Zhu Rongji's Historic Moment | News Feature 08/13/2026

Zhu Rongji's Historic Moment | News Feature 08/13/2026 — 王志安

王志安

AI-assisted summary of Zhu Rongji's Historic Moment | News Feature 08/13/2026 — original source. Check the original for full context.

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Key ideas

  • 朱镕基系统回顾应对亚洲金融危机与大洪灾的宏观调控经验,强调通过发行长期建设国债带动数万亿元基建投资,不仅未留坏账反而形成了高质量优良资产。 (80:26)
  • 针对政府效能与吏治,朱镕基推进国务院系统编制核减50%(精简1.6万人),并直言自己严厉的作风“只吓唬贪官,不吓唬老百姓”。 (92:53)
  • 在中美与入世谈判中,朱镕基阐述了通过重大妥协倒逼国内国企改革的战略考量,并积极推动美国国会通过对华永久正常贸易关系(PNTR)。 (53:00)
  • 朱镕基坦言任内最感揪心和头疼的难题是八亿农民的增收困难,必须通过调整农业结构、退耕还林补偿及税费改革来逐步化解。 (99:16)

Detailed notes

## Background 本节目由自媒体人王志安于2026年8月13日发布在YouTube平台上。视频页面简介主要提供了加入其YouTube与Patreon会员的赞助渠道,并推广了王志安所著的新书《王志安谈治国理政第二卷》的电子书购买链接。

## TL;DR 本期历史新闻特写全景式回顾了朱镕基从1988年参选上海市长到出任国务院总理期间的重大历史时刻与执政足迹。内容生动展现了他坦承自身“右派”经历与性格短板、在总理就职时立下“地雷阵与万丈深渊”庄严誓言的政治风骨,以及直面亚洲金融危机、力推积极财政政策、坚决精简政府机构和大刀阔斧整顿金融秩序的铁腕手腕。影像还真实记录了他在中美入世谈判中顶住国内外阻力展开“消气外交”、在记者会上针锋相对驳斥人权指控与“中国威胁论”,以及任期末期坦然盘点“一个确保、三个到位”施政答卷的历史现场。

## Atmosphere & style 整部纪录影像洋溢着浓郁的激荡感、历史厚重感与鲜明的领袖个人魅力。朱镕基在镜头前毫不避讳艰难险阻与自身缺点,语调时而斩钉截铁、掷地有声,时而幽默自嘲、机锋尽显,展现出无私无畏的政治魄力与深沉的民本情怀。现场媒体交锋火花四溅,无论是他驳斥西方偏见的严正反击,还是谈及贪官时怒目拍案、面对百姓时鞠躬尽瘁的真情流露,都让整部特写充满直击人心的感染力与沧桑悲壮的时代张力。

## Bulletin - [01:20:26](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=4826s) 朱镕基系统回顾应对亚洲金融危机与大洪灾的宏观调控经验,强调通过发行长期建设国债带动数万亿元基建投资,不仅未留坏账反而形成了高质量优良资产。 - [01:32:53](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=5573s) 针对政府效能与吏治,朱镕基推进国务院系统编制核减50%(精简1.6万人),并直言自己严厉的作风“只吓唬贪官,不吓唬老百姓”。 - [53:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=3180s) 在中美与入世谈判中,朱镕基阐述了通过重大妥协倒逼国内国企改革的战略考量,并积极推动美国国会通过对华永久正常贸易关系(PNTR)。 - [01:39:16](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=5956s) 朱镕基坦言任内最感揪心和头疼的难题是八亿农民的增收困难,必须通过调整农业结构、退耕还林补偿及税费改革来逐步化解。

