asking, "Take a look. How about this one? Is this what you're looking for?" Regardless of whether the answer was "yes" or "no," the man would simply say, "Oh," pause for a moment, and climb right back up the ladder to fetch another.
The others marvel at how anyone could run a business like that or how few sales he must make in a day, comparing the slow, unhurried pace to a long TV show in Turin. While wondering if such a life is financially difficult, the speaker notes that there was "no rush" and the encounter was so fascinating that the feeling has stayed with him ever since.
[01:32:43](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=5563s) Beijing's Vanished CD Shops and a Late-Night Jazz Tavern
To run a niche shop like the one in Kyoto, startup costs have to be low. Another guest reminisces about the greatest joy of visiting Beijing in the old days: hunting for CDs in tiny, tucked-away shops near Peking University and Tsinghua University. You would duck into an alley and find a hipster sitting inside a small store who was clearly a devoted cinephile with an eclectic collection. While ordinary customers browsed Hong Kong cinema or golden-age classics, true enthusiasts would lock eyes with the owner. When asked, "Hey, sir, what are you looking for?", naming a film by a European director would light the owner up—not because he was making a sale, but because he had found a kindred spirit. He would practically scramble upstairs asking, "Should I recommend this one to you?" Sadly, that kind of happiness has vanished, as shops like that can no longer be found.
Still, Beijing holds pockets of late-night charm. The speaker shares an anecdote from the previous night: after checking into his hotel room past 11:00 p.m., a craving for a drink kicked in. Walking about seven minutes across from the hotel, he found a small street bustling with Northeast-style BBQ skewer joints still open late. Not being a fan of beer, he kept walking until he spotted a tiny tavern (leaving the name out so as not to sound like an advertisement).
Inside, jazz music was playing quietly, and two young men under 30 were tending the bar. When he asked for a menu, they told him they didn't have one; instead, they asked whether he preferred red wine, white wine, or whiskey, and what flavor profile he liked, offering to mix a custom drink or make a recommendation. Sitting in the peaceful, uncrowded room listening to jazz, he thought to himself, "Oh, I really wish I owned a little shop like this." Because of sky-high startup costs, such a dream is completely impossible in Hong Kong, remaining viable only in places with low overhead like a hidden Beijing alleyway. Spending a few years of one's life as the proprietor of a tiny bar like that, he reflects, would be a deeply satisfying way to look back on life.
[01:35:41](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=5741s) "Living Cells" of a City and the Rise of the "City Walk"
The group reflects on how society often obsesses over grand designs and becoming big-name artists, whereas small innovations and small-scale designers are what actually make a city relatable. Too often, strolling through a tourist alley in China feels like walking through a trinket wholesale market where every shop prioritizes volume and sells the exact same merchandise—prompting the quip that "it's all from Yiwu." In contrast, in cities with thriving independent shops, a single item as simple as a drinking glass comes in countless unique varieties across different stores, which is where the true joy of exploring comes from.
Even in major world capitals like London, Tokyo, or Kyoto, residential areas and architectural styles within a given city look largely uniform. What brings a neighborhood to life are the small shops that offer unexpected surprises during a casual stroll—a curio shop where a basket, a piece of cloth, a small bag, or a bowl is handpicked according to the owner's personal taste. Looking at these inexpensive items creates an instant, heart-to-heart connection with the curator. Cafes, small noodle shops, and street-level boutiques act as the "living cells" that give a place its soul.
Dou Wentao praises this metaphor of "living cells," connecting it to the "City Walk" trend currently popular among young people. Because visiting major tourist attractions and European museums like the Louvre now requires tedious online bookings, sells out quickly, and involves frantic rushing around, travelers are increasingly opting to wander aimlessly without a specific destination. However, this style of travel is only joyful if the city possesses a rich urban fabric full of those living cells. He recalls how the writer Ah Cheng, in his book *Venice Diary*, described his favorite way of walking through Venice's small streets: whenever he took a wrong turn, he would think, "Why not just keep going the wrong way and explore like this?" Ah Cheng spent entire days happily getting lost because there was no right or wrong path in a city with such a rich texture.
[01:38:44](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=5924s) Hong Kong's "City Walk" Dilemma and the Theory of Urban Density
Another guest points out that the "City Walk" phenomenon looks very different from the perspective of Hong Kong's sluggish economy. Following intense government efforts to promote tourism with expensive fireworks and events, visitor numbers over the past year have surged, especially among young and middle-aged tourists. Yet the local economy has missed out because these visitors are practicing a zero-spend "City Walk." Online platforms are filled with guides teaching travelers how to tour and even sleep in Hong Kong without spending a dime. Even when they browse small shops, they rarely buy anything. As the Cantonese saying goes, the city is "busy with people, but not wealth" (*旺丁不旺财* — busy with crowds, but not prosperity). Meanwhile, locals who used to enjoy quiet weekend walks in the mountains or by the seaside now find every corner of Hong Kong feeling as crowded as a May Day holiday every single day.
```mermaid
flowchart LR
accTitle: Two Outcomes of the Urban "City Walk" Trend
accDescr: Comparison between the traveler's experience of exploring a rich urban fabric and the economic reality faced by Hong Kong.
subgraph Ideal["Traveler's Ideal (e.g., Venice / Kyoto)"]
A["Rich Urban Fabric & Small Shops"] --> B["Unplanned 'City Walk'"]
B --> C["Unexpected Surprises & Soulful Connection"]
end
subgraph HK["Hong Kong's Economic Reality"]
D["Gov't Events & Tourism Push"] --> E["Surge in Zero-Spend 'City Walkers'"]
E --> F["'Busy with People, Not Wealth' & Local Crowding"]
end
```
Turning to Professor Zhang, an expert on urban texture, Dou Wentao notes that such walkable charm seems to require an enclosed, smaller-scale environment, and asks whether this intricate urban texture conflicts with modern transportation convenience. Professor Zhang replies emphatically that there is "no conflict at all," explaining that cities must maintain a certain density:
- **The American Scholar's Density Theory:** A good city is defined as one that offers the maximum number of choices within the smallest possible area.
- **The Dining Example:** Having a single restaurant—no matter how large or high-quality—does not constitute urban life; true urban life requires a wide variety of different dining options clustered together.
- **Street and Block Structure:** Achieving this variety requires a high concentration of small streets and a cityscape composed of many small blocks, much like the neighborhood where Professor Zhang lives in New York.
[01:41:24](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=6084s) The 15-Minute Living Circle and What Urban Rent Really Buys
The conversation explores how a properly designed urban neighborhood perfectly embodies the concept of a "15-minute walking living circle." Describing a daily living environment, the speaker notes that whether heading north or south from home, walking in either direction takes only about eight minutes to reach an extraordinary concentration of services. Within this compact radius, there are five or six different supermarkets, each catering to a distinct niche or focus. Entertainment and specialized retail are equally accessible: the neighborhood boasts around four cinemas, including one adjacent to the residence that operates on a unique schedule—screening curated films on Friday, Saturday, and Sunday, while functioning in partnership with a university from Monday through Thursday. There are even five or six optical shops clustered nearby.
This density of amenities provides the real explanation for why people willingly pay exorbitant rents or purchase astronomically expensive real estate in metropolises like New York. Residents are not simply shelling out huge sums for a "tiny, tiny apartment"; rather, what they acquire in return is immediate access to shared cultural, commercial, and public resources, as well as an active "network of social exchange." High human density preserves the serendipity of street life. Even without knowing as vast a circle of people as one might have known in Beijing, a resident walking down a Manhattan street can still bump into old acquaintances purely by chance, because the city’s design encourages everyone to walk rather than remain insulated inside private vehicles.
- **Walking Radius**: Approximately 8 minutes walking north or south from home to access primary daily amenities.
- **Local Amenities Count**: 5 to 6 specialized supermarkets, approximately 4 movie theaters, and 5 to 6 optical shops.
- **Hybrid Venue Model**: A local cinema operating for public screenings Friday through Sunday while serving university functions Monday through Thursday.
- **Urban Value Proposition**: High rent purchases proximity to public amenities and spontaneous human interaction rather than private interior square footage.
---
[01:43:03](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=6183s) Walkable Metropolises vs. Car-Centric Sprawl: The Trade-offs of High Density
The speakers contrast dense, pedestrian-first cities with car-dependent sprawl, singling out Los Angeles and Houston as quintessential examples of an alienating urban paradigm. In those sprawled environments, reaching any destination typically requires spending an hour behind the wheel. The vast majority of the United States follows this car-dependent pattern. By contrast, parts of Manhattan closely resemble Hong Kong: except for steep or pedestrian-unfriendly pockets—such as the hilly terrain surrounding the University of Hong Kong (HKU)—daily life is sustained by walking, dense subway networks, and comprehensive bus routes. In these environments, owning a personal car is entirely optional rather than a prerequisite for survival.
subgraph Sprawl["Car-Dependent Sprawl (e.g., Los Angeles, Houston)"]
A["Low Density / High Dispersion"] --> B["Mandatory Driving (1+ Hour Commutes)"]
B --> C["Automobile Dependence & Isolation"]
end
subgraph Dense["Walkable Dense Hubs (e.g., Manhattan, Hong Kong)"]
D["High Human & Commercial Density"] --> E["Subway, Buses & Pedestrian Flow"]
E --> F["Car Optional & Spontaneous Encounters"]
F --> G["Trade-Off: Surface Congestion"]
end
```
The panel acknowledges that this high-density lifestyle comes with undeniable friction, most visibly manifested in Manhattan's notorious traffic gridlock. Concentrating millions of people into a tight geographic footprint inevitably raises the political and urban-planning question of "whose interests come first" and whether hyper-density creates extreme logistical inconveniences. However, looking at the enduring vitality of global hubs like Manhattan and Hong Kong, the speakers conclude that the collective benefits of high density—walkability, cultural vitality, resource efficiency, and community encounters—decisively outweigh the headaches of congestion and cramped physical living quarters.
## Notable quotes
> [17:27](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHb1NzEhuzE&t=1047s) The unexamined life is not worth living
[17:27] The unexamined life is not worth living
[21:23] 小富由俭,大富由天
[31:50] 爱是夸我,爱是抱我
[34:10] 梁文道: 我买故我在
[41:03] 当你的欲望大于你的能力的时候,你就是一个穷人
[42:09] 奋斗者的光荣
[50:06] 可以躺平,但绝不能认命
[50:06] 带节奏
[72:41] 张永和: 下雪了北京就成了北平
[76:44] It takes three generations to learn how to dress and eat.
[95:41] 阿城: Why not just keep going the wrong way and explore like this?
[98:44] busy with people, but not wealth
Original transcript
[0:00] Regarding those credit cards, you know,
[0:02] we have Gen Z employees on our team,
[0:04] and I’ve realized this is a real
[0:07] problem. It’s like, their feeling is
[0:09] that they don’t actually intend to
[0:10] spend that much money. They come to me
[0:12] and say, "Oh my, what should I do?""I
[0:14] spent 30,000 yuan in a month, and I
[0:16] honestly don't know how," they say,
[0:18] they really don't know where it went.
[0:20] Later, they make excuses, saying
[0:22] current payment methods are just too
[0:25] evil—it's not just credit cards, you
[0:27] know, all these bizarre apps out there
[0:29] now.
[0:30] And they say, especially...
[0:32] The face-scanning ones are the most
[0:34] terrifying.
[0:35] Right, right, you just walk right
[0:37] through. Plus, on these various online
[0:39] shopping platforms, you know, it’s
[0:41] truly different from the difficulty of
[0:44] pulling out physical cash. You just tap
[0:46] it; it’s getting more and more
[0:48] convenient, increasingly...I feel like
[0:50] this thing has become somewhat
[0:52] addictive, including all those various
[0:54] loans, legal or illegal. Didn't the
[0:56] government have to crack down on things
[0:58] like 'nude loans' years ago? If we
[1:00] define this as an uncontrollable
[1:02] addiction that leads to broken homes,
[1:05] well, maybe it leads to bankruptcy. Is
[1:07] it—but how do you control human
[1:10] desire? The scam of modern technology
[1:13] is that it gives you more freedom, but
[1:15] you’re also more trapped; do you
[1:17] really think you're free? You’re
[1:20] completely...take the kids on our team,
[1:22] for instance, they have no idea.
[1:24] Swipe, swipe, swipe, swipe. Finally,
[1:27] just last week, I noticed my phone bill
[1:29] had suddenly jumped by over 1,000 yuan.
[1:32] Oh, I was quite worried, calling here
[1:34] and there, checking iTunes and whatnot.
[1:37] I couldn't figure it out. The phone
[1:39] company said, "Oh, this charge is from
[1:42] Apple's iTunes." I called Apple, went
[1:45] through all the ID verifications, and
[1:48] finally, they asked, "Did you listen to
[1:50] an audio lecture by a certain teacher?"
[1:53] Oh, that course was over 400 yuan.
[1:56] Was it that teacher, Wuse Hong? Or was
[1:59] it actually Teacher Wendao? I was
[2:01] completely caught off guard—it's just
[2:03] stuff you don't even know about. Then I
[2:05] kept finding several others, charging
[2:07] me 58 yuan a month, 68 yuan a month,
[2:09] all for things I barely know how to use
[2:11] . I used them once, and they just keep
[2:13] charging you like that, of course.
[2:14] So, I finally understood what that kid
[2:16] was talking about.
[2:17] Right.
[2:18] And another situation is that the most
[2:20] troublesome part about consumption
[2:22] today is how convenient it is; on one
[2:24] hand, all these technologies keep
[2:25] making the payment process easier.
[2:27] It’s become very
[2:28] Right, it's become convenient. What’s
[2:30] the other side of this? Our current
[2:32] desires demand immediate gratification.
[2:34] Yes.
[2:35] We don't have any chance for delay.
[2:37] For example, if you wanted to buy a car
[2:40] in the past, or even further back, when
[2:42] clothes had to be custom-made, the
[2:45] entire process from paying to receiving
[2:47] the item was complex. That was a
[2:49] situation where all your satisfaction
[2:52] was delayed. But the problem is that
[2:54] the satisfaction we want now is
[2:56] instantaneous. And that immediacy isn't
[2:58] even about the delivery being fast; the
[3:01] satisfaction of clicking "order" or
[3:03] scanning my face is greater than the
[3:05] satisfaction of actually receiving the
[3:07] item.
[3:07] Mm-hmm.
[3:08] So that sense of satisfaction is
[3:10] constantly being compressed in time.
[3:12] That’s why when you keep pursuing
[3:14] this instant gratification, the
[3:16] situation regarding debt and such will
[3:17] only get more severe. And I think
[3:19] merchants understand this very well,
[3:21] which is why we can see that most
[3:23] videos on the internet eventually turn
[3:25] into so-called "influencer marketing."
[3:28] You know, there will be this benchmark,
[3:30] saying, "If you order now, you can
[3:32] immediately get their matching jacket,
[3:34] their matching..."...getting the same
[3:37] style of this or that is actually the
[3:39] lowest-cost way for you to become like
[3:41] a celebrity. So, I think this is
[3:43] what’s called "influencer marketing"
[3:45] culture, which is probably something
[3:46] merchants today understand
[3:48] exceptionally well. It’s like, "
[3:49] Alright, look, a shopping window pops
[3:52] up right under this video; click now
[3:54] and you can immediately get the same
[3:56] dress as Huang Zhou." You just have no
[3:58] way to resist that temptation. Fang
[4:00] Zhou, excuse me, Professor Wu, I have a
[4:04] curious question. Back when we were
[4:06] young, it seemed like everyone took
[4:08] pride in being different.
[4:10] Walking your own path, you know? For
[4:13] example, at that time, they said bars
[4:15] in Shanghai were different from those
[4:17] in Beijing, right? In Shanghai bars,
[4:19] everyone dressed like they were on a
[4:21] theater stage, right? And then a guy
[4:23] would come into a Beijing bar wearing
[4:24] drop-crotch pants, a military overcoat,
[4:26] and carrying a birdcage—that was also
[4:28] a style. But we felt back then, hey,
[4:31] this guy, right? He wouldn't wear a
[4:33] suit or tie. That is to say, being
[4:36] different was considered rebellious,
[4:38] and that was cool, right? Is that still
[4:41] how you feel now?