## Key takeaways - [00:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=0s) 在1988年上海人代会上坦陈右派与下放农场劳动经历,并剖析缺乏基层与地方经验、脾气急躁三大不足。 - [17:01](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=1021s) 就任国务院总理时立下“不管前面是地雷阵还是万丈深渊,我都将一往无前、鞠躬尽瘁、死而后已”的誓言。 - [11:52](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=712s) 面对1998年亚洲金融危机恶劣环境,坚决承诺国内GDP保八、物价控制在3%以内以及人民币绝不贬值。 - [13:52](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=832s) 将科教兴国列为施政核心,通过中央机构编制减半和坚决制止盲目重复建设,省出财政资金投向科技教育。 - [27:02](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=1622s) 回击西方人权指责,以自身青年时代反抗独裁争自由的经历反驳美方,强调必须结合中国历史国情与法治建设看待人权发展。 - [22:15](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=1335s) 访美期间开展“消气外交”,驳斥“中国威胁论”与军事窃密指控,强调中国庞大市场对美国的长期合作价值。 - [53:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=3180s) 顶住党内“卖国贼”非议坚决推进加入WTO谈判,旨在通过引入国际市场竞争倒逼国企加快体制改革。 - [01:06:12](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=3972s) 在台湾问题上重申争取和平统一但也绝不放弃使用武力,并在2000年台湾选举前夕直接向选民喊话切莫冲动行事。 - [01:02:26](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=3746s) 大力推动西部大开发,明确以基础设施建设与“退耕还林、还草、还湖”生态保护为战略抓手。 - [01:20:26](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=4826s) 通过财政部向银行发行长期建设国债盘活民间沉淀储蓄,拉动1.5万亿至2万亿元的公路、铁路、电网等重大基建工程。 - [01:44:33](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=6273s) 有力反驳港媒“赤字总理”称号,强调发债形成的2.5万亿元优良资产具有充足偿付能力且负债率远在安全线以内。 - [01:32:53](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=5573s) 推行大刀阔斧的政府机构改革,精简撤并工业主管局,升格工商、质检等市场监管机构以加速政府职能转变。 - [01:35:21](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=5721s) 正视国内基尼系数逼近警戒线及贫富差距现实,主张打破金融、电力、电信、烟草等垄断行业特权并强化个税征管调节。 - [01:55:59](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=6959s) 高度肯定香港不可替代的国际金融中心地位,坚信短期内中国内地没有任何城市能够取代香港。 - [01:16:21](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=4581s) 对个人历史功过的期许极其谦逊务实,仅希望卸任后老百姓能评价自己“是一个清官、办了一点实事”足矣。

## Detailed walkthrough ### [00:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=0s) 亮相上海人代会:右派经历与农场劳动

1988年4月,朱镕基作为上海市市长候选人在上海市九届人大一次会议上发表自我介绍演说。他开门见山地指出,由于大会的安排,自己必须把过往经历向代表们交代清楚,即便可能会超过大会规定的发言时间,但“要是不讲,我过不了这一关”。

他直面自己政治生涯中的坎坷,回顾了反右运动期间的波折。大鸣大放期间,因身为党组主要负责人的秘书,大家纷纷要求他向党组提意见,他便在局务会议上讲了不到三分钟。虽然10月之前大家都认为意见不错,但10月风向急转直下,要求他重新反省。到1958年1月,他被正式划为“右派分子”。由于国家计委的领导和同事对其为人非常了解,对他的处理相对宽容:除撤销职务、行政降两级并开除党籍外,依然将他留在国家计委工作。

文革后期,国家计委除留守机关几十人外,绝大部分干部被下放至农场劳动。朱镕基在农场劳动了整整五年,他坦言这五年对自己而言是一次巨大的政治与思想再教育: - 深入接触农村实际,真正体会到了基层疾苦与劳动的意义; - 熟练掌握了种麦子、种棉花、插秧等各项农活; - 学会了放牛、放羊、喂猪,并兼任过农场的采购员。

朱镕基坦诚分享了自己的身世与信念:“我是一个孤儿,父母死得很早,我没有见过我的父亲,也没有兄弟姐妹。所以我1947年找到了党,党就是我的母亲。所以我全心全意地把党当做我的母亲。因此我讲话没有顾忌,我认为对党有利的,我就讲。至于后果,我不考虑。”尽管政治生涯一度遭受冤屈,但中共十一届三中全会彻底为其平反,“恢复了我的政治生命,也可以说焕发了我的政治青春”。

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[03:39](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=219s) 剖析自身三大不足与上海施政准则

面对上海市长这一重任,朱镕基自谦并不是最佳候选人,坦言自己在许多方面与前任——特别是江泽民同志相比存在明显差距。他直言不讳地给自己列出了“三条弱点”:

1. **只有领导机关工作经验,缺乏基层第一线经验**:25年计委、10年经委的机关经历,使他缺少担任厂长、县长或区委书记的基层沉淀。相比早年就在大型骨干国企掌舵的江泽民,他缺乏对人民疾苦的直接感性认识,担心未来决策可能出现偏差。 2. **只有中央机关工作经验,缺乏地方政府工作经验**:一直深处北京国家部委,调任上海仅仅三个月便添了无数白发。他提到江泽民曾以自身经历告诫他“一年之内头发全白”,如今自己已经深切感受到地方事务千头万绪、精神时刻高度紧绷的压力。 3. **脾气急躁,缺乏涵养与耐性**:工作上急于求成,对下属要求过严、批评过于严厉刻薄。

关于批评下属的方式,朱镕基提到赴沪任职前宋平曾找他谈话,叮嘱他“对干部严格要求不是缺点,但批评人不要伤人,说话不要太尖锐”,应当努力学习周恩来同志的领导艺术,做到既提出严肃批评,又能让被批评者口服心服、体会到领导的关心。朱镕基坦率自白:“江山易改,本性难移。要改掉我的缺点并不容易,但我有决心好好改正。”

针对当时上海社会各界的高调舆论与急切期盼,朱镕基展现了极为务实的执政风格。他极力反对追求轰动效应的短期行为,直言当前上海首要任务是“脚踏实地、少说多做”,而不是盲目提出一堆高不可攀的目标,否则一旦预期过高导致失落,便会严重挫伤干部群众的干劲与士气。他笑谈自己并非孔明出山,做不到《文汇报》所要求的“过五关斩六将”,但郑重立下施政诺言:“如果我当选市长,第一条,我有决心把下一届政府建立成一个全心全意为人民服务、廉洁高效的崭新政府。”

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: 朱镕基自我剖析三大不足 accDescr: 朱镕基在竞选上海市长时坦陈自身在基层经验、地方治理及性格作风三方面的短板。 subgraph 弱点剖析 A["缺乏基层经验<br/>(长年在中央部委,缺少厂长/县长阅历)"] B["缺乏地方治理经验<br/>(事务繁重复杂,精神高度紧绷)"] C["性情急躁偏激<br/>(批评下属过于严厉尖锐)"] end subgraph 应对与承诺 D["警惕虚高预期<br/>坚决杜绝短期政绩冲动"] E["施政誓言:廉洁高效政府<br/>全心全意为人民服务"] end A --> D B --> D C --> E D --> E ```

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[09:59](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=599s) 谈媒体形象与多层次民主探索

时间切入到朱镕基担任中国国务院总理后的记者招待会。面对国际媒体关注,朱镕基展现出惯有的幽默与敏锐。针对自己登上西方主流新闻周刊封面,他风趣地调侃道:“昨天看到最新一期的《时代》周刊,上面登了我的照片做封面;跟以前《新闻周刊》登的照片相比,这张稍微好看了一点,我很感谢。但我决没有埋怨的意思,因为我本来就长得不够漂亮。”

随后,朱镕基就记者关于基层民主与政制改革的提问展开正面阐述: - **农村与基层民主实践**:坚定支持发展基层民主,指出美国有关基金会曾实地考察中国农村村民自治选举,并给出了高度正面的评价; - **企业民主机制拓展**:这一探索已延伸至工矿企业内部,包括民主评议厂长、实行民主理财、由职工代表大会民主选举企业领导人等,朱镕基将其称赞为非常好的探索方向; - **高层政制改革的审慎推进**:涉及到政府高层机构、包括选举总理或国家主席的政治体制改革,必须纳入宪法与法律轨道,严格依照法定程序推进。他明确指出,东西方国情与历史条件截然不同,该机制需要结合国情继续深入研究,目前无法轻易预判其实现的时间表。

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[11:52](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=712s) 应对亚洲金融危机:“一个确保”的经济承诺

在中央电视台记者关于跨世纪新一届政府施政方针、紧迫挑战与个人执政风格的提问下,朱镕基直面时代重任。

朱镕基开宗明义指出,本届政府的总体纲领早已在中共十五大上由江泽民总书记明确阐述,并结合了江泽民主席与李鹏委员长的最新讲话精神。面对极其严峻的国内外经济形势,他将本届政府面临的核心任务清晰概括为著名的**“一个确保、三个到位、五项改革”**。