[4:42] No, I actually think this relates to
[4:45] the point Wen-dao just made; it's a
[4:47] concept that’s constantly
[4:48] skyrocketing. For example, when
[4:50] you’re 20, you might buy a trendy bag
[4:52] that everyone else has, and you’re
[4:54] satisfied because it’s the same one.
[4:56] But then some people want to be
[4:57] different, they want to be more upscale
[4:59] , so they create a higher barrier to
[5:01] entry. That’s why I think everyone
[5:03] wants to be different, but being
[5:04] different comes to mean more expensive
[5:06] and better.
[5:06] Tying those two together.
[5:08] Right, so I think it’s a constantly
[5:10] upgrading concept. You want to be just
[5:13] a little bit better than everyone else,
[5:15] so you spend more money. Thus, the
[5:16] barrier—the so-called standard
[5:18] barrier—gets higher and more
[5:20] expensive as the definition of "upscale
[5:22] " rises. What we were just talking
[5:24] about really centers on a person
[5:26] seeking a certain kind of validation;
[5:28] for instance, the desire to seek
[5:30] collective approval, like the "standard
[5:33] " items we mentioned, such as golf
[5:35] clubs, right?
[5:35] Like you mentioned, for example,
[5:37] getting the same style as Jiang
[5:39] Fangzhou.
[5:40] This just means I don’t know who I am
[5:42] . Right? I want to identify with Jiang
[5:45] Fangzhou, as if by doing so I become
[5:48] her, or to have some connection to her,
[5:50] or as you said, to gain collective
[5:52] approval. I think the internet has
[5:54] certainly accelerated this aspect.
[5:57] Because in the past, traditional media
[5:59] like TV didn't build a single platform
[6:02] like the internet does. Now everyone
[6:04] shares this one platform, which has
[6:07] likely intensified this phenomenon. But
[6:09] as I listened to you, I kept wondering:
[6:12] is there anyone around me—including
[6:14] the many Gen-Z kids in my company—who
[6:17] is actually in a difficult situation
[6:19] because of this? Do they end up in a
[6:21] terrible state? To be honest, the
[6:23] evidence around me might point to
[6:25] another truth; sometimes I feel like
[6:27] the topics we discuss are just
[6:29] pseudo-issues manufactured by the media
[6:31] .
[6:32] For example, the idea that every young
[6:33] person is going broke. Right, that "
[6:35] every young person is going broke"
[6:37] narrative is quite sensationalist. It
[6:39] feels like selling anxiety, doesn't it?
[6:42] But is that really the case, or are
[6:43] most people still living relatively
[6:45] normal lives?
[6:46] True, I think most of the kids at our
[6:48] company share those common "post-90s"
[6:50] traits—the burnout, the cynicism, and
[6:52] so on. At the same time, they're much
[6:53] more self-centered; they'll just up and
[6:55] quit at the drop of a hat, which is
[6:56] really different from what we were like
[6:58] . But based on my assessment, I'd say
[7:00] they're doing just fine, actually.
[7:03] They're living well. But even for them,
[7:05] I still think it's pretty tough. I'm
[7:08] talking about the big cities we know,
[7:10] like Beijing, Shanghai, and Guangzhou.
[7:12] It's true, they’re earning maybe a
[7:15] few thousand to ten thousand yuan.
[7:17] Sometimes I feel for them—and of
[7:18] course, this happens too—I've noticed
[7:20] that young people, when it comes to
[7:21] fitness...Running doesn't cost a dime,
[7:23] but they insist on getting a gym
[7:24] membership, and they have to get one. A
[7:26] yearly membership. A young woman told
[7:29] me the other day, why is it so
[7:30] necessary to get this gym membership,
[7:32] why do you have to go to a gym? Because
[7:35] running isn't great for taking photos.
[7:37] At the gym, people usually spend three
[7:39] minutes working out and two hours
[7:41] taking photos. I don't know if that's
[7:43] true.
[7:44] I have to look at this from another
[7:46] perspective; the gym is definitely
[7:47] different from working out on your own.
[7:49] I have friends who used to work out
[7:51] alone, but now they go to the gym
[7:53] because there are trainers and plenty
[7:54] of guidance there. Right, and if you
[7:56] get a personal trainer, oh my god...
[7:58] Of course, a trainer makes a difference
[8:00] , but it really is different from just
[8:01] working out by yourself. You can learn
[8:03] anything now, but having someone teach
[8:05] you is definitely a lot different than
[8:07] trying to learn it on your own. There's
[8:09] one thing—about what you said earlier
[8:11] regarding the situation at your company
[8:13] —it doesn't seem entirely the same
[8:16] everywhere. I think it’s really tied
[8:18] to the industry. I think young people
[8:21] in your field, like psychological
[8:23] counseling, are probably better off. I
[8:25] think the ones who have it worse are...
[8:28] I've seen those working in media, PR,
[8:30] or certain industries that are
[8:32] especially focused on fashion. That’s
[8:35] the most tragic case. I know that kid
[8:37] who bought a coat for over ten thousand
[8:39] yuan.
[8:40] Exactly, they have to frequent those
[8:42] places.
[8:42] Right, think about it—the industry
[8:44] they work in.
[8:45] And then, every day, the magazine
[8:47] articles and official account posts
[8:49] they write are all about how someone
[8:51] went to some villa in the Seychelles,
[8:54] costing over ten thousand dollars a
[8:56] night, and so on. That’s all they see
[8:58] every day.
[8:59] The people around them only talk to
[9:01] them about these things. I feel like
[9:03] our sense of distance from this
[9:05] so-called "high-end life" has vanished.
[9:07] I was just thinking the other day about
[9:09] why people today don't like reading
[9:10] literature or realistic fiction. You
[9:12] know, a big motivation for me reading
[9:14] novels when I was young was
[9:15] seeing how people lived in a high-class
[9:17] way.
[9:17] Watching how elegantly others lived.
[9:20] When I was young, I liked reading "Life
[9:21] to Life," thinking, "Oh, so this is how
[9:23] they live in Wuhan." I even finished
[9:25] Guo Jingming's "Tiny Times" trilogy and
[9:28] read it twice.
[9:28] Yes, I read it twice.
[9:30] You just do it for...
[9:32] That laughter from us, right?
[9:34] Just to see how people in Shanghai
[9:36] lived, what brands they used, but back
[9:37] then you had to rely on your own mind
[9:39] to fill in the gaps. Once you closed
[9:41] the book, you went right back to your
[9:42] own life. But now, that sense of
[9:44] distance between you and a high-end
[9:45] lifestyle has completely disappeared.
[9:47] You don't need text, imagination, or
[9:49] mental visualization anymore; you see
[9:51] it all on the screen. And not only can
[9:52] you see it, but you can click instantly
[9:54] and obtain it immediately. Plus, you
[9:56] know that Guo Jingming actually lived
[9:58] that way. Right, but here I still have
[10:00] to push back a bit. Look, those who
[10:02] deal with high-end clients—well, I
[10:04] don't know for sure. You see, it really
[10:06] is high-end travel; the ones who go
[10:08] there are mostly wealthy people.
[10:09] But the young people around someone
[10:11] like Director Lin,
[10:11] their incomes are quite average.
[10:13] Mm. What do you think they do? From my
[10:16] observation, those young people don't
[10:18] say, "I want to be with these people
[10:20] and live their lives too." They might
[10:22] earn around a hundred thousand a year
[10:24] or so, right? But the people they serve
[10:26] are different. Professor Wu, why is
[10:28] that? Because if you work at a travel
[10:30] agency, you are serving people.
[10:32] You’re like an employee at a
[10:34] five-star hotel. A private butler in a
[10:36] super luxurious hotel wouldn't yearn to
[10:39] be like the person they are serving.
[10:41] Mm.
[10:42] They don't try to compare themselves to
[10:44] the ultra-wealthy, because my role is
[10:46] to serve others. However, people who
[10:48] run official accounts or work in media
[10:50] are different; they have a certain
[10:52] power.
[10:53] Because today, they are the ones
[10:54] telling others what "taste" is, what
[10:56] kind of travel is the most high-end,
[10:58] and what way of dressing is the most
[11:00] tasteful. They define what kind of life
[11:02] people like that lead.
[11:04] Exactly, they even want to dictate
[11:06] taste. In other words, they have the
[11:08] authority to tell others what a "good
[11:09] life" is, and you are expected to
[11:11] follow their guidance, even though they
[11:12] can't afford it themselves. They can't
[11:14] afford it, yet they tell others what
[11:16] they should wear this season. For
[11:17] example, I often look at those young
[11:19] girls in old fashion magazines, and I
[11:21] feel so sorry for them, constantly
[11:23] talking about the "five must-have bags
[11:24] for every stylish woman this season."
[11:26] They can't afford a single one of those
[11:28] bags; it’s just so absurd.
[11:30] So, I actually agree with Professor Wu
[11:32] to some extent—that most people are
[11:34] probably rational, and most people
[11:35] really wouldn't buy things they can't
[11:37] afford, right? However,
[11:39] They might do it occasionally, but they
[11:41] won't do it long-term. But the problem
[11:43] is that these "standard requirements"
[11:45] are very realistic. Don't just say
[11:47] things that sound good; I saw that
[11:49] survey.
[11:50] Eighty percent of women have
[11:52] requirements for a spouse, saying your
[11:54] income cannot be lower than 5,000.
[11:56] Uh, and most women say, "I want a man,
[11:59] how are we going to get married?" They
[12:01] demand a dowry and that you own a home.
[12:04] Can you say they are wrong? With 996,
[12:07] you just can't get it done. But then,
[12:09] if the labor bureau comes and asks, "
[12:10] Why did you make them work 996?" The
[12:11] boss says, "I didn't make them work
[12:13] 996."
[12:14] My boss says, "I can finish this work
[12:16] in five hours a day." How do you
[12:19] measure my work task? How many hours a
[12:22] day does it require? How do you
[12:24] determine if the task I assigned
[12:26] requires overtime to complete?
[12:28] Or maybe they're just slow. Right? One
[12:31] person finishes in eight hours, but
[12:33] another needs fifteen.
[12:34] There's really no way to define it. And
[12:36] if you can't finish, they can just
[12:37] replace you with someone willing to do
[12:39] it, or someone who is more efficient
[12:40] than you. So, naturally, they think, "
[12:42] If I want to do this job well and keep
[12:44] my livelihood, finding a job isn't easy
[12:46] ." There is another issue, which is the
[12:48] mobile phone. We are all online 24
[12:50] hours a day, actually...
[12:52] This problem is actually even more
[12:54] serious.
[12:54] But the French know how to handle it;
[12:55] they came up with something called the
[12:57] "right to disconnect."
[12:58] Yes.
[12:59] It means that after I get off work, I
[13:00] have the right not to be in contact
[13:02] with my boss.
[13:02] To lose contact. Don't send me...well,
[13:05] not WeChat messages. Yes, if they
[13:08] contact you, you can sue them. But that
[13:10] isn't some sort of mandatory legal
[13:13] regulation.
[13:13] It's that you still need to find a
[13:15] solution within the company.
[13:17] But he spoke out, saying I have the
[13:19] right to be unreachable.
[13:21] Another thing is, take these employees
[13:24] after they get off work—in Beijing or
[13:26] any major Chinese city today—they
[13:29] face a problem we rarely see elsewhere:
[13:31] the commute time. We just saw them
[13:35] lining up at 5:30; what’s going on
[13:38] there? Actually, in a big city like
[13:41] Beijing where all the tech companies
[13:43] are, you could calculate it this way:
[13:46] they work 996, but the time they
[13:48] actually dedicate to the job is more
[13:50] like 9-3 or 9-4. Because just the
[13:54] commute alone takes, say, four hours a
[13:56] day, so a situation has emerged where a
[13:59] group of young people have gotten used
[14:01] to "three-phase sleep"—they sleep in
[14:03] their beds when they get home at night.
[14:07] Two hours on the way to work, if you
[14:10] take the bus or subway early and get a
[14:12] seat without transferring much, you
[14:14] sleep in segments then, and again on
[14:17] the way home. The "three-phase sleep"
[14:19] method has turned into this.
[14:21] Strictly speaking, it's actually four
[14:23] phases, and why is that? Because under
[14:25] these conditions, they don't have much
[14:27] energy left on Sundays to go out and
[14:29] have fun. So, while they don't have to
[14:32] go to work on Sundays, they’ve been
[14:35] so drained of energy and spirit during
[14:37] the week that they basically spend
[14:39] their Sundays recovering from the work
[14:41] that consumed their lives. I see some
[14:45] young people, it's truly miserable.
[14:48] Living in Tuen Mun, Hong Kong, even if
[14:51] they don't work overtime and finish at
[14:54] six, it's packed with people. Waiting
[14:58] for five subway trains, watching out
[15:00] for perverts, and then finally getting
[15:03] home—what time is it? What time do
[15:06] you get home? By the time you finish
[15:08] dinner at nine or ten, you're
[15:09] completely exhausted. Why not learn
[15:11] from Brother Dong?
[15:13] That's Liu Qiangdong. I saw how moving
[15:16] it was when he said he slept on his
[15:18] office floor. Even the boss himself, he
[15:21] said these things...
[15:23] Doing customer service, I've really
[15:24] never seen this—doing customer
[15:26] service and setting an alarm for every
[15:28] two hours on the floor. When it went
[15:30] off, he'd wake up and immediately reply
[15:33] to customer queries. Brother Dong said,
[15:36] "I'm 811..." 81168, do you know what
[15:40] that means?
[15:41] 8 a.m. to 11 p.m., six days in a row.
[15:45] And the last "8" stands for working 8
[15:48] hours on Sunday.
[15:49] Anyone who strives is my brother. I
[15:52] heard a real-life story about a friend
[15:54] of mine in Beijing who works at an
[15:56] internet company. He explained why the
[15:58] office is still full at midnight; it's
[16:00] because these young people are all
[16:02] sharing apartments, and the space they
[16:04] go back to is actually very small.
[16:06] And maybe there’s no air conditioning
[16:07] or something—the conditions are just
[16:08] very poor, so they don’t want to go
[16:10] home. Sometimes, for this very reason,
[16:12] they would rather just stay at the
[16:13] office.
[16:14] There’s another issue involved here,
[16:15] because in major Chinese cities today
[16:17] like Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, and
[16:19] Shenzhen, many young workers are
[16:21] outsiders. They come from other places,
[16:23] their homes aren't here, so they have
[16:25] to find a place to settle down in
[16:26] Beijing, which means renting is their
[16:28] main option. If you’ve just entered
[16:29] the workforce, you have no idea how
[16:31] much money or how many years you’d
[16:32] need to save to buy a house, right? So,
[16:34] for renting, just think about it: when
[16:35] someone starts at a company, their
[16:37] salary is naturally going to be on the
[16:38] lower side. They can't afford expensive
[16:40] housing, and where are the expensive
[16:41] areas? For example, inside the Third
[16:43] Ring Road. They have the lowest salary,
[16:45] live the furthest away, and spend the
[16:47] most time on transit, so their daily
[16:49] commute is longer than anyone else's.
[16:51] Naturally, they end up being the most
[16:53] exhausted. However, the usual excuse we
[16:55] make for this situation is that if you
[16:57] work hard for two years, you can
[16:58] gradually move toward the Fourth Ring
[17:00] Road, then the Fifth Ring Road, and
[17:02] keep moving closer step by step.
[17:04] That’s the language of the successful
[17:06] . How many people work just like your "
[17:09] Brother Dong," and what’s the result?
[17:11] Death from overwork.
[17:13] Dying at 33. 35. I don’t mean to
[17:17] curse anyone, but honestly, this
[17:20] actually confuses a systemic issue with
[17:23] a matter of personal choice, right?