作为重中之重的“一个确保”,朱镕基强调,当前正值东南亚金融风暴肆虐蔓延之际,外部环境急剧恶化,中国经济面临着前所未有的严峻冲击与考验: - **经济增长保八**:确保当年中国国内生产总值(GDP)增长速度达到8%; - **物价平稳控三**:确保全社会通货膨胀率控制在3%以内; - **汇率坚决稳定**:在周边国家货币竞相大幅贬值的风潮下,确保人民币坚决不贬值。

朱镕基斩钉截铁地强调,这不仅是一项纯粹的国内经济发展指标,更关系到周边乃至全球经济的稳定,是无论克服多大困难都必须不折不扣完成的刚性政治承诺。

[13:52](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=832s) 科教兴国战略与精简政府机构

朱镕基在答记者问中强调,中国不仅关乎自身发展,更关乎亚洲的繁荣与稳定。本届政府将“科教兴国”视为最重要的施政任务。他指出,江泽民主席高度重视科教兴国并多次深刻阐述其重要性,但过去这项政策一直未能很好落实,关键原因在于财政资金的流向出了问题。

资金流失主要有两大根源:其一是政府机构庞大臃肿,财政预算大量被“吃饭财政”消耗殆尽;其二是政府盲目干预经济,导致大量盲目投资和重复建设项目上马。这些耗资数十亿乃至数百亿元的工程建成后根本没有市场,反而拖垮了原有的既有企业。这种严重的资源浪费使得中央财政和银行体系无力抽调充裕资金投入科技与教育。因此,新一届政府下定决心,必须采取强硬手段打破困境。

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: 财政资金困境与科教兴国路径 accDescr: 展示了财政浪费的两个主要根源以及政府通过机构改革和反重复建设实现科教兴国的路径。

subgraph Problem["财政资金流失根源"] P1["机构庞大臃肿<br/>行政经费侵占预算"] P2["盲目重复建设<br/>数百亿项目缺乏市场拖垮企业"] end

subgraph Solution["本届政府应对措施"] S1["中央机构人员减半<br/>大力精简政府编制"] S2["严格制止重复建设<br/>杜绝无效投资浪费"] end

subgraph Goal["战略实现"] G["释放财政与银行资金<br/>全面落实科教兴国战略"] end

P1 --> S1 P2 --> S2 S1 --> G S2 --> G ```

朱镕基在阐述本届政府的决心时明确表示:“本届政府下决心把中央政府机构的编制人员减半,同时进一步落实制止重复建设的方针,不允许再搞重复建设,把这个钱省下来,就可以实现科教兴国的方针。”

- 全国共有 7.9 万家工业企业,外界常称国企亏损面超 40%,但这主要是按企业户数简单计算得出的统计结果,其中包含大量仅有数十名员工的小厂。 - 全国 500 家特大型国有企业贡献了全行业 85% 的利税,而这 500 家特大型国企的亏损率仅为 10% 左右(约 50 家)。 - 朱镕基据此判断,外界夸大了国企面临的困难,总体而言“用三年的时间使亏损的国有企业摆脱困境是可以做到的”。

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[17:01](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=1021s) 挺港政策与就任誓言:“不管前面是地雷阵还是万丈深渊”

谈及香港金融稳定时,朱镕基对特区政府的施政举措给予高度评价,认为香港特区并没有遇到无法克服的困难。但他郑重承诺,一旦特区政府在特定环境下需要中央支持,只要特区政府提出请求,“中央政府将不惜一切代价维护香港的繁荣稳定,保护它的联系汇率制度”。

面对外界赋予他的种种标签,朱镕基毫不掩饰其反感,直言外界无论称他为“中国的戈尔巴乔夫”还是“经济沙皇”,他都感到不高兴。当选国务院总理后,他深感肩头重任如山,内心充满如临深渊、如履薄冰的焦虑,唯恐有负全国人民的重托。