[17:27] People sometimes intentionally think
[17:29] only from their own perspective, but if
[17:32] you actually stand in their shoes, you
[17:34] can understand what everyone is saying.
[17:37] For example, I know. I have some
[17:40] friends who got rich, and their kids
[17:42] are "second-generation rich." I feel
[17:45] that, you know, many successful people
[17:47] still hold the value that labor is
[17:50] noble and workers are beautiful.
[17:52] Right? That work is the value of life,
[17:55] and a life without struggle is not
[17:57] worth living. But I, I prefer to recall
[18:00] what a Western philosopher said: "The
[18:03] unexamined life is not worth living."
[18:05] It means, have you ever thought about
[18:07] how you really intend to spend your
[18:09] life? You know, for instance, I have a
[18:12] friend who succeeded through hard work
[18:14] and lives a very good life. He’s
[18:16] quite progressive with his son, who
[18:18] lives in London. I was chatting with
[18:20] his son and told him, "Your son is
[18:22] scholar material; he’s an
[18:24] intellectual."
[18:25] Right. But he was worried. Because he
[18:28] has an agreement with his son that he
[18:30] shouldn’t rely on his father’s
[18:31] wealth. Still, he’s anxious, saying,
[18:33] "He wants to be a professor at a
[18:35] British university. I’ve checked, and
[18:37] professors don’t make much money."
[18:39] I told him, "Being a professor is fine,
[18:41] " but he asked, "Can he afford a big
[18:44] house?""In London, can he live the kind
[18:47] of life I do?" Exactly, he’s just
[18:49] worried.
[18:50] But you can’t stop his son from
[18:53] wanting that. His son prefers to spend
[18:55] his life as a professor rather than be
[18:57] as rich as his father. So, what do you
[19:00] say to that?
[19:01] I’ve heard many wealthy people say
[19:03] they hope their kids don't do anything
[19:04] in the future but just have fun. Some
[19:06] even say they shouldn’t go to school,
[19:08] telling them, "My dream is for you not
[19:10] to live like me, just go and have fun."
[19:12] Yes, and on the other hand, this isn't
[19:14] just an issue in China. Take Elon Musk,
[19:16] who wants to go to Mars; didn't he say
[19:18] something like that? He said no one can
[19:21] change the world by working 40 hours a
[19:23] week. But why is changing the world
[19:25] considered such a righteous thing?
[19:27] We really feel the same way about that,
[19:29] I truly do.
[19:30] I just feel that whenever he says it,
[19:32] it implies that this kind of ambition
[19:34] is righteous, like "I am right." But
[19:35] what about the many people who don't
[19:37] want to change the world, who just want
[19:39] to live a quiet life? What I mean to
[19:40] say is, and I’m not just speaking for
[19:42] myself...I’ve seen a lot of young
[19:44] people online, right? I really think
[19:46] sometimes, when people like Musk say
[19:48] they want to change the world...I
[19:50] believe some bosses are sincere.
[19:52] Whenever I try to learn how to make
[19:53] money from them, they end up telling me
[19:55] , "If you chase money, you won't make
[19:57] the big bucks. We operate on passion,
[19:59] and the money just follows." I’ve
[20:02] been learning this; it’s not just me.
[20:04] I even think this starting point is
[20:05] genuine. I even think they are sincere,
[20:08] right? Some bosses, some of the
[20:10] wealthiest people—being the richest
[20:12] isn't their life's purpose. They feel
[20:14] that changing the way humans live or
[20:16] changing a form of communication is
[20:18] their greatest success and sense of
[20:20] satisfaction. Right, that's fine, but
[20:23] what if someone says, "My greatest
[20:24] satisfaction in life comes from
[20:26] finishing a day's work, having a couple
[20:28] of drinks, watching some TV or American
[20:30] dramas, and I’m perfectly happy
[20:32] spending my whole life like this"—
[20:34] that’s truly happy, right? But that
[20:36] doesn't change the world, does it? But
[20:38] I want to ask, am I being vulgar then?
[20:40] Am I just
[20:41] Of course not. Of course not, but what
[20:44] you’re saying is true. For example,
[20:47] look at the biographies like Steve Jobs
[20:49] 'that are so popular in China now; if
[20:51] you look closely, a significant number
[20:54] of them—not all, though—these
[20:56] stories of the wealthy, many of them,
[20:58] especially early Silicon Valley
[21:01] entrepreneurs, didn't actually intend
[21:03] to get rich in the beginning. They were
[21:06] just tinkering with things in their
[21:08] garages because they genuinely enjoyed
[21:10] it, finding it interesting, and the
[21:12] potential to change things; getting
[21:14] rich was a later development.
[21:16] But they still had to hire many people
[21:18] to actually get it done. At the start,
[21:20] wasn't it just two or three people
[21:21] working on it, doing things for nothing
[21:23] ?
[21:23] Of course, there’s no mystery to this
[21:25] . If you have the ability to benefit
[21:27] millions of people, then theoretically,
[21:29] it would be unjust if you weren't
[21:30] wealthy, right? If you benefit millions
[21:33] , those millions will reward you, right
[21:35] ? You couldn't avoid it even if you
[21:37] wanted to. I once asked someone who
[21:39] manages private wealth, someone who
[21:41] deals with the wealthiest people. I
[21:43] asked him, "Can you tell me what kind
[21:45] of people they are, and what kind of
[21:47] person is able to make that kind of
[21:49] fortune?" He told me there are three
[21:51] types: one is the entrepreneur who
[21:53] truly invents and creates, like the
[21:55] Steve Jobs you mentioned; or those who
[21:57] inherit their wealth.
[21:58] And the third type are the high-level
[22:00] employees, perhaps at firms like
[22:01] McKinsey or other companies, who have
[22:03] risen to the very top. So I asked him,
[22:05] "Do they have any secrets?" What kind
[22:07] of person can earn that much money? He
[22:09] said all three types are the same: it's
[22:10] just luck. Lucky.
[22:12] He said, "Think of how many people work
[22:14] hard, how many people are like Steve
[22:16] Jobs." He said, in the end, it’s just
[22:18] luck, pure luck.
[22:19] Of course you have to work hard, but
[22:21] you need luck on top of that effort, he
[22:23] said.
[22:23] Of course, we Chinese have that old
[22:26] saying: "Small wealth comes from
[22:28] frugality, great wealth is ordained by
[22:31] heaven." Eight words that sum it up,
[22:35] but let's not forget what Jobs said
[22:37] before he died: I spent too much time
[22:40] working.
[22:41] Right. I truly regret it; I should have
[22:45] spent my main energy, time, and spirit
[22:47] on being with my family and developing
[22:50] my own spiritual insights. So, we talk
[22:53] about Jobs becoming wealthy, becoming a
[22:56] master, yet in the end, he was full of
[22:58] regret. Moreover, in all these
[23:01] discussions we've had, we've forgotten
[23:03] two words—two very important words:
[23:06] exploitation. Right.
[23:08] So, as a system, the core of "996" is
[23:11] essentially exploitation. If it's a
[23:14] system like this, you can't exploit
[23:16] people. You could let people choose—
[23:19] whether they want to do 8118, it
[23:21] doesn't matter. But you cannot force
[23:23] people into 996, because it involves
[23:26] exploitation. What’s so bad about
[23:28] exploitation? It prevents a complete
[23:30] person from being a complete person.
[23:33] Basically, their life becomes just for
[23:35] this work, and it's not even their own
[23:37] work. It’s the alienation of someone
[23:40] else’s work, right? You know the
[23:43] ideal state of humanity we all talk
[23:45] about: fishing in the morning, a little
[23:47] drink in the afternoon, playing cards
[23:50] at night, and then hanging out with the
[23:52] wife—that's not a struggle for you?
[23:55] No.
[23:56] So, as I just said, I think it doesn't
[23:58] matter; how many hours you want to work
[24:01] is your own business. The problem is
[24:03] you can't force me into 996. Right,
[24:06] following up on that, I think the issue
[24:08] isn't that simple. For example, if we
[24:11] say, "No one should be forced to work a
[24:13] certain way," right? Whether or not one
[24:16] is willing to do 996 should be a matter
[24:18] of personal choice, a freedom of
[24:20] individual choice. That reasoning is
[24:22] very sound. Mm.
[24:24] But I have discovered that the
[24:25] complexity of society is reflected in
[24:27] the most profound human problems—
[24:29] where are they reflected? They are
[24:31] reflected in two experiences I had when
[24:33] I first visited Paris, the Paris you
[24:35] mentioned.
[24:36] I feel it's not just a matter of
[24:38] personal choice. Look, when I was
[24:41] buying jeans in Paris, there really are
[24:43] shopkeepers who don't care about making
[24:46] money. They close at 5 o'clock, you
[24:49] know?
[24:50] I picked out a pair of jeans; I have to
[24:52] try them on, right? When I finished
[24:54] trying them on and walked to the
[24:56] counter, their clock hit exactly five.
[24:58] Mm.
[24:59] At the checkout, I was holding my
[25:01] credit card at the register. I'm sorry,
[25:03] I couldn't understand the French, but
[25:05] they were closing.
[25:06] I said they just wouldn't sell it to me
[25:08] , which was so frustrating. They closed
[25:10] at 5 o'clock and told me to come back
[25:12] tomorrow. That was one impression. What
[25:14] was the second impression? We saw a
[25:19] protest on the streets of Paris, and at
[25:21] first, the translator said it was the
[25:23] French workers protesting against
[25:26] overtime.
[25:28] But then he took a closer look at the
[25:30] signs and told me something that
[25:32] completely confused me. He said, "Oh,
[25:34] actually, no." They weren't protesting
[25:36] against being forced to work overtime.
[25:38] They were protesting against the boss
[25:40] allowing those who wanted to work
[25:41] overtime to do so. Right.
[25:43] Do you understand? It means I have the
[25:45] freedom to choose, but this kind of
[25:47] large-scale freedom of choice
[25:48] eventually leads to a problem.
[25:49] It's not...
[25:50] Those who are willing to work overtime
[25:52] earn more.
[25:53] And I get left behind.
[25:54] There's pressure.
[25:56] There is. So, a profound issue now is
[25:58] the disparity. What do we do about this
[26:00] ? We both work at the same company.
[26:03] Right, the boss says we should all rest
[26:05] well, let's all get some good rest.
[26:07] They also say, "Yes, yes, yes," but in
[26:09] the end, they're still working at 11
[26:11] p.m. What would the boss think then?
[26:13] Exactly, they'll think they're the ones
[26:16] working hard. Right, so how do we
[26:18] resolve this contradiction?
[26:19] But I want to bring up another point:
[26:21] this kind of exploitation is actually
[26:23] more serious than we imagine. It's not
[26:27] just that it creates health issues,
[26:29] like not being able to sleep at night.
[26:34] It's not just about that, is it?
[26:37] There's a deeper problem. Human labor
[26:40] —all employees are selling their own
[26:42] labor to the boss to earn that salary
[26:45] and get bonuses. Labor is not an
[26:48] infinite resource. People aren't
[26:50] machines; labor needs to be reproduced.
[26:52] My own labor needs to be reproduced too
[26:55] . How is labor reproduced? For example,
[26:57] I need sufficient sleep, I need to eat,
[26:59] and I need to rest.
[27:00] Maybe if you look at Americans, they
[27:02] might think renting is fine, right?
[27:04] But in our country, it's very realistic
[27:06] , isn't it? If a girl says to you, "
[27:08] I'll marry you if you have a house," I
[27:09] find that shocking.
[27:10] Mm.
[27:11] Shocking?
[27:13] I'm okay. I have my own. You could
[27:16] marry into a family with a house, right
[27:18] ? Oh, well then you have an advantage,
[27:21] right.
[27:23] You have an advantage, but for a man
[27:25] with low self-esteem, that advantage
[27:27] either makes him a freeloader, or if he
[27:29] doesn't want to be with you, it makes
[27:31] him feel incredibly inferior and
[27:33] resentful that you're better than him,
[27:35] so that's not really an advantage. I
[27:37] used to go out with this guy, and I was
[27:39] the one paying every time, even when we
[27:42] ate somewhere expensive, and he’d
[27:44] brag, "Look how different I am from
[27:46] other Chinese men; I believe in
[27:48] equality," so every time...
[27:50] That’s great.
[27:51] After a year of that, I started to feel
[27:53] like something wasn't quite right.
[27:54] You see, you’re an independent,
[27:56] self-reliant, and self-loving woman,
[27:57] right? Meaning you don't really care
[27:59] about the other person's income. One
[28:01] day, a girl said something to me that
[28:03] really resonated—she said we work so
[28:05] hard just so that one day, when we
[28:06] choose someone, we don't have to
[28:08] consider their so-called conditions.
[28:10] By doing that, you're actually
[28:12] unlocking yourself from a set of
[28:14] shackles, you know? Sometimes, when you
[28:16] overthink things, you’re actually
[28:17] just adding more and more shackles to
[28:19] yourself, and those are shackles you
[28:21] have to remove on your own. So, this
[28:23] touches on your personal perspective
[28:25] versus cultural perceptions; that’s
[28:27] basically what all research on marriage
[28:30] and dating says.
[28:31] Two types of people have the hardest
[28:32] time finding a partner: highly
[28:33] accomplished women like you, and men at
[28:35] the lower end of the socioeconomic
[28:37] spectrum.
[28:37] Their difficulty lies in having too
[28:39] many options.
[28:40] Right. They can never seem to settle
[28:43] down.
[28:43] Because their situation is different;
[28:45] they might have money, charm, and all
[28:47] sorts of things, making them unique,
[28:49] but statistically speaking, there has
[28:50] always been a social expectation that
[28:52] men should be slightly "higher" than
[28:54] women. Many past studies have shown
[28:56] that the male standard is three times
[28:58] higher than the female one, which is
[29:00] relatively stable. At this point, you
[29:02] can see these expectations and many
[29:04] things are changing; that's why I think
[29:07] the question we were discussing is:
[29:09] amidst all these social expectations,
[29:12] these so-called standard and premium
[29:14] requirements, can your true self still
[29:16] find its place? Doesn't this, to some
[29:20] extent, also show that our lives are
[29:22] getting better and better?
[29:24] Right? At the same time, look, our
[29:26] parents wouldn't have even dared to
[29:28] imagine these things; even if you say
[29:29] these "standards" or the pressure on
[29:31] young people is high, at least you have
[29:32] the clothes and the things to use.
[29:34] Yeah, exactly. Right, it's like the
[29:36] economy is developing, but with this
[29:39] economic growth, haven't our souls been
[29:41] left behind? That's it, so I think we
[29:43] need to study psychological issues.
[29:45] Truly, I feel that in today's world,
[29:47] there are two important fields:
[29:49] philosophy and psychology. It's just
[29:52] like "the unexamined life is not worth
[29:54] living." You have to study so many
[29:56] things; if you don't examine or study
[29:59] them,
[29:59] you’re just a pitiful person who gets
[30:02] deceived, manipulated, hypnotized, and
[30:04] bamboozled. For example, let me tell
[30:07] you about an experiment. A foreign
[30:09] professor—I forget his name—
[30:11] conducted a study with over 100
[30:14] students. He started by giving some
[30:16] students a low evaluation, telling them
[30:19] their test scores were terrible. It was
[30:21] a mock test, essentially, where he told
[30:24] them their scores were very poor.
[30:26] Then, he showed them a photo taken by a
[30:29] photographer and asked if they would
[30:31] like to purchase it. In the end, it
[30:34] turned out that the students who
[30:36] received the low evaluation—those
[30:38] told their scores were poor—had a
[30:40] much higher desire to buy the photo
[30:42] than......
[30:43] those who were told they did well on
[30:45] the test.
[30:46] So, you see, this experiment shows that
[30:49] when people encounter setbacks or
[30:51] failure,
[30:52] they are actually more prone to buying
[30:55] things.
[30:55] Just like what you mentioned earlier—
[30:57] that fundamental point—when a person
[30:59] receives a good self-evaluation, their
[31:01] desire to possess "high-end" conditions
[31:03] decreases because they feel recognized
[31:06] within their relationships.
[31:07] On the other hand, when someone has a
[31:09] very low self-evaluation, they want to
[31:10] latch onto those high-end conditions.
[31:12] Mm-hmm.
[31:13] They think, "Look, if I’m connected
[31:15] to that thing, my sense of self becomes
[31:17] better." That’s why, if Chinese
[31:19] parents want their children not to
[31:20] constantly chase a "high-spec"
[31:22] lifestyle, they need to realize that
[31:24] the best "high-spec" is love. We often
[31:26] say love is abstract. I remember during
[31:29] one Spring Festival Gala, there were
[31:31] some children singing and dancing. They
[31:33] said, "Love is praising me, love is
[31:35] hugging me, love is this and that." You
[31:38] see, if parents hug their children more
[31:40] , praise them more, and give them more
[31:42] validation, those children will have
[31:44] attained a truly high-spec life. So you
[31:46] mean it’s not a lack of money, but a
[31:49] lack of love?
[31:50] But I think there's another point,
[31:52] which is the lack of happiness. I
[31:54] really understand what Mr. Wen just
[31:56] said, that the moment of purchase might
[31:59] truly be the only happy moment in their
[32:01] day. Think about it, after a 996 shift,
[32:04] that's the highlight of their day.
[32:06] Right, and that's because they can't
[32:08] find a sense of meaning or joy in their
[32:10] work. Another point is why many in the
[32:13] older generation feel young people buy
[32:16] "useless" things instead of necessities
[32:18] like houses or cars; it's simply
[32:20] because they really can't afford them.
[32:23] Take a girl who buys five lipsticks a
[32:26] month for 1,500 yuan. That 1,500 yuan
[32:28] brings her immense joy, but 1,500 yuan
[32:31] is still a long way from buying a house
[32:34] . So, on that level, I can understand
[32:36] their perspective.
[32:37] It’s like how I think I’m much more
[32:39] generous than many of my business owner
[32:41] friends.
[32:42] Yeah.
[32:43] Or rather, I’m much more spendthrift,
[32:45] simply because I can't afford those
[32:47] villas they have anyway, you know? We
[32:49] just buy a couple of clothes. Speaking
[32:52] of which, I really feel like I have an
[32:54] addiction lately; I need to quit, I
[32:56] really do. But from it, you can
[32:58] experience the pleasure of consumption,
[33:00] the desire to consume. For example, I
[33:03] buy clothes from this small brand—not
[33:06] some world-famous label—they aren't
[33:08] too expensive, but buying a lot of them
[33:11] adds up.
[33:13] What I really love about this brand is
[33:15] their textiles.
[33:19] The texture of the cotton and linen,
[33:21] and the way it feels against my skin,
[33:24] you know? And it’s reached a point
[33:27] where I have to visit the store every
[33:29] time I return to Hong Kong. Oh my,
[33:31] I’ll go no matter how busy I am. I
[33:33] stand in their shop, and last night in
[33:36] bed, I realized I’d bought a whole
[33:38] bed's worth of stuff, but what I really
[33:40] wanted was just this cotton and linen.
[33:42] They just make them into different
[33:45] styles, and then,
[33:46] Oh, you know I really get that feeling.
[33:49] Every time I buy something, I feel like
[33:52] I've eaten a piece of bread—I just
[33:54] feel so satisfied. Really? Sometimes
[33:58] when a show doesn't go well and I'm
[34:00] unhappy, or I've had some
[34:01] unpleasantness with someone, I just
[34:03] head over there.
[34:05] And when I come back, I feel like I'm
[34:07] bathed in that scent of pure cotton and
[34:10] linen.
[34:10] Do you know what you're saying? You're
[34:12] silently setting yourself up to be
[34:14] psychoanalyzed again.
[34:16] Alright, let's analyze this. You're
[34:18] talking about a mother's embrace.
[34:20] Oh, moth-
[34:22] You see, that soft, linen-like feeling
[34:24] is exactly what you're searching for.
[34:26] Lacking maternal love.
[34:27] Lacking the touch, lacking the touch.
[34:30] Seriously, seriously, just let it be.
[34:33] You really should contribute more.
[34:36] We'll just take turns touching you
[34:38] later.
[34:38] What he said—oh, thank you, your
[34:41] analysis is really excellent. You know,
[34:44] a while back in Beijing, there was an
[34:47] exhibition by a very famous Western
[34:49] lady named Bourgeois. Yes, you’ll
[34:51] notice that many of her themes are
[34:54] related to motherhood, and notice the
[34:56] materials she uses.
[34:58] They are all those scraps, or old
[35:00] bedsheets and old sofa fabrics from
[35:03] around the house, which she stitches
[35:05] together with fine needlework. The
[35:07] texture of these materials reminds you
[35:10] of home, of maternal love, and of a
[35:12] mother. It also reminds me of a word in
[35:15] English. Some people keep this habit
[35:17] even into adulthood. Can you help me
[35:20] think of what that word is? It's just
[35:22] something from their childhood, maybe a
[35:24] piece of cloth from their mom, or a
[35:26] small towel—what's that thing called?
[35:28] Anyway, there’s a word for it in
[35:29] English. Many foreign adults have them.
[35:32] They carry a small blanket with them.
[35:34] No, I mean, they still do it every
[35:35] night when they sleep.
[35:36] They have to grab and touch that piece
[35:38] of cloth. That’s called a comfort
[35:39] object.
[35:40] Yes, exactly! So, so, so, this is what
[35:43] we are…what we are pointing out here.
[35:45] You see,
[35:46] None of these things cost much money.
[35:49] Even though you feel like this clothing
[35:51] or this item is already a bit expensive
[35:53] , if you’re truly looking for this,
[35:55] then you see, these are actually
[35:57] extensions of the mother or extensions
[35:59] of maternal love. Why do we call them
[36:01] comfort objects? There is another term
[36:04] called a "transitional object." To put
[36:06] it plainly, it acts as a symbol of the
[36:08] mother. When some children are very
[36:09] young, they might share a small pillow
[36:11] with their mom, or have a small blanket
[36:13] they share with her. That small blanket
[36:15] is understood by the child as being the
[36:17] mother.
[36:18] Since the child can't control the
[36:19] mother—she has to go on business
[36:21] trips or go to work—they can control
[36:22] that small piece of cloth, saying, "I
[36:24] am with Mom," as a substitute.
[36:25] Yes, that’s it. That’s why many
[36:27] things are extensions like this.
[36:29] You are a psychologist. I previously
[36:31] thought I was just addicted to consumer
[36:33] desires.
[36:33] Oh, so it turns out you were just
[36:34] searching for maternal love.
[36:36] Lacking touch. Consumption is truly a
[36:39] significant matter. For instance, a
[36:42] classic political philosophy book was
[36:44] recently translated into Chinese. It
[36:48] discusses a concept called "possessive
[36:51] individualism," which suggests that
[36:53] decades ago, it was said that modern
[36:55] people are "possessive individuals."
[36:59] This means: what do we modern people
[37:02] use to prove and define our existence
[37:05] today? It is determined by how many
[37:07] things I have and how many things I
[37:10] possess. The things I own also explain
[37:13] who I am. Building on this to discuss
[37:16] modern society, some people have
[37:18] expanded upon it and modified Descartes
[37:21] ' famous quote, right? "I think,
[37:23] therefore I am." But now many people
[37:26] say it's not that; it's "I shop,
[37:29] therefore I am."
[37:30] Because I need to use the things I buy
[37:32] to explain exactly what kind of person
[37:35] I am. Building on that—and I've heard
[37:38] what was said—I’d like to add a
[37:40] point following Professor Duo's remarks
[37:42] . You see, Professor Duo, anything that
[37:45] genuinely relates to people and love is
[37:47] usually not that expensive. But what is
[37:50] the most expensive thing? Look, when we
[37:52] talk about your connection with your
[37:54] mother, you’re searching for a
[37:56] blanket, searching for this, searching
[37:58] for objects, because you just mentioned
[38:00] that ambiguous thing: the bed. You see,
[38:02] when you cover your bed with clothes
[38:04] and lie there, you feel especially
[38:06] satisfied.
[38:07] Let me share this with you, Professor
[38:09] Wu: I have a habit where I can't get
[38:11] out of bed immediately every morning.
[38:13] When I wake up, I have to linger for a
[38:16] while; I feel like the day can only
[38:18] start then. While lingering, I have to
[38:21] hug the quilt to get my fill. Is this
[38:24] also a sign of lacking love? At this
[38:28] moment, we wonder whether you are a
[38:31] normal person
[38:33] or actually just that infant longing
[38:35] for its mother.
[38:36] So you mean that a person filled with
[38:38] love in their heart will not engage in
[38:40] high consumption?
[38:41] I’ll make a small inference here.
[38:44] There is a psychological term called "
[38:46] regression." What is regression? It
[38:49] means, for example, if we imagine human
[38:51] psychological development has stages
[38:53] one, two, three, four, and five. The
[38:54] higher the stage, the more difficult
[38:56] the challenges. The lower the stage,
[38:58] the easier it is to obtain satisfaction
[39:00] . When you face setbacks at a high
[39:02] stage, you want to regress to a place
[39:03] where you once found satisfaction to
[39:05] seek some fulfillment. For you, even
[39:07] though you have high emotional
[39:09] intelligence, you still face setbacks
[39:11] at work. When you encounter failures at
[39:13] a high level, you return to your
[39:15] mother’s arms to seek comfort and
[39:16] find satisfaction. Basically, whenever
[39:18] you form a relationship with someone,
[39:20] you can see that this is what you’re
[39:22] looking for. But what is the worst
[39:24] thing? It’s omnipotent narcissism.
[39:27] It’s like what we mentioned earlier:
[39:29] before an infant forms a bond with
[39:30] their mother, everyone has something to
[39:32] satisfy themselves with—a sense of
[39:34] omnipotence, or omnipotent narcissism.
[39:36] Omnipotent narcissism.
[39:38] Yes, omnipotent narcissism means "I am
[39:40] God,""I am the best." You see, things
[39:42] like wanting to be a king, being number
[39:44] one, or needing everything to be
[39:46] perfect are all related to this. It
[39:48] means that when you aren't fulfilled in
[39:50] your relationship with your mother or
[39:52] your primary caregiver. You regress,
[39:54] you retreat to this state.
[39:56] Are you saying, for example, when a
[39:58] baby is a few months old?
[39:59] Babies feel like the whole world at
[40:01] birth.
[40:02] Right, they are the world’s number
[40:04] one, or they are the world’s god. So
[40:06] everyone can find satisfaction in
[40:07] omnipotent narcissism, therefore...
[40:09] Then what is the mother to them? In
[40:11] their world...
[40:12] The mother is just a part of them. I am
[40:14] the mother, and the mother is me; there
[40:16] are no boundaries. I’ve heard that
[40:18] babies a few months old actually
[40:20] can’t distinguish between "self" and
[40:22] "other."
[40:22] They can't even perceive the boundaries
[40:24] of their own body.
[40:25] Exactly. So, they use this omnipotent
[40:27] narcissism to manifest many things,
[40:29] leading to a need for perfection—they
[40:31] must possess the very best things. This
[40:33] is where the serious consumerism we
[40:34] mentioned earlier might stem from, or
[40:36] out-of-control consumption. For
[40:38] instance, we all know we live in a
[40:40] consumer society, but some people are
[40:42] completely out of control, always
[40:43] chasing things they simply cannot
[40:45] afford.
[40:46] In reality, they are seeking that
[40:48] primal, omnipotent satisfaction. See, I
[40:50] can own the best things, and use that
[40:53] to prove that I am the best.
[40:55] But this is a lonely game. However,
[40:57] once they are able to gain a certain
[40:59] level of satisfaction in relationships,
[41:01] perhaps like you looking for a blanket
[41:02] or something similar.
[41:03] How miserable.
[41:05] I should have prepared more pieces of
[41:07] cloth when I was young; they were very
[41:09] cheap, indeed.
[41:10] But I think everyone’s comfort object
[41:11] is different. Like, for me, when I...
[41:14] Be careful, you keep talking about your
[41:15] comfort objects, later this will...
[41:17] No, no, it's just that I go to a
[41:18] certain brand. I, I go to a brand, and
[41:21] I just go touch one of their jackets
[41:23] that's worth 168,000. When I was in
[41:25] college, whenever I was in a bad mood,
[41:27] I would go touch that jacket, and I
[41:29] would get huge satisfaction. So I, so I
[41:31] just said this, it's something I can
[41:33] never afford, so I think the way you
[41:35] define a poor person, sometimes it's
[41:38] not about your income level, but when
[41:40] your desires exceed your earnings, you
[41:43] are actually a poor person. There's one
[41:45] more thing, if I analyze you, it might
[41:47] not go well, let's talk about something
[41:50] else.
[41:50] Let's analyze Wendao.
[41:52] That is, when we haven't reached a 60-
[41:55] point satisfaction level, when our
[41:57] basic needs aren't met, we try to seek
[41:59] perfection, to get 100 points.
[42:01] But when it's just wanting 100 points.
[42:03] He, in fact, actually works quite long
[42:05] overtime hours too.
[42:06] Yes.
[42:07] Hmm, right.
[42:09] How does Boss Liang see this?
[42:11] It's very normal.
[42:12] Now that you're a boss. Their company
[42:14] does 996, I'm not opposing it. No, it's
[42:17] because of this, because in our small
[42:20] company, we actually don't require 996,
[42:23] we don't even say that; we follow
[42:25] normal working hours for everyone. But
[42:30] most employees are quite hardworking
[42:33] and voluntarily do 996, or even 7/11,
[42:36] at work. Hey.
[42:38] This just goes to show that where you
[42:40] sit determines where you stand, you
[42:42] know? Some people praise Huawei, saying
[42:45] if anyone is qualified to demand
[42:47] overtime, it's Huawei, why? They say
[42:50] Ren Zhengfei...
[42:51] The founder's own shares might only be
[42:54] 1%, with 99%belonging to the employees,
[42:57] which means we are all striving
[43:00] together, so overtime is understandable
[43:02] . Do you agree?
[43:04] Oh, if that's the case, I think so too.
[43:07] That means his employees feel that
[43:08] their contributions lead to rewards.
[43:10] But in many other companies, it's like
[43:12] I'm burning myself out for the boss's
[43:14] ambition, dream, or whatever, and they
[43:15] might feel there's no, no...they feel
[43:17] there's no reason for it. I think you
[43:19] need to round this out, like, what can
[43:21] they actually get? It's actually quite
[43:23] realistic. I only learned about
[43:25] something called OT when I got to Hong
[43:27] Kong, meaning you...
[43:28] It’s overtime, right? Outside of your
[43:31] regular working hours. When I first
[43:33] came to Hong Kong, I realized those
[43:34] hours could either be given back as
[43:36] time off or paid out, which I thought
[43:38] was quite reasonable. Actually,
[43:39] legislation in Hong Kong isn't fully
[43:42] complete in this regard. Take the
[43:44] minimum wage law, for instance—it
[43:46] only started a few years ago. There’s
[43:50] been ongoing talk about setting maximum
[43:52] working hours, like in many other parts
[43:54] of the world, where you can’t make
[43:56] employees work over a certain number of
[43:59] hours per week. But that law doesn't
[44:02] exist yet; it hasn't been set. But
[44:04] actually, we have a Labor Law in the
[44:07] Mainland with specific regulations.
[44:09] Could you trace that history for us?
[44:12] Yijun, I’ve experienced it all. Back
[44:17] in the 1980s, we initially worked six
[44:20] days a week, right?
[44:23] Later on, I think it was '94, that’s
[44:26] when it started—the "big week, small
[44:29] week" system, do you remember? A "big
[44:31] week" meant working five days, and a "
[44:33] small week" meant working six. Then, in
[44:35] '95, it became the two-day weekend. We
[44:38] rested.
[44:39] At that time, they were saying we
[44:40] should find ways to improve labor
[44:42] efficiency.