正是在这沉重的精神压力下,朱镕基发表了广为流传的就职誓词。他在记者会上斩钉截铁地宣告:“不管前面是地雷阵还是万丈深渊,我都将一往无前,义无反顾,鞠躬尽瘁,死而后已。”他表示,只要高举邓小平理论伟大旗帜,在以江泽民同志为核心的党中央领导下,紧密依靠全国人民,本届政府必将无往而不胜。

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[19:40](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=1180s) 人民币汇率承诺与九八年“两道难关”的考验

在随后的答问环节中,朱镕基展现了开放包容的会场风格,鼓励记者随意提问,不设任何限制。当被问及人民币能否成为世界货币时,他幽默地表示该问题言之过早且不应由他个人作答,但他当场斩钉截铁地给出了明确保证:人民币非常坚挺,决不会贬值。

回首上任第一年的履职经历,朱镕基坦言其艰难程度远远超出了预先的估计。这一年中国面临两大历史性突发考验: 1. **亚洲金融危机**:其广度与烈度远超预期,对中国外贸与实体经济带来巨大冲击; 2. **百年不遇的特大洪涝灾害**:波及长江、松花江等多条大江大河,灾情极其严重。

朱镕基回顾道:“在我的政府工作报告中,我说‘来之不易’,最满意的就是我们在以江泽民为核心的党中央领导下,依靠全国人民的努力,度过了这两大难关,我们挺过来了。”同时,他也坦率检讨自己工作做得还不够好,并直言不讳地指出,个别地区和部门在贯彻落实党中央和国务院的方针政策时存在执行不力、阳奉阴违的问题。他在前线视察防汛抗洪时,看到解放军指战员不顾个人安危,以血肉之躯堵住决口加固堤防,内心深受触动。

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[22:15](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=1335s) 中美关系波折、访美风浪与“消气外交”

中美两国元首实现互访后,双边关系原本确立了建立“建设性战略伙伴关系”的良好势头。然而,美国国内政治气候随后迅速恶化,反华浪潮甚嚣尘上,令中方感到非常不安。朱镕基即将对美国展开正式访问,面临着极其敌对与不友善的外交舆论氛围。

他特别点名美国《商业周刊》(BusinessWeek)于当年 2 月 22 日发表的封面文章《中国:到底出了什么问题?》(China: What's going wrong?)。该文章渲染中国即将陷入全面灾难与破产,不仅调门惊人,还将朱镕基的照片印在封面上,拍得极其灰暗阴沉。朱镕基对此风趣自嘲并一针见血地指出,这是美国国内党派政治斗争的产物,把中美关系当成了牺牲品,自己也成了受害者,杂志上的那张照片“照得像个死人一样”。

面对外界众多媒体关于其访美必将失败、不可能达成成果的悲观预测,朱镕基展现出极大的政治魄力和迎难而上的决心。针对美国各界的对华敌意,朱镕基态度坚决地表示:“但是我还得去,因为既然你们气消不了,我就去给你们消消气。”

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[24:59](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=1499s) 1993年宏观调控实践与抵御亚洲金融危机

朱镕基在答问中系统回顾了中国宏观调控的成功经验。中国的强力宏观调控始于 1993 年。彼时中国在深化改革开放过程中取得巨大成就,但经济也出现了明显的局部过热,主要集中在房地产开发区热和股市投机过度。这种过热直接导致 1994 年全国通货膨胀率飙升至 21.7%。

在邓小平同志的大力支持下,以江泽民同志为核心的党中央果断出手加强宏观调控: - 迅速出台并实施了“16 条措施”; - 16 条措施中有 13 条是严格的经济手段; - 13 条经济手段中有 11 条属于严格整顿银行秩序与金融政策的举措。

通过这两年多强有力的紧缩与整顿,中国仅用两年多时间就成功遏制了经济过热,化解了通胀危机,实现了国民经济的“软着陆”。朱镕基总结认为,中国之所以在 1997 年爆发的亚洲金融危机中能够独善其身、坚挺不倒,正是因为早在 1993 年就已经遭遇并处理过类似的金融泡沫风险,因提前取得了宝贵的宏观调控经验,才得以从容应对危机。

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[27:02](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=1622s) 人权议题的针锋相对:反驳美国国务卿奥尔布赖特