[44:43] And by letting employees rest more, it
[44:45] could also promote the......
[44:47] tertiary sector. But today, this issue
[44:50] has become so heated again. Actually,
[44:52] to my mind, what was being discussed a
[44:54] while ago was mainly......some
[44:56] successful individuals......
[44:57] or internet moguls, if you will.
[45:00] They talk about "striving," right? Some
[45:03] people, even if they wanted to work 996
[45:05] , they couldn't, right? The idea is
[45:08] that 996 is the "glory of the striver,"
[45:10] or something to that effect. Naturally,
[45:13] a lot of people started pushing back.
[45:16] Take a programmer, for example, who
[45:18] says, "I'd rather not marry, not have
[45:20] kids, and not buy a house...""...
[45:23] than work myself to death at my desk. I
[45:26] don't want 996."
[45:28] Hmm, but I’ve found that it really
[45:29] depends on the industry. Just talking
[45:31] about the internet sector...Take, for
[45:33] example, what you just said about us
[45:34] unscrupulous types.
[45:35] Unscrupulous boss, good boss,
[45:37] unscrupulous boss.
[45:39] We started out in publishing, for
[45:41] instance. There was no such concept as
[45:43] 996 there; publishing was quite normal.
[45:45] Of course, sometimes you’re rushing a
[45:47] manuscript, like reading proofs, so
[45:49] it’s hard to define if that falls
[45:50] under work scope. For example, editors
[45:52] in publishing houses are usually people
[45:54] who genuinely love to read. So, after
[45:56] they get off work, if they’re reading
[45:58] some books, are they actually working,
[46:01] or are they preparing for future
[46:02] projects? That is very hard to clearly
[46:05] distinguish. Basically, you won't see
[46:07] many people staying in the office to
[46:10] work overtime after hours. Well, later
[46:12] we started making video programs. Later
[46:15] on, for example, when we started making
[46:17] this app and really became
[46:19] internet-oriented, the situation
[46:21] changed. I could see the kids in our
[46:23] design department—I remember telling
[46:26] them, "Don't work too hard." I told
[46:28] them, "You must give yourselves enough
[46:30] rest, give yourselves extra time to
[46:33] visit exhibitions, browse through
[46:35] things, and see all kinds of stuff."
[46:37] My tasks must be finished on time.
[46:40] I didn't say that, or rather, I'd ask
[46:43] if they could handle it, and they'd say
[46:46] yes. Then I realized they were often
[46:48] working until 10 or 11 at night, and I
[46:51] wondered why. I later discovered it was
[46:54] really a limitation of the industry
[46:56] itself; the sense of time in publishing
[46:59] is completely different from internet
[47:01] time. On the internet, your daily
[47:04] updates and daily maintenance are done
[47:07] 24 hours a day. It's a bit like us,
[47:10] people in traditional media—do you
[47:12] remember when we used to do newspapers
[47:15] in Hong Kong, for instance, once the
[47:17] final edition was signed off?
[47:19] Then it was sent to the printing press,
[47:21] and everyone could rest, right? Then
[47:23] we'd go out for a late-night snack. But
[47:25] when all your news sites are running 24
[47:27] hours a day, there's no such thing as
[47:29] getting off work anymore.
[47:31] There is. Actually, everyone has shifts
[47:33] ; only the editor-in-chief can't get
[47:35] off work. Exactly, so it becomes,
[47:37] secondly, I think it's the competition
[47:40] in the whole environment. When everyone
[47:42] else can manage to post something at a
[47:44] specific time every day, if you don't
[47:47] follow suit, people will ignore you and
[47:49] stop watching you. The competition in
[47:52] the industry has reached this level.
[47:55] But as a system, you can't have a 996
[47:59] policy. If it's a work requirement, as
[48:02] Wendao mentioned regarding the needs of
[48:04] the job or the internet, fine. You can
[48:07] make appropriate arrangements as an
[48:09] employer.
[48:10] Right.
[48:11] I just want to ask, do you pay overtime
[48:13] ?
[48:13] Exactly, it's not just overtime pay.
[48:15] It's also about having more staff. More
[48:17] staff. Let me give an example unrelated
[48:19] to the internet industry.
[48:20] I personally participated in
[48:22] discussions on this, or rather, what
[48:24] was it? In Hong Kong, until three years
[48:27] ago, security guards only worked in two
[48:30] shifts.
[48:32] Two shifts.
[48:34] Then the government intervened, the
[48:37] Labour Department stepped in, and they
[48:39] pushed for changes, saying it wasn't
[48:41] humane and was too exhausting. Finally,
[48:44] we need to add resources and switch to
[48:46] three eight-hour shifts. Alright, those
[48:49] are the two sides. Then you hold a
[48:51] meeting to discuss it; you can easily
[48:54] come up with arguments like "we need
[48:56] this" or "it has benefits." Why would
[48:59] they agree? Because the longer I work
[49:01] as a security guard, the more I develop
[49:03] a connection with the residents living
[49:05] there. I have feelings for them and I
[49:07] can manage the situation.
[49:09] And this is a necessity for the
[49:10] industry; it’s actually good for the
[49:12] clients, so that’s how it is. But if
[49:14] you stand from the worker's perspective
[49:16] , even if you pay them extra, they're
[49:18] still exhausted. You're stripping away
[49:20] their personal lives, so that's not
[49:22] okay. So if you insist that industry
[49:25] competition requires this or that, I
[49:27] feel the employers absolutely need to
[49:30] invest the resources. I don't think
[49:32] this is just a legal issue. Even those
[49:35] bosses who claim there's no controversy
[49:38] say, "We would never force anyone into
[49:41] 996," right? That violates labor laws.
[49:46] However, the eighth national survey by
[49:48] the All-China Federation of Trade
[49:50] Unions found that this phenomenon is
[49:53] relatively common. Over 20 percent work
[49:57] more than 48 hours, and 44 percent of
[50:00] those surveyed reported not receiving
[50:03] full overtime pay. But, you know, I
[50:06] think modern society has a major
[50:09] problem: everyone is just too practical
[50:12] .
[50:12] Bosses would rather have you talk than
[50:14] work, right? Don't people love to talk
[50:17] about "skills" and "techniques"?
[50:19] But in my opinion, the problem lies
[50:21] right in that "talk."
[50:22] People are influenced by linguistic
[50:24] cues.
[50:24] By discourse, I mean.
[50:26] Sometimes I have to be especially
[50:28] vigilant about my own industry,
[50:30] including the internet; it’s
[50:31] constantly manufacturing terms. And
[50:33] these terms guide and exacerbate things
[50:36] . Is there "involution"? Perhaps. But
[50:39] once it becomes a big issue, you hear
[50:41] more and more people saying, "Oh, I'm
[50:43] involuting.""I'm involuting, I'm
[50:44] involuting," and then it starts to
[50:46] influence your choices. For example,
[50:48] are there people "lying flat"? There
[50:50] are always some who lie flat, but I've
[50:51] seen even more young people working
[50:53] hard, not lying flat at all. But when
[50:55] this trend comes along, it makes you
[50:57] forget—as they say in Beijing dialect
[50:59] —what you originally were. So, I
[51:00] truly believe that what people need is
[51:02] an independent personality and free
[51:04] thinking. You have such a courageous
[51:07] soul; you really are a free spirit.
[51:09] Sometimes I just wonder, why do you let
[51:11] yourselves be led by these online
[51:13] trends? Why do you feel the need to
[51:15] discuss them? You have your own
[51:17] concerns, and I want to make a
[51:18] documentary. Then I will make a
[51:20] documentary. Right? Unmoved by worldly
[51:23] distractions. I think some people are
[51:26] too easily swayed by these buzzwords.
[51:28] Maybe it's also a matter of context. I
[51:31] saw a host talking about "lying flat."
[51:35] He said in that segment that you can be
[51:37] resigned to your fate, but you can't
[51:39] lie flat. Resigned to your fate. As
[51:42] soon as I saw it, I replied to that. I
[51:44] said you can lie flat, but you
[51:45] shouldn't be resigned to your fate.
[51:47] Right? Compared to resignation, lying
[51:50] flat is better. Lying flat is physical,
[51:52] while resignation is psychological.
[51:54] Right? How can one be resigned to their
[51:57] fate? There’s another term I find
[51:59] very confusing. It’s been appearing
[52:01] very frequently lately; some articles
[52:03] use this one word from beginning to end
[52:04] . It’s called "setting the rhythm."
[52:07] Yes, yes, yes. Oh my, they call every
[52:09] kind of opinion "setting the rhythm"
[52:11] from start to finish.
[52:12] So, for us old men who like to dress up
[52:15] , what kind of "rhythm" is this?
[52:17] What kind of "rhythm" is this? Just now
[52:20] , this...
[52:21] Ma...
[52:22] Ma Jia-Hui said a word, and I think...
[52:25] It’s very important: being "decent."
[52:28] Let me translate that idea of decency.
[52:31] Actually, when it comes to dressing,
[52:34] cleanliness is truly very important.
[52:38] Hmm.
[52:39] And of course, if you have the means to
[52:42] dress appropriately, that’s a big
[52:44] step up. That is even more decent.
[52:48] After a few more steps, dressing
[52:50] becomes about amusing yourself.
[52:52] Hmm.
[52:54] I think this isn't about dressing for
[52:57] others; you don't care what they think.
[53:01] You might even laugh if you happen to
[53:03] see yourself in the mirror and look
[53:05] funny.
[53:08] So, I had an experience in Tokyo. I
[53:13] like shopping, so I passed by that
[53:15] Comme des Garçons store. I saw a pair
[53:21] of traditional tennis shoes, the kind
[53:23] we had when we were young, but the toe
[53:25] was stretched out about this long. I
[53:30] thought, these are too ridiculous, who
[53:32] would buy these? I just thought, surely
[53:36] no one could possibly like this design.
[53:40] In the afternoon, at an architects '
[53:43] meeting, a Japanese architect was
[53:45] wearing them. His feet were swinging as
[53:48] he walked, but he looked completely
[53:50] serious. Of course, I...I actually
[53:53] thought...
[53:54] Extremely uncoordinated.
[53:56] As an observer, I thought it seemed
[53:58] wrong, but it had nothing to do with me
[54:00] . He felt great about himself.
[54:02] So I need to learn this. I need to
[54:05] learn this. I realized, Teacher Zhang,
[54:07] you need to use this set of pictures to
[54:10] explain it to us. I really love
[54:11] listening to him talk about this. You
[54:14] ...
[54:14] I will explain this very quickly.
[54:17] First of all, it has a lot to do with
[54:19] those photos, yeah.
[54:20] So, I look at all kinds of photos and
[54:22] portraits, people wearing clothes.
[54:24] So this one, this is a representative
[54:26] one. I don't feel like judging whether
[54:28] his clothes look good or bad, because I
[54:30] don't know either. But I know these are
[54:33] his clothes; this isn't cosplay. Today,
[54:35] too many people are wearing clothes as
[54:38] cosplay.
[54:38] Ah.
[54:39] So, people back then were just like
[54:41] this.
[54:42] You think the difference between
[54:43] cosplay and this is that these are his
[54:44] own clothes, whereas in cosplay, the
[54:46] clothes aren't really yours.
[54:47] Exactly. Are you saying you have a bit
[54:49] of an opinion on cosplay?
[54:50] It's just for fun; it's not, you know
[54:52] ...
[54:52] Oh, it’s not natural.
[54:54] It’s not natural, look here.
[54:56] This, this.
[54:57] Zhang Zhong...
[54:58] Zhang Zizhong, well, his appearance is
[55:01] one thing. Look at his collar back then
[55:03] .
[55:04] The way it's worn.
[55:05] Doesn't that count as a Zhongshan suit?
[55:07] Uh, it should, but the Zhongshan suit
[55:08] basically came from European military
[55:10] uniforms. And it might even be
[55:11] German-style military uniforms.
[55:13] But it also seems quite similar to the
[55:15] small stand-up collar worn by the Qing
[55:16] emperors. Oh, the stand-up collar we
[55:18] have in China now is actually the same
[55:20] thing.
[55:21] So let's keep looking, look.
[55:23] This one later started wearing an
[55:24] American-style military uniform.
[55:25] Ah.
[55:26] This is my uncle.
[55:28] Oh, your uncle?
[55:29] He joined up to become a pilot and went
[55:31] to fight the Japanese devils.
[55:32] Hey, is it really, is your father in
[55:34] there?
[55:34] Yes, yes.
[55:36] His father was the famous architect
[55:38] Zhang Kaiji. Buildings like the Museum
[55:39] of the Chinese Revolution and those on
[55:41] Tiananmen Square were all by Mr. Zhang
[55:42] Kaiji.
[55:43] The Ten Great Buildings.
[55:44] Designed the Ten Great Buildings. It's
[55:46] the Diaoyutai State Guesthouse.
[55:48] Oh, and the reviewing stand on
[55:50] Tiananmen Square, right.
[55:52] This set of old photos is by a German
[55:54] photographer, I think his name is
[55:57] Sander, August Sander.
[55:59] Uh, his main work was in the interwar
[56:02] period. Why? Because too many people
[56:06] had died. So he had to count how many
[56:08] people were left in the city and take
[56:10] identification photos for them. Oh.
[56:12] He recorded these people one by one.
[56:17] Among them, like this photo, I know
[56:20] Yohji Yamamoto said he liked Sander,
[56:22] and actually, the one he liked most,
[56:25] specifically, was this one.
[56:28] And what was this person's identity?
[56:30] A Gypsy.
[56:32] Just someone on the streets of Germany.
[56:34] Yes, he was a Gypsy, a wanderer.
[56:37] That person there might be middle class
[56:40] . And let's look at this person, why
[56:42] show everyone an architect?
[56:44] Oh.
[56:45] That’s how it was back then, around
[56:48] the 1920s.
[56:48] Alright, these photos actually, of
[56:50] course, date back to my father’s time
[56:52] .
[56:52] Is this your father and you?
[56:54] And my brother.
[56:55] And your brother.
[56:56] He's Zhang Kaiji.
[56:58] Yes, my father is wearing this outfit
[56:59] here.
[57:00] Which years?
[57:01] I'd guess the 60s, early 60s. Is this
[57:05] standard blazer actually something worn
[57:08] in the drafting room? Like you painters
[57:12] , don't you also have a long...
[57:15] A long, what do you call it? Kind of
[57:18] like a work uniform.
[57:19] A lab coat, right? This collar is a bit
[57:22] like the one you're wearing today.
[57:24] It has a legacy.
[57:26] So, they say—my father is no longer
[57:28] with us—this piece might have been
[57:30] his own modification. It wasn't a
[57:32] brand-new design; architects of that
[57:34] era had their own standards.
[57:36] Yes, my dad, he was from Hangzhou and
[57:38] came to Beijing from Shanghai.
[57:40] He was actually experimenting with that
[57:42] style of clothing.
[57:43] Back then, did people find it strange
[57:45] to wear that on the streets of Beijing?
[57:46] I don't know, I was too young. We
[57:49] didn't find it strange because that’s
[57:51] just how he was, and when you see this,
[57:53] it’s basically what the weekend
[57:54] looked like.
[57:55] Ah.
[57:56] The material of this garment is, I
[57:59] suspect, similar to what I'm wearing
[58:01] today.
[58:01] Just like yours, the top button is
[58:03] buttoned. You have to respect the
[58:07] garment, because most people aren't
[58:09] really suited to wearing clothes that
[58:11] loosely.
[58:13] Ah.
[58:15] Unless you’re an Italian hunk, then
[58:17] you can just button it here.
[58:20] And nearly show your belly.
[58:23] Besides, when clothes are designed,
[58:25] they generally hope you wear them
[58:27] properly.
[58:28] Respect the garment when looking at it.
[58:30] It looks so good. This is what
[58:32] old-school men do—they keep it
[58:34] buttoned. In fact, when you stand up,
[58:37] you must button it, and when you sit
[58:39] down, it needs to be comfortable, so
[58:41] you unbutton it.
[58:42] So that is a gesture a man should make
[58:45] upon standing up.