人权是西方政要会晤中国领导人时的必谈话题,朱镕基对此评论道,外国政要似乎若不谈中国的人权回国就无法交代。为此,朱镕基披露了他与时任美国国务卿玛德琳·奥尔布赖特(Madeleine Albright)会面时的一段精彩交锋。

朱镕基对奥尔布赖特直言:“我参加争取人权、保障人权的运动的历史比你要长得多。”奥尔布赖特反问“真的吗?”,表示难以置信。朱镕基随即摆出事实:自己比奥尔布赖特年长 10 岁;当年自己在国民党统治时期冒着生命危险参加地下学生运动、为争取民主自由与人权而斗争时,奥尔布赖特还只是个中学生。

朱镕基表示,自己在中学时代就广泛接触法国文学,研读过卢梭的《社会契约论》,对天赋人权与人人生而平等的理念早已烂熟于心,更是深受“五四运动”所提倡的民主与科学精神洗礼。他据此反驳西方对中共人权立场的无端指责:“我们是在共产党的领导下,一直在同独裁和反动统治作斗争来争取人权的,我们今天怎么可能反过来去镇压人权呢?”

在承认中国因数千年封建专制历史以及残留的半殖民地心态,在人权保障上不可避免仍存在诸多短板与不足的同时,朱镕基坚定地强调,唯有中国人民和中国政府自己才真正懂得如何在中国的大地上切实实现和保障人权。

[30:30](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=1830s) 人权对话、法治建设与叶利钦的拥抱

朱镕基坦承中国在人权与国家治理上并非完美无缺。新中国建国才50年,面对几千年的历史积淀,不可能一夜之间解决所有问题。但他强调中国每天都在倾听各方意见,尤其是倾听自己人民的诉求,并与美国、欧盟、澳大利亚等建立了专门的人权对话渠道。朱镕基幽默地调侃起那些一见面就拿名单施压的外国政要:“我接触许多外国朋友,一见面就拿出一个名单,念出这几个人的名字,你们拘留了多少人?放不放他们?这是民运人士。我说,我们有12.5亿人口,我们每天都有犯人,我每天都在抓人,我不知道你讲的是谁,把名单给我,我回去查一下好不好?”

他进一步解释,刚刚闭幕的全国两会通过了宪法修正案,正式将“依法治国,建设社会主义法治国家”载入宪法。全国人大常委会和国务院每天都在加快立法步伐(国务院立法即行政法规),以法治保障全体公民的人权。他奉劝外国朋友不要对中国人权过于急躁,“我比你们还要急”,同时奉劝西方不要寄希望于那些所谓的“民运人士”,因为若指望他们回来,中国根本不会有真正的法治与民主。

接着,朱镕基分享了他访问俄罗斯时的一件外交趣事。叶利钦总统在会晤时深情地抓起朱镕基的手贴在自己胸口,对他说江泽民主席是他的最好朋友,朱镕基也是他的最好朋友。朱镕基礼尚往来,也把叶利钦的手拉过来贴在自己胸前,称彼此是“值得信赖的朋友”。在记者离开后,叶利钦甚至走上前来与朱镕基紧紧拥抱、脸贴着脸。朱镕基以此类比,坚信这次访美同样会取得圆满成功,受到美国各界的热情欢迎,绝非踏入“雷区”。他风趣地补充道:“当然,我和克林顿总统可能不会拥抱,但是握手可能会紧一点。”

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[34:55](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=2095s) 白宫南草坪欢迎仪式致辞:播撒中美友谊的种子

在白宫举行的欢迎仪式上,朱镕基向克林顿总统、克林顿夫人及在场嘉宾致以诚挚的问候。受江泽民主席委托,他代表12.5亿中国人民向美国人民转达良好祝愿。朱镕基回顾了过去18个月里江泽民与克林顿成功的互访,两国确立了致力于建立“建设性战略伙伴关系”的目标,这不仅符合两国人民的根本利益,也符合维护世界和平的大势。作为联合国安理会常任理事国以及世界上最大的发达国家与发展中国家,中美紧密合作是世界和平的基石。

朱镕基称赞美国是一个热爱自由、开放、自立且充满活力的民族,中国则是一个热爱和平、勤劳、智慧、正直与自尊的民族。两国在三个联合公报和联合声明基础上建立的友谊坚不可摧,任何挑拨都无法动摇。他深信两国之间没有不能通过友好协商解决的分歧,“我们可能存在不同看法,只有能讲出不同看法的才是最好的朋友,才是真正的朋友。”朱镕基回顾代表团先抵洛杉矶时虽逢降雨、离去时却雨过天晴,如今来到华盛顿正是播撒友谊种子的阳春时节,他动情地向开创中美关系的先驱们致以崇高敬意,并由衷高呼:“我爱中国人民,我也爱美国人民!”