[58:46] Right, right. Wearing a suit is a habit
[58:49] ; as soon as you stand up, you button
[58:51] it.
[58:51] Hey, but what about buttoning the last
[58:53] button on a suit?
[58:54] Well, it’s like this: for regular
[58:57] clothes with three buttons, it's
[58:59] probably better not to button the last
[59:01] one. But it's not absolute. Because I
[59:04] have a photo here, and he even buttons
[59:07] the bottom one. Like this person's
[59:09] outfit here. It's a newer design,
[59:11] relatively speaking, but the foundation
[59:13] is military uniform. Actually, the old
[59:16] photo I showed—the basis of all men's
[59:18] clothing is military uniforms.
[59:20] So there's a military vibe?
[59:22] Ah, it has form. It has more structure.
[59:26] That's it. And this also solves a
[59:28] problem, that one from just now...
[59:31] It can fit into trousers—it’s like
[59:33] a shirt tucked into the pants.
[59:35] Then this design is quite refined for
[59:37] this outfit.
[59:38] Because otherwise, the better the
[59:40] ready-to-wear, the longer it usually is
[59:42] .
[59:42] Right.
[59:43] So that’s where the problem lies.
[59:45] Right, I just don't want to tuck the
[59:47] shirt into my pants.
[59:49] And this, well, everyone might know PNE
[59:52] . He always dresses like a motorcycle
[59:54] cop, and he used to be an athlete.
[59:57] Ah.
[59:58] Let's look at the next one, this is a
[60:00] photo I took.
[60:01] Hey.
[60:03] I made friends because of dressing like
[60:05] this.
[60:07] Oh.
[60:08] Okay, look again, this is the owner of
[60:11] the shop I visit most in Paris.
[60:14] Hey, I think he dresses really well too
[60:16] .
[60:16] He...
[60:17] His hat is very distinctive.
[60:19] Yes, yes, yes. This old guy is actually
[60:23] my cousin, a graphic designer, who
[60:25] introduced me to this world of fashion.
[60:29] Oh, your cousin really has a very
[60:31] elegant look to him.
[60:33] He’s over seventy, wait, why are his
[60:35] hands so big? Like sculpted hands.
[60:38] Maybe it’s because I took the photo
[60:39] from a bit close, yes.
[60:40] Distortion, distortion.
[60:42] A fellow, an old friend, right?
[60:44] Yes, yes. Everyone, take another look.
[60:47] Anyway, this old man, with his hair
[60:48] combed back. He actually has a sense of
[60:50] style.
[60:51] A sense of style, pays attention to how
[60:52] he dresses.
[60:53] A shirt, of course, it might look good
[60:55] buttoned up too.
[60:56] He’s tall, about 1.8 meters.
[60:58] Hopefully, there will be a chance to
[61:00] take photos for everyone.
[61:01] Does everyone know this person?
[61:03] He’s a fashion stylist in Shanghai.
[61:05] Ah.
[61:06] I wear his clothes too. He’s wearing
[61:08] his own design, you might not know him,
[61:10] he’s a handsome Taiwanese architect.
[61:12] Hmm.
[61:14] Anyway, he has that look, I joke that
[61:16] he’s an Irish man. Oh, wonderful.
[61:19] Wearing a shirt like this.
[61:22] This was in Taipei, all these
[61:23] old-timers getting together for a photo
[61:26] .
[61:26] Hey.
[61:27] Good. This is just how I dress normally
[61:31] . This was when my wife and I went to
[61:34] find my mother’s hometown, she’s
[61:36] from Wuxi. We asked around in the old
[61:39] neighborhood, and they said, "That tree
[61:42] in the back must be from your family."
[61:44] Oh, so that’s where...
[61:46] Your outfit is quite interesting too.
[61:49] Yes, this is.
[61:50] And your camera angle is also
[61:52] interesting, it makes you look like you
[61:55] have a French hairstyle.
[61:56] The hairstyle is interesting too.
[61:59] Just looking at this image, it’s what
[62:01] I call "proper." The clothes are
[62:04] wonderful, and the proportions...
[62:06] It completely elongates the legs, they
[62:09] look very well-proportioned and upright
[62:11] . This is the effect of the clothing,
[62:14] it almost seems unreal.
[62:15] What about this one?
[62:16] Oh, this is actually my home, Lu Jia.
[62:20] Uh, with a friend who is a sculptor
[62:22] named Zhu Cheng.
[62:23] Hmm.
[62:25] From Chengdu.
[62:27] So Zhu Cheng bought the clothes and the
[62:29] hat, and Lu Jia was already wearing a
[62:32] hat. They looked like such a perfect
[62:35] match that they decided to put on a
[62:37] show.
[62:38] The joy of dressing up. Yes, it's
[62:41] actually fun, and this is a garment we
[62:43] designed.
[62:44] Look, the color even matches yours.
[62:48] That collar there, we actually designed
[62:51] it for Liang Sicheng.
[62:52] Ah.
[62:54] Did the clothes he brought back from
[62:56] the U.S. use to be like this?
[62:58] So in winter, when he felt it was too
[63:00] cold, he added a triangle to his vest.
[63:03] Added a triangle. Yes, just to keep
[63:06] warm. He recorded this in a letter to
[63:08] his then-wife Lin Huiyin, and even drew
[63:11] a sketch. I saw it, so I designed that
[63:13] collar onto a suit jacket; it can be
[63:16] flipped over.
[63:17] It’s on the left side now.
[63:18] When the weather gets cold, you just
[63:20] give it a...
[63:21] Oh, it covers it up.
[63:22] Exactly, it’s perfect. It was worth
[63:25] wearing your outfit today, since it
[63:27] matches the color scheme.
[63:28] The last one. This is my uncle who
[63:31] really loved dressing up. I believe he
[63:35] was over 90 in this photo, taken around
[63:39] 94 or 95, wearing a hat and a red shirt
[63:42] .
[63:43] Dressing up.
[63:45] Wow, this shows that no matter what age
[63:48] a person reaches......
[63:50] they can always find joy in dressing up
[63:52] .
[63:52] Right, it's about pleasing oneself.
[63:55] You just mentioned your uncle was the
[63:56] one who introduced you to the world of
[63:57] fashion. Was it my cousin?
[63:59] Cousin, I see. He led you into the
[64:01] world of fashion.
[64:02] What do you mean by that? Does it mean
[64:04] you didn't care about it before?
[64:05] Yes, I didn't care and was completely
[64:06] unconscious about it.
[64:07] How did he lead you into it? What did
[64:10] he say or do?
[64:11] He didn't really say anything. He grew
[64:14] up in Japan and Los Angeles, so he was
[64:17] essentially a foreigner. So one day,
[64:21] because I had traveled from Beijing to
[64:23] the U.S......and most of my relatives
[64:26] were in San Francisco. He flew up from
[64:31] Los Angeles just to see this cousin he
[64:33] had never met. The whole family had a
[64:37] meal together. After we finished and
[64:41] were walking back. He suddenly spotted
[64:46] a basement shop. He must have known
[64:50] about it. He told the rest of the
[64:56] family to keep chatting on the street
[64:58] above, and he just brought me inside.
[65:03] Once inside, it was a concrete box. The
[65:06] only thing, uh, how should I put it,
[65:09] that you could call a decoration—
[65:11] though it wasn't really a decoration—
[65:13] that was interesting in that space was
[65:16] the U-bend of the toilet from the floor
[65:18] above.
[65:19] It was exposed, with a laser light
[65:22] shining on it.
[65:23] Oh my, installation art.
[65:25] The setup, oh, it was, oh, it just
[65:28] looked so special at the time, and then
[65:31] inside. There were two rows of racks on
[65:33] the left and right, with a few pieces
[65:36] of clothing hanging. I had never seen a
[65:38] store like that. And then, wasn't there
[65:41] someone waiting above? I remember my
[65:44] cousin bought two pairs of pants. One
[65:48] red pair. One yellow pair.
[65:51] Hey.
[65:52] Oh, that must have been quite a visual
[65:54] shock for you back then.
[65:55] Yes, yes, exactly.
[65:57] To think you could buy red pants,
[65:58] yellow pants.
[65:59] Back in the 80s, China was entirely in
[66:01] the era of blue.
[66:02] That's right, that's right.
[66:04] Everything was all just that one shade.
[66:06] No, even in this day and age, for a man
[66:09] in his 30s to wear red or yellow pants,
[66:11] it takes courage.
[66:13] Yes, just like I need courage today.
[66:16] Unless you hold a certain status, I
[66:18] wouldn't dare. For ordinary people,
[66:21] black—like we just mentioned, black.
[66:24] Beyond all other reasons, it's the
[66:27] safest. Especially for men, as you
[66:31] reach a certain age, your muscle mass
[66:34] declines and your body ages, so black
[66:36] is the safest; it hides the flaws you
[66:39] don't want to show, not to mention it's
[66:41] convenient, right? We go...
[66:46] We can go to an opening ceremony, and
[66:48] then head straight to a funeral. It's
[66:50] just the safest choice. Yes, yes, at
[66:53] this age, you can't avoid these places
[66:55] anyway, you won't go wrong.
[66:56] So, I look at those photos, and I see
[66:59] they are very happy. In those photos of
[67:02] people who loved to dress up and knew
[67:05] how to dress, the people look happy and
[67:07] vibrant. They seem so spirited,
[67:10] satisfied, and attentive; I think this
[67:12] is very important. For men, I find it
[67:15] quite touching. Do you notice what your
[67:19] father wears? I recall I never really
[67:21] remembered what my parents wore my
[67:24] whole life, only once when I was about
[67:26] 20. I noticed my father, who was in his
[67:29] 40s then and had just been transferred
[67:31] to a decent-sized department as a
[67:33] manager in an organization. During that
[67:36] period, I noticed my father would wear
[67:38] a tie to work.
[67:40] He’d pick out a suit and all that.
[67:43] Since he worked at a newspaper office,
[67:45] usually you didn't need to wear a suit
[67:47] and tie to go to the office. Later I
[67:50] found out that the department he was
[67:53] transferred to managed the archives,
[67:55] and among the ten employees, including
[67:58] my father, nine were women. Okay, and I
[68:00] heard some of the young ladies had even
[68:03] complimented my father.
[68:04] Mmh. "
[68:05] Oh, Mr. Ma, you look so handsome today!
[68:09] " That was my father's peak; during
[68:11] that period, he’d dress up every
[68:14] single day for work. In his whole life,
[68:17] I think that was my father's highlight
[68:20] moment.
[68:20] Getting complimented by women, and then
[68:23] dressing up.
[68:24] I also know quite a few designers,
[68:27] Especially those in home decor or
[68:29] interior design. I've noticed they all
[68:32] look very good.
[68:33] Hmm.
[68:36] Well, I think especially for those home
[68:38] designers, they mostly deal with female
[68:41] homeowners, right? So, their stylish
[68:46] and appropriate appearance leaves a
[68:48] great impression. Which leads to them
[68:52] constantly getting new projects.
[68:54] So it's similar to the situation with
[68:57] Mr. Ma's father.
[68:59] Because when it comes to looks—aside
[69:01] from people like Daniel Wu, Takeshi
[69:03] Kaneshiro, or Eddie Peng, who we truly
[69:06] consider handsome—most people are
[69:08] fairly similar, with their own unique
[69:10] features. I think self-confidence is
[69:13] very important. Believe in yourself—
[69:17] for example, take young women nowadays,
[69:19] or even those not so young; they all
[69:22] like dressing quite cool, you know,
[69:24] short shorts, crop tops, and so on. OK.
[69:28] And I've noticed, perhaps it's a bias.
[69:32] When I was studying in the US, I saw
[69:34] young women dressing like that, even
[69:36] though many didn't have the best
[69:39] figures. Even those who might be
[69:41] considered "chubby" by biological or
[69:43] anthropological standards—I didn't
[69:46] think they looked bad, because I felt
[69:48] they walked with such confidence. Like,
[69:50] "I'm wearing this, I'm comfortable, I'm
[69:53] natural," and that was it. OK.
[69:56] Then, back in the Asian world—
[69:58] different parts of Asia, different
[70:00] societies. We see some girls dressing
[70:02] that way because it's trendy and
[70:04] they're young. Even girls with
[70:08] so-called "great figures" lack that
[70:11] aesthetic appeal because when they walk
[70:13] , they seem afraid of rude or
[70:16] unfriendly stares. No matter how good
[70:20] their figure is, they lack confidence
[70:23] —that's the difference. But there is
[70:26] one thing I find truly amazing, and
[70:29] that's color. For instance, colors that
[70:33] are more vibrant—we usually don't
[70:35] dare to wear them, or don't know how to
[70:38] style them, and feel the risk of
[70:40] failure is very high. But, like that
[70:43] David Hockney book you're holding,
[70:46] Hmm.
[70:47] David Hockney is a painter, and he has
[70:49] developed his own unique style of
[70:51] dressing. Is there a color theory
[70:53] behind his color schemes, do you think?
[70:56] I mean, it seems to me he pairs bright
[70:58] colors with bright colors, like green
[71:01] with pink—it's just...wow. It’s not
[71:04] just because I know it’s David
[71:06] Hockney, I really think he pulls it off
[71:09] well. But I can imagine if I wore those
[71:13] same colors, people would stare. Does
[71:16] he follow some absolute rule?
[71:19] This is probably a question for
[71:21] Professor Xu.
[71:22] It might have to do with his paintings
[71:25] themselves.
[71:25] His paintings are colorful, very
[71:28] vibrant, and have high saturation.
[71:30] With red and green fields, and the
[71:33] landscapes he paints.
[71:35] There's likely a connection between his
[71:38] style of dress and his creative work.
[71:43] People who look good in bright colors
[71:45] are simply those who have a natural
[71:48] sense for them.
[71:50] I could wear them too. Especially
[71:52] bright ones.
[71:53] Really? You have some too?
[71:55] What is the brightest thing you’ve
[71:57] ever worn?
[71:58] That green was even brighter than this.
[72:00] A really fresh, vibrant green suit or
[72:03] jacket.
[72:04] No, a shirt. Anyway, it’s the same
[72:08] principle: if you wear it and feel
[72:10] relaxed, and it feels like it gives you
[72:12] a little boost of energy,
[72:13] then others will find it pleasing to
[72:16] the eye as well.
[72:17] It’s a little surprise for yourself.
[72:19] Right, but if you put it on and feel
[72:22] shy, uncomfortable, or unnatural, then
[72:25] just don’t. Professor Xu, what’s
[72:27] the most vibrant or peculiar outfit
[72:30] you’ve ever worn?
[72:31] We have many very vibrant clothes.
[72:34] I've worn them. I’m curious,
[72:36] Professor Zhang, do you have any
[72:38] clothes you wear that aren't meant to
[72:39] be seen by others, just for yourself?
[72:41] Ah.
[72:43] I once bought—or rather, had made—a
[72:45] cotton-padded robe.
[72:47] It’s like those long, traditional
[72:49] robes worn by Lu Xun or people at
[72:51] Peking University. It’s not for any
[72:53] specific occasion, but what do I use it
[72:56] for? Whenever it snows,
[72:58] I put it on to go take pictures. Of the
[73:02] trees, the snow—it’s that feeling,
[73:04] you know how people say Beijing turns
[73:06] into Beiping when it snows? It’s that
[73:09] vibe. Or if I’m going to a friend’s
[73:11] house for a gathering on a snowy night,
[73:12] I wear that.
[73:13] Is it a large golden pattern?
[73:15] Yes, a very traditional, somewhat
[73:16] rustic-looking large golden pattern.
[73:18] Wearing something like that is purely
[73:20] for my own enjoyment. I wouldn't wear
[73:22] it out otherwise; it feels too
[73:24] theatrical. It’s just...
[73:26] I love wearing clothes.
[73:28] That, it definitely is. I have worn
[73:31] clothes that I wouldn't wear out in
[73:33] public, just for myself. Only for a few
[73:36] seconds, just trying on women's
[73:38] clothing.