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[39:41](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=2381s) 纵论台湾、驳斥窃密指控与政治献金风波

在随后的参访与交流中,朱镕基回应了诸多美中关系间的尖锐议题。针对部分国会议员对反华氛围的担忧,朱镕基回忆曾接见托马斯(William M. Thomas)等人率领的20人两院代表团,议员们当面向他表达欢迎并打趣称“我们喜欢你的面孔”。谈及台湾问题时,朱镕基重申中国坚持和平统一,但绝不能放弃使用武力:“如果放弃了,台湾就会永远从中国分离出去。”他特别提到在克林顿办公室看到了林肯总统的肖像,并指出林肯当年为了维护联邦统一、反对分裂,毫不犹豫地动用了武力,“我们应当向他学习”。

面对美国国内炒作中国“窃取美国军事机密”的舆论,朱镕基予以严正驳斥。他指出中国导弹技术的先驱钱学森来自美国,核技术先驱钱三强来自法国居里夫人实验室,两位大师归国时未带一张纸片,靠的是毕生所学。洛杉矶市长夫人在晚宴上问及建国50周年大庆,朱镕基明确表示中国将举行阅兵,届时展示的最先进武器全是自主研发、绝非偷自美国,“这反映出你们有些太小看我们了”。针对所谓的“中国政治献金案”传闻,朱镕基更是不屑一顾:“如果政治捐款真的管用,我有1460亿美元的外汇储备,我至少可以拿100亿美元来做这个工作,我何必只拿30万美元?太愚蠢了。”他强调中美沟通应基于理性的对话与辩论,而非无稽之谣传。

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[42:58](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=2578s) 孟子民本思想、国情差异与纽约之行

在探讨人权观念时,朱镕基引经据典,指出中国哲学家孟子早在两千多年前就提出了“民为贵,社稷次之,君为轻”的思想,远早于法国的卢梭与美国的《人权宣言》。他阐释道,人权概念具有历史发展性,且各国的具体国情天差地别。中美两国的人均国民收入差距高达20倍,受高等教育的人口比例也悬殊极大。面对贫困群体,如果一味大谈直接选举,往往脱离实际,群众更关心的是受教育权、生存发展权以及享有文化、娱乐和医疗的权利。

朱镕基坦率承认中国的人权工作仍有短板:“坦白地讲,关于如何改善中国的人权状况,我比你们要急得多。”他解释说,中国背负着几千年的封建包袱,人们的陈旧观念很难在朝夕之间转变,司法人员的受教育水平与办案能力也相对有限,指望在这样的基础上一蹴而就、做到尽善尽美是不现实的。在访问了洛杉矶、华盛顿、芝加哥后,代表团抵达了纽约。在被CNN记者问及最喜欢哪座城市时,朱镕基在镜头前外交辞令般地回答“都喜欢”,但他私下向台下听众幽默吐露心声:“但今天在你们这里我可以讲——不要传到外面去——我最喜欢纽约,这完全是发自内心的。”

[46:02](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=2762s) 访美行程评价与两国友好基础

朱镕基回忆当天上午造访联合国大楼时,途经东河(East River)望见两岸林立的高楼大厦,不由得联想起上海,并感叹上海确实是“中国的纽约”。谈及这次访美之旅,他评价代表团的访问非常成功。行前代表团的每位成员其实都做好了在美国“碰一鼻子灰”(battered and bruised)的心理准备。朱镕基曾专门向中国驻美大使请教如何才能避免灰头土脸,大使给出的建议是“必须时刻保持微笑”。朱镕基风趣地自嘲道,自己的脾气不好,硬要他堆出笑脸实在是做不到;但即便没有刻意挂着笑脸,依然受到了美国人民的热情欢迎。