[73:40] I grew up surrounded by women. I mean,
[73:44] I lived with my sisters, mother, a
[73:46] bunch of aunts, and my grandmother.
[73:50] Growing up in a tiny Hong Kong
[73:52] apartment, eight people lived in that
[73:55] small space. Seven of those eight were
[73:59] women, and my father was often away at
[74:01] work. Can you imagine what I faced in
[74:05] that small flat? I'd look up and see
[74:09] women's undergarments.
[74:10] Yeah.
[74:11] Underwear and bras hanging on the doors
[74:13] , because space is tight in Hong Kong
[74:14] and we had no balcony.
[74:15] Right.
[74:16] After doing the laundry, you had to
[74:18] hang it up somewhere, so it hung there.
[74:20] It was just unavoidable.
[74:22] I was about ten or eleven, just for fun
[74:24] . When I saw no one was home, I would
[74:28] try them on, from tops to skirts to
[74:31] underwear. It felt quite strange. It
[74:38] wasn't about cross-dressing; what was
[74:40] the feeling back then when I was young?
[74:45] It was like suddenly understanding how
[74:48] it feels to be a woman wearing those
[74:50] clothes. For example, putting on my
[74:54] sister's high heels, you feel
[74:56] restricted; the same with their bras,
[74:58] you feel bound. We realize that as
[75:01] women grow up, the clothes they wear
[75:03] shape their entire psychological state.
[75:07] You're constantly restricted; even when
[75:09] wearing a skirt, you have to be careful
[75:12] about being peeked at. So, the control
[75:17] women have over their bodies—how they
[75:20] have to walk, the clothing that binds
[75:22] them—clothing is more than just
[75:24] looking good or not; it shapes your
[75:26] mental state and your relationship with
[75:29] your body. Men, generally speaking, can
[75:35] move around, spread their legs— "
[75:38] man's spirit," that's what it is, just
[75:40] being a man—spreading your legs and
[75:43] so on. So, I have actually worn women's
[75:48] clothing.
[75:50] I have worn them.
[75:51] Women's clothes.
[75:53] I was just trying to keep the
[75:54] conversation going.
[75:55] Right, right. Didn't you have an older
[75:58] brother? And for me, wasn't it that
[76:00] they hoped...
[76:01] The second child would be a girl.
[76:03] Mhm.
[76:04] No, they were certain the second child
[76:06] would be a girl.
[76:07] They made all these girls' clothes. But
[76:11] I was born a boy, so I ended up wearing
[76:14] those.
[76:15] Oh, if you put it that way, I'll
[76:18] confess too. I'm also the second child,
[76:21] and my mom's thoughts back then were
[76:23] the same.
[76:24] So I also wore little skirts.
[76:27] As a child, everything I wore was
[76:29] floral. The fabric they bought was all
[76:31] intended for a girl. All floral clothes
[76:33] .
[76:33] So, does your feminine side today have
[76:35] something to do with this?
[76:36] I think so, I think so, I...Many ladies
[76:38] have said that Mr. Zhang has a bit of
[76:40] an effeminate side.
[76:41] Hmm, how much I have, I don't know, but
[76:43] there's definitely some.
[76:44] Well, for me, there's a bottom line
[76:46] when it comes to dressing: it can't be
[76:48] uncomfortable, right.
[76:49] I just...I'm way too comfortable.
[76:51] Hmm, look at my suit jacket, for
[76:54] instance.
[76:55] A suit is designed for someone who is
[76:57] sitting down.
[76:58] Right. So it’s not meant for sports;
[77:02] you wouldn't go lift heavy objects or
[77:05] go running in it, so it has a certain
[77:07] fit—it’s restrictive, and being
[77:10] neat is a form of restraint itself.
[77:14] That's why so-called aristocrats and
[77:17] such don't eat very quickly, because
[77:19] eating fast and getting food all over
[77:22] yourself would be impolite. But look at
[77:27] 007; he intentionally wears a super
[77:29] tight-fitting suit, doesn't he?
[77:33] I just worry that he might rip the
[77:35] crotch.
[77:36] Right, he’s not just any average
[77:38] person; I have a very good tailor
[77:41] friend.
[77:43] Well, when they make clothes, they
[77:45] leave a little bit of room at certain
[77:47] key points, so you don't have to wear
[77:49] them baggy. Hey, look, he looks a bit
[77:54] like an old tailor; don't you think
[77:56] this look...
[77:58] These four buttons—the smaller they
[78:00] are, the more it looks like this kind
[78:02] of work jacket.
[78:05] You mentioned aristocrats earlier;
[78:07] every movement they make, even every
[78:10] expression and every gaze, requires
[78:12] training and practice. For the average
[78:17] person, fashion taste includes not just
[78:20] your choice of clothing, its color, and
[78:23] design, but also how you wear it. When
[78:27] you have it on, what posture you use to
[78:30] walk,
[78:31] what posture you use to sit, how you
[78:33] talk, whether your movements are broad
[78:36] or small—all of that is included in
[78:39] what we call fashion taste. As the old
[78:42] saying goes, "It takes three
[78:43] generations to learn how to dress and
[78:46] eat." Okay? Because at first, you don't
[78:49] have it. Even if you wear designer
[78:52] brands, or if someone makes it simple
[78:54] for you and you pay someone to style
[78:56] your clothes—saying, "For your look,
[78:59] you should wear this"—once you put it
[79:01] on, you still walk the same way, like
[79:04] you just drew water from a well. The
[79:06] walk is different; the vibe just isn't
[79:09] right. That’s why you need the logos,
[79:12] otherwise people wouldn't know. Yes,
[79:14] exactly, that's very important, so you
[79:16] have to show off all those labels.
[79:19] And looking at these photos, I suddenly
[79:22] realized that...Actually, no one is
[79:24] inherently good-looking or ugly. Right?
[79:27] Look at some sculptors or others; you
[79:30] wouldn't exactly call their looks "
[79:32] good-looking," or maybe they’re just
[79:34] getting old. But I've found that if you
[79:37] have a painter's eye, whatever clothes,
[79:40] hats, or scarves you wear, when you
[79:42] take a photo, it looks like a work of
[79:45] art.
[79:46] Maybe many people just lack confidence?
[79:50] Mm-hmm.
[79:52] They feel they should look different,
[79:54] and as long as they stay in that
[79:56] mindset, they're definitely out of luck
[79:58] .
[80:00] Like the three of you, after we finish
[80:02] in a few minutes, I’d like to take
[80:04] photos of each of you. They will all
[80:09] turn out great.
[80:10] People who truly love fashion wander
[80:13] through the streets; in every city
[80:15] across Europe, there are all sorts of
[80:17] style subcultures. When you're with
[80:19] friends, for instance, a friend might
[80:21] take you to see someone wearing what's
[80:23] called "vintage."
[80:24] What do they call it now? "Gu-zhu"(
[80:26] Vintage). Vintage, right? It’s very
[80:29] cheap. Oh, I was almost going crazy
[80:31] looking at everything there. Of course,
[80:33] it didn't suit me and I didn't buy much
[80:35] , but that's how I realized—whenever
[80:37] I see him dressed like that, he
[80:39] sometimes looks a bit like Oscar Wilde,
[80:41] the British writer, right? I even feel
[80:43] that in these kinds of shops, sometimes
[80:45] —like when I saw a pair of Nikes
[80:47] there.
[80:48] Mm.
[80:49] But you can't find them anymore; it was
[80:52] a pair of sneakers, probably released
[80:54] decades ago. Oh, I loved them so much,
[80:58] but there was only one pair and they
[81:01] were half a size too small for me. Oh,
[81:03] I hesitated, I hesitated. I thought,
[81:07] maybe I could squeeze into them, but in
[81:09] the end, I realized there was no way to
[81:11] wear them.
[81:11] But I still think about them. I feel
[81:14] like I rarely experience that joy of
[81:17] browsing in our big cities these years;
[81:19] wandering around big shopping malls
[81:22] just isn't the same. In Japan, there's
[81:25] a lot of vintage, second-hand, and
[81:27] antique clothing. I love buying it;
[81:29] it's a bit embarrassing to say, but
[81:31] first of all, as a "little potato from
[81:33] the south" like me, I just think, "Wow,
[81:36] it's so cheap!" It feels like a bargain
[81:38] even if I don't wear it, just because
[81:40] it was so inexpensive. It’s very fun
[81:42] and unbelievably cheap. Later, I
[81:45] learned that those vintage shops are
[81:47] actually categorized. One type is
[81:49] regular vintage, and another category
[81:51] is vintage that might come from people
[81:54] who have passed away. Maybe they hung
[81:56] themselves, or maybe they died of
[81:59] illness. That stuff is extra cheap, you
[82:01] know? Picking through it—anyway, I
[82:04] find it quite fun.
[82:05] Some of those clothes even still have
[82:07] the price tags on them.
[82:09] Oh right, there's another reason, which
[82:11] is that in Japan right now, those three
[82:14] major brands are all finished. They're
[82:18] all terrible. But if you want to find a
[82:21] piece with good design, like Yohji
[82:23] Yamamoto,
[82:24] you'll probably have to buy vintage;
[82:26] there are no new ones.
[82:27] Didn't you say Yohji Yamamoto's clothes
[82:30] are worn by gangsters?
[82:31] Yeah, that's it, that's right.
[82:33] Kitano Takeshi, exactly. Right, hey,
[82:36] why is that, why?
[82:38] Didn't he offer an explanation himself,
[82:41] thinking bad guys have personality?
[82:43] But I don't know, I'm not sure if he
[82:45] really designed them for bad guys.
[82:48] Of course he didn't.
[82:50] It's more like he was thinking of those
[82:52] thin gypsies who were thin because they
[82:54] had nothing to eat. Wearing those
[82:56] loose-fitting garments.
[82:57] So he designed those oversized things,
[83:00] and I just happened to see one. I
[83:01] happened to be across the street, maybe
[83:04] waiting for my wife. I was on this side
[83:07] of the road, and across the street was
[83:10] the store. Since there are so many
[83:12] Comme des Garçons and Yohji Yamamoto
[83:14] shops there. I saw a gangster wearing a
[83:17] set of these oversized clothes. Walking
[83:22] from one window to the second window,
[83:24] back and forth, picking out clothes. I
[83:27] really wanted to film a video.
[83:30] You see, even Japanese gangsters have
[83:32] to have style and flair. Actually,
[83:34] Professor Zhang, Zhang Ronghe has
[83:36] already pointed out something very
[83:38] important. What is the most basic thing
[83:40] about having good taste in dressing?
[83:42] It’s actually cleanliness; even when
[83:44] we were kids, everyone wore the same
[83:46] things, but there was one family whose
[83:48] clothes were always washed clean,
[83:50] wearing the same outfit. But you see,
[83:53] it was just high-class. Right, it's
[83:55] completely different from others; their
[83:57] self-respect and respect for others
[83:59] remain consistent.
[84:00] And respect for their clothes as well.
[84:03] Right, the teacher must really despise
[84:06] the currently popular "wasteland style,
[84:09] " like that movie Dune,
[84:11] After Dune became popular, young people
[84:14] ...
[84:14] Young people all like to wear wasteland
[84:17] style, "
[84:17] Waste" as in junk,
[84:19] Wasteland style.
[84:21] It feels like those shops in Dune, that
[84:24] wasteland look like you've been rolling
[84:27] in the sand, worn-out, distressed
[84:30] leather jackets, dirty but cool, with
[84:32] holes in them, basically in tatters,
[84:35] barely covering the body. I ask, why
[84:38] buy this? I try to understand it, I
[84:41] keep trying to understand it; maybe
[84:43] it’s just a different aesthetic.
[84:45] There’s a kind of style nowadays,
[84:46] that sort of trendy look that’s
[84:48] actually quite expensive, more than
[84:50] what you’d buy.
[84:51] It’s distressed, that stuff they have
[84:53] to manually wear down.
[84:54] Even when it’s been washed clean.
[84:56] It’s worn down to that kind of patina
[84:59] finish. That kind of clothing, actually
[85:01] , maybe it started with bowling. Like
[85:04] it’s been blown up, with big holes
[85:07] and such. But wearing such rugged
[85:10] clothes really suits a specific group
[85:13] of people, maybe those who are truly
[85:15] athletic and fit. If you have a more
[85:18] refined style, wearing those clothes
[85:20] will actually look quite ridiculous.
[85:23] Right, right, right.
[85:24] Exactly, it comes back to having an
[85:26] understanding of yourself. Yes,
[85:28] sometimes I can tell, like when a
[85:30] friend wears certain clothes, I say, "I
[85:32] know in your heart you’re imagining
[85:34] yourself as a cowboy."
[85:35] Right, right, right.
[85:36] But you don't look the part at all.
[85:38] Right? Well, if they're happy
[85:41] themselves, what can you do?
[85:42] There’s no way, no way at all.
[85:45] Like in Beijing now, I heard you say
[85:47] last time that you feel the city, these
[85:50] roads, are just too wide. Hmm.
[85:52] And so, a lot of the fun of strolling
[85:55] through small streets is lost.
[85:57] Right.
[85:58] When you were young in Beijing, you
[85:59] still had that pleasure.
[86:01] Yes, the streets weren't very wide back
[86:03] then.
[86:03] After dinner, my parents would take me
[86:05] and my brother out to the street.
[86:07] Sometimes we’d look at things;
[86:08] actually, thinking about it now, it was
[86:10] just wandering, just taking a walk in
[86:12] Beijing. You’d run into friends, or
[86:14] some of my classmates. Neighbors or
[86:17] relatives, we'd just stand on the
[86:19] street and chat, then remember to buy
[86:21] something or see a sale and pick it up.
[86:24] So that kind of shopping was, you could
[86:26] say, incidental—completely different
[86:29] from how we have a specific purpose now
[86:32] , buy one thing, and leave.
[86:34] This has a lot to do with you
[86:36] architects, doesn't it?
[86:37] It wasn't built by you, was it? But I
[86:40] wouldn't want to build it that way. If
[86:42] given the chance, we are now starting
[86:44] to design small streets.
[86:45] Hmm.
[86:46] Just small blocks. In an industrial
[86:52] zone in Shanghai, we designed each
[86:54] so-called "block"—the area surrounded
[86:57] by four streets—to be just 40 meters
[87:00] by 40 meters. Nowadays, the so-called
[87:04] new towns we see, including in Beijing,
[87:06] a block is 500 meters by 500 meters or
[87:09] larger.
[87:09] Ah, huge.
[87:11] Huge, really huge, so the street
[87:13] density is low. But the streets are
[87:16] wide. And so, it has actually killed
[87:18] off a lot of the pleasure of urban life
[87:20] . I truly feel that it is now time for
[87:23] the architectural community in China to
[87:25] reflect. In previous years, you
[87:27] couldn't blame it, because the country
[87:30] was in such a state, recovering from
[87:32] ruins. Then, with this rapid
[87:34] development, the resulting high-rise
[87:36] buildings are actually quite unfriendly
[87:39] to pedestrians. The joy of shopping,
[87:41] one reason for its decline is
[87:44] e-commerce. So you see, here in the
[87:46] mainland, e-commerce is just too
[87:49] advanced. You won't find anywhere else
[87:51] in the world as convenient as China is
[87:54] now, but on the other hand, doesn't it
[87:56] seem like something is missing at the
[87:58] same time?
[88:01] Actually, it has always been the case
[88:03] that men in China like to claim they
[88:05] don't enjoy shopping. Of course, they
[88:11] might be forced to go buy something if
[88:13] their wives tell them to, but shopping
[88:15] was originally one of the reasons to be
[88:18] in the city.
[88:20] Right.
[88:21] So
[88:22] Yes, or living in the suburbs.
[88:24] Yes, either living in the suburbs, or
[88:26] now it's just online shopping, right?
[88:27] You
[88:28] Actually, there is a lot of joy in it.
[88:31] For instance, I'll give you an example;
[88:34] it was in Turin. I was in Turin giving
[88:36] a lecture. Then I went for a stroll on
[88:39] the streets. There was an old street,
[88:41] full of little shops, one after another
[88:44] . I went into a record store, a shop
[88:47] with absolutely no business, where a
[88:49] lady was just surrounded by records
[88:52] everywhere in the shop. I told her I
[88:57] was actually looking for a specific
[88:59] record. After she finished looking, she
[89:04] said, "Take a look, these are all old
[89:06] records, the quality might be bad, or
[89:08] it might be good, I'll play it for you.
[89:10] " She played it, and that was the start
[89:13] of it, we just started chatting. Anyway
[89:17] . There was no one else around, we had
[89:19] a very pleasant chat, then she went out
[89:21] to buy some coffee.
[89:22] Came back, we had some coffee, and then
[89:25] she recommended more for me to listen
[89:27] to. It was probably raining or snowing
[89:29] outside, and I spent a couple of hours
[89:32] there.
[89:32] It was so beautiful.
[89:34] I bought two records in total, since
[89:36] they were all used, I spent...Anyway, I
[89:37] don't remember, maybe I spent 10 yuan.
[89:39] Oh my.
[89:41] She lost money on the whole thing.
[89:43] These kinds of small shops aren't
[89:44] really about how much money they can
[89:46] make. I've encountered such shops too,
[89:50] run by a designer, a little shop they
[89:52] created in a corner of a tiny, obscure
[89:54] town in Japan that most tourists
[89:57] probably never reach. I spent my time
[90:00] there looking at those little items
[90:01] they brought back from Europe. It just
[90:03] has a special vibe, like putting
[90:05] artwork on display, then buying some
[90:07] jeans or a few T-shirts. With so much
[90:09] effort put into it, how many kilometers
[90:11] does he drive to work every day? Nobody
[90:14] was really selling anything, but it was
[90:16] fascinating. I saw the whole interior,
[90:19] the lights looked great, and he said
[90:21] they were shipped from Italy. I asked
[90:23] if he could sell me one of those
[90:25] vintage lamps. The whole atmosphere
[90:27] kept me there for a long time; I just
[90:29] felt like this guy and what he was
[90:31] doing were really interesting.
[90:33] Yeah, that's right.
[90:34] Hmm.
[90:36] He’s not really, um...Right, it's not
[90:39] like you have to buy something. It’s
[90:45] like looking at August Sander’s work.
[90:51] Once in Kyoto, I didn’t realize that
[90:54] the antique street was closed on
[90:56] Sundays or holidays. So, all the shops
[91:01] were closed, which was frustrating. But
[91:04] then, at the entrance of a small alley,
[91:07] there was an English sign saying "
[91:09] We’re a bookstore," handwritten.
[91:12] Since I had nowhere else to go, I went
[91:14] in. I entered that alley; the
[91:16] storefront was about this wide, with a
[91:18] display window this big and a door this
[91:21] big. There were two books on display.
[91:23] One was a photography book by Sander,
[91:25] and the other was about architecture. I
[91:27] thought, "Isn't this my kind of shop?"
[91:30] I walked in and a middle-aged man came
[91:33] out, managing to speak a little English
[91:35] . He asked me—it was just a small
[91:39] room inside, how empty could it be?
[91:43] Later, I told him I saw the two books
[91:46] in his display window at the entrance.
[91:49] I said I was interested in both—one
[91:51] is photography, and the other is
[91:53] architecture. He asked what else I was
[91:57] interested in regarding photography,
[91:59] and I mentioned a few names. There was
[92:04] a small ladder nearby, not a staircase
[92:07] but a climbing ladder, and he just went
[92:10] up. It seemed like he went upstairs; I
[92:12] heard movement. He brought down a book
[92:14] and said, "Take a look.""How about this
[92:17] one?""Is this what you're looking for?"
[92:19] If I said "no," or if I said "yes"...
[92:21] He’d say, "Oh," and after a while,
[92:23] he’d go again.
[92:24] Oh boy.
[92:25] That’s how he runs his business. How
[92:27] many sales could he make in a day?
[92:29] Anyway, I figure that day was like that
[92:31] long TV show in Turin—our part of
[92:34] this story—isn't their life difficult
[92:36] ?
[92:36] I don't know. I said, "No rush, right?"
[92:39] But for me, it was so interesting, I
[92:41] still remember the feeling.
[92:43] Well, the startup costs have to be low.
[92:46] In my memory, back when I used to come
[92:49] to Beijing—especially Beijing—what
[92:51] was the greatest joy? Hunting for
[92:53] things. Buying CDs, collecting CDs. Why
[92:58] ? There were these little shops,
[93:00] especially near Peking University or
[93:02] Tsinghua. You'd duck into an alley,
[93:04] find a small store, and inside would be
[93:06] a hipster sitting there.
[93:07] And you could see for yourself, he was
[93:10] a total cinephile, really into films.
[93:13] He had collected all sorts of things.
[93:16] When I saw someone else walk in,
[93:18] honestly, if we shared the same
[93:20] interests, our eyes would just lock.
[93:24] While others were picking out Hong Kong
[93:26] cinema or those golden-age classics,
[93:29] we’d be searching everywhere, and
[93:31] he’d immediately ask, "Hey, sir, what
[93:33] are you looking for?" I'd name some
[93:37] film by some European director, and I
[93:40] felt his joy wasn't just about making a
[93:43] sale.
[93:45] He’d found a kindred spirit. He’d
[93:48] practically scramble upstairs and ask,
[93:50] "Should I recommend this one to you?"
[93:52] That kind of happiness is great. But
[93:54] it's gone now; you don't really find
[93:56] shops like that anymore. Anyway, last
[93:59] night in Beijing wasn't bad. I arrived
[94:02] at the hotel after 11 p.m., checked
[94:04] into my room, and my craving for a
[94:07] drink kicked in, so I went out for one.
[94:09] I walked out, strolled for about seven
[94:12] minutes, and across from the hotel was
[94:14] a small street full of places selling
[94:17] skewers, those Northeast-style BBQ
[94:19] skewers.
[94:20] Skewers, skewers, skewer shops,
[94:22] barbecue joints, all that stuff, still
[94:26] open at 11 p.m. What to do? I don't
[94:29] love beer, so I kept looking. Up ahead,
[94:34] I saw a little place—a tiny tavern; I
[94:36] can't name it, don't want to sound like
[94:39] I'm advertising it.
[94:42] I went to pay.
[94:43] Ah, a little tavern. Once inside, they
[94:47] were playing jazz music. There were two
[94:51] young men, both looked under 30. I
[94:54] asked for a menu, and they said there
[94:57] wasn't one. They just asked if I wanted
[95:00] red wine, white wine, or whiskey, and
[95:02] what kind of flavor I liked, then
[95:04] they’d mix something or offer a
[95:06] recommendation. I sat there listening
[95:11] to the music—it wasn't noisy at all
[95:13] —and I thought, "Oh, I really wish I
[95:16] owned a little shop like this." But
[95:20] with startup costs so high, it's
[95:22] impossible in Hong Kong. It’s only
[95:25] possible in places with low startup
[95:28] costs, like somewhere in a hidden
[95:30] Beijing alleyway, perhaps. Spending a
[95:32] few years of your life as the owner of
[95:34] such a small shop would be so
[95:36] satisfying, wouldn't it? A way to
[95:38] reflect and look back on your life.
[95:41] It's just life. Truly, I feel that
[95:44] while we often emphasize grand designs,
[95:47] small innovations are actually the most
[95:50] relatable. You see, often when
[95:53] strolling through an alleyway, it just
[95:55] feels like a wholesale market for
[95:57] trinkets, like the ones we used to have
[95:59] . You know, these small-goods wholesale
[96:01] markets often prioritize volume.
[96:03] Sometimes when I visit tourist spots, I
[96:06] see many shops, but they all sell the
[96:08] exact same things.
[96:09] It’s all from Yiwu.
[96:10] Right. Here, we might be obsessed with
[96:13] becoming big-name artists. But I think
[96:15] there should have been many, many
[96:18] small-scale designers instead. Take a
[96:20] small shop, for example; in some cities
[96:23] , it’s truly different. Each place is
[96:25] unique, each one distinct—there are
[96:28] countless varieties of something as
[96:30] simple as glasses. They aren't all the
[96:32] same; that’s what makes them fun to
[96:35] explore. Right, the fun of exploring
[96:37] comes from this variety and difference,
[96:39] doesn't it?
[96:40] Actually, every city—take London or
[96:43] Tokyo, for instance—the residential
[96:46] areas all look pretty much the same.
[96:49] The style is similar; there's the
[96:52] British vibe, the Tokyo vibe, the Kyoto
[96:55] vibe, and the buildings are mostly the
[96:57] same. The interest lies in these small
[97:00] shops.
[97:01] They give you these unexpected
[97:02] surprises.
[97:03] Mm.
[97:04] Exactly, you're just taking a walk.
[97:05] Strolling,
[97:06] While strolling, you suddenly see a
[97:08] small shop selling curios.
[97:10] The items are chosen based on the
[97:12] owner's own taste, like a basket or a
[97:14] piece of cloth. A small bag or perhaps
[97:18] a bowl. When you see these items, their
[97:21] taste makes you feel an instant
[97:23] connection, as if they know your heart,
[97:25] and these things aren't even expensive.
[97:29] So, these small shops, including cafes,
[97:32] small noodle shops, or whatever is on
[97:34] the street, are the living cells that
[97:37] give a place its soul. Oh, that’s a
[97:41] great way to put it. It’s popular now
[97:44] , especially among young people, a new
[97:46] way of traveling called "City Walk."
[97:48] Mm.
[97:49] It’s true, because visiting many
[97:51] tourist spots is too much of a hassle
[97:54] now. Even in Europe, you have to book
[97:56] big museums online, or they're sold out
[97:58] , or you’re rushing around. Now, you
[98:00] see this trend of just not heading
[98:02] anywhere specific.
[98:04] I’m in a city, and I don’t
[98:05] necessarily have to go to the Louvre or
[98:08] anywhere else; I just wander wherever I
[98:10] feel like. But it really requires all
[98:12] those living cells for this way of
[98:15] traveling to be so joyful. I remember
[98:18] Ah Cheng wrote in his "Venice Diary"
[98:20] that his favorite way of strolling is
[98:23] to walk through small streets, and if
[98:25] he takes a wrong turn, he thinks, "Why
[98:27] not just keep going the wrong way and
[98:30] explore like this?" He spent all day in
[98:33] Venice strolling just like that; if he
[98:36] went the wrong way, he just kept going.
[98:38] There's no right or wrong, and I think
[98:41] it's because the urban fabric there is
[98:43] rich enough.
[98:44] Well, that depends on your perspective.
[98:47] Hasn't Hong Kong's economy been a bit
[98:49] sluggish in recent years?
[98:51] The Hong Kong government has put a lot
[98:54] of effort into this.
[98:55] They've promoted tourism to bring
[98:57] visitors in, and it's had some results.
[99:00] In terms of numbers, suddenly this past
[99:02] year there's been quite an increase in
[99:03] tourists, especially young people and
[99:05] middle-aged folks coming to Hong Kong.
[99:07] But, but what are they actually here
[99:09] for? Wentao, it's that "city walk" you
[99:12] mentioned—without spending money, you
[99:14] know? Hong Kong people have missed the
[99:16] point, haven't they? They don't even
[99:19] stay in hotels; some are even teaching
[99:21] people on online platforms how to sleep
[99:24] in Hong Kong without spending a dime,
[99:26] and the walk costs nothing either. Even
[99:30] if they visit small shops and have a
[99:33] great time, they don't spend much money
[99:35] . The government spent a fortune on
[99:38] fireworks and events, and people came,
[99:41] but as we say in Cantonese, it's "busy"
[99:44] but not—sorry, not wealth-generating.
[99:47] "
[99:47] Busy with people, but not wealth.""
[99:49] Busy with crowds, but not prosperity."
[99:51] Just lots of people, but they aren't
[99:53] spending money. Right, before, as
[99:55] locals, we could still go to the
[99:57] mountains or the seaside on weekends to
[100:00] take a walk. Now, everywhere you go in
[100:03] Hong Kong, it’s like living through a
[100:05] May Day holiday every single day.
[100:07] It’s always so crowded.
[100:09] You are...
[100:11] The premise here is that this place
[100:13] needs to be slightly more enclosed. A
[100:15] place with a smaller scale. Professor
[100:18] Zhang, you talk about the texture of a
[100:20] city—you're the expert on texture.
[100:22] Does this texture conflict with the
[100:25] convenience of urban transportation?
[100:27] No conflict, no conflict at all.
[100:30] How so?
[100:31] Cities must have a certain density.
[100:34] Regarding this density, there is an
[100:36] American scholar who has a specific
[100:38] theory. It sounds a bit extreme, but it
[100:43] says that a good city is one that
[100:45] offers the most choices within the
[100:48] smallest possible area. Let's talk
[100:51] about dining, for example.
[100:53] If there is only one restaurant, no
[100:56] matter how big or good it is, that is
[100:58] not urban life. Mm.
[101:01] Mm.
[101:02] Rather, it's having all sorts of
[101:04] different choices. That structure
[101:07] requires a relatively high number of
[101:09] streets—small streets, of course. And
[101:14] naturally, a city made up of many small
[101:17] blocks. The place where we live in New
[101:21] York is just like that.
[101:23] Mm.
[101:24] It's likely that it really does fit
[101:27] that 15, so-called 15-minute walking
[101:30] living circle. So from our home, no
[101:34] matter the direction, especially
[101:36] walking north or south, it's about 8
[101:39] minutes each way. Uh. How many
[101:44] supermarkets? There are probably five
[101:47] or six. Of course, they each have their
[101:50] own different focus. And how many
[101:53] cinemas are there? Maybe four. There's
[101:57] one right next to our place, but it
[101:59] isn't open every day; it's open Friday,
[102:02] Saturday, and Sunday.
[102:04] Mm.
[102:05] And from Monday to Thursday, it's a
[102:08] university...it's like...
[102:11] Uh, of course, they show different
[102:13] types of films. Uh, and maybe five or
[102:16] six optical shops. Ha.
[102:21] Otherwise, I think the real answer to
[102:24] why some people choose to live in the
[102:26] city, paying such expensive rent or
[102:29] buying very pricey homes, is...What do
[102:31] you get in exchange? Is it just that
[102:37] tiny, tiny apartment in New York?
[102:40] Actually, it's all of these resources.
[102:43] It's the network of social exchange.
[102:46] Yes, it has social aspects.
[102:48] So the human density here—going back
[102:50] to what you said about Beijing—even
[102:52] in New York, I don't know as many
[102:54] people as I did in Beijing, but you can
[102:56] still run into old friends on the
[102:58] street.
[102:59] He didn't even know I saw him walking
[103:01] over because everyone is walking there.
[103:03] I often hear that Los Angeles is a
[103:05] failed example, is that right?
[103:07] Yes, yes, yes, Houston and all those
[103:09] places.
[103:10] It belongs to a type of city where you
[103:12] need to drive for an hour.
[103:13] To get from one place to another.
[103:15] Exactly. Yes, the vast majority of
[103:18] America is actually the same as Los
[103:21] Angeles. Some areas of Manhattan are
[103:24] really quite like Hong Kong; perhaps
[103:26] outside of the HKU area, which isn't
[103:29] easy to walk in, other places are fine,
[103:31] especially with the subway and buses.
[103:36] You don't need—you can own a car, but
[103:39] you don't necessarily have to own one.
[103:41] But look at the traffic congestion in
[103:44] Manhattan.
[103:44] Right?
[103:45] You have to pay a price.
[103:47] Exactly. For this kind of life, it
[103:50] involves the question of whose
[103:52] interests come first.
[103:53] Right? You'd say, if the density is
[103:57] very high, won't that cause other
[103:59] extreme inconveniences?
[104:03] At least from the perspective of Hong
[104:06] Kong or Manhattan, it doesn't seem so.
[104:09] Oh.
[104:11] The benefits brought by this density
[104:13] may outweigh those H.