他借此强调,中美两国人民之间的友谊拥有极为深厚的历史根基和民意基础,对华友好也是美国民主党与共和党两党长期以来的既定政策。即便当前双边关系遭遇了一些波折与困难,朱镕基依然坚信这不过是中美友好漫长历史长河里的一段小小插曲,“希望这一片小小的乌云能够过去,中美友好合作的灿烂阳光必将重新普照”。在华盛顿期间,中国政府代表团与克林顿总统进行了极其坦诚且友好的深入交谈,取得了建设性的成果。

- 代表团启程前对在美国面临的尖锐舆论早有心理准备。 - 驻美大使曾建议朱镕基“保持微笑”,但朱镕基以直率性格赢得了美国民众的理解与尊重。 - 两国元首确立的建设性战略伙伴关系具有跨党派的稳定民意支撑。

[48:30](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=2910s) WTO谈判进展与格林伯格的等待

关于加入世界贸易组织(WTO)的谈判,朱镕基指出双边谈判已经极其接近尾声。美方部分人士评估谈判完成了95%,但在他看来实际上已经达成了99%。当天中午与美国金融家共进午餐时,朱镕基会晤了老朋友、AIG(美国国际集团)总裁莫里斯·格林伯格(Maurice Greenberg)。朱镕基谈到,当年他在主政上海担任市长期间批准AIG在上海设立分公司,结果一度被某些官员扣上“卖国贼”的帽子。

然而事实证明,AIG进入中国后不仅自身发展良好,中国本土的保险公司也在与其共存中学习借鉴了大量现代管理经验。不过,后续批准其在全国其他地区开设分公司时依旧阻力重重。即使后来朱镕基升任国务院副总理,也未能完全满足格林伯格的扩张请求;格林伯格当时幽默地抱怨自己等得“已经从一个小姑娘熬成了老太太”。朱镕基现场向听众宣布,中方现已批准AIG在上海、广州之外,继续在深圳和佛山开设分支机构。他风趣地安抚格林伯格:“至少在你退休之前,你的分公司一定能开遍全中国。”朱镕基随即补充说明,他虽然拿AIG举例,但这实际上代表了中国对所有美国企业的开放承诺。

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: AIG在中国市场拓展与政策突破路径 accDescr: 展示AIG从上海试点到拓展全国分支机构的演进历程

subgraph Phase1["上海先行试点阶段"] A["朱镕基任上海市长<br/>力排众议批准AIG入驻"] --> B["顶住党内保守派<br/>'卖国贼'指责压力"] B --> C["本土险企通过竞争<br/>吸取先进现代管理经验"] end

subgraph Phase2["跨区审批受阻阶段"] C --> D["朱镕基任副总理期间<br/>审批遭遇体制阻力"] D --> E["格林伯格感叹<br/>'小姑娘熬成老太太'"] end

subgraph Phase3["全面准入突破阶段"] E --> F["新增获批进驻<br/>深圳与佛山两地"] F --> G["承诺在退休前<br/>将分支机构开遍中国全境"] end ```

[51:34](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=3094s) 驳斥“中国威胁论”与核武经济差距

面对美国国内甚嚣尘上的“中国威胁论”,朱镕基明确指出这种论调完全站不住脚,应当予以纠正。他反问中国究竟能在哪一方面对美国构成威胁:根据克林顿总统披露的数据,美国拥有6000枚核武器,而中国仅有区区几十枚。朱镕基幽默地表示:“我不知道克林顿总统是怎么知道中国只有几十枚的,我确实不知道中国到底有多少核武器,但我完全同意他的看法——你们的核武器很多,我们的核武器极少。”

朱镕基进一步从经济维度进行对比,指出中国的人均国民生产总值(GNP)比美国低几十倍,即便再过三十年、四十年甚至五十年,中国依然会远远落后于美国。在相当长的历史时期内,中国都将是美国庞大的商品市场。朱镕基向美国社会郑重宣告,中国绝不是美国的潜在对手,更不是敌人,而是完全值得信赖的合作伙伴。

- 核武力量悬殊:美国拥有约6000枚核弹头,中国仅维持极少数自卫核力量。 - 经济规模鸿沟:人均GNP相差数十倍,短期内根本无法撼动美国的经济霸权。 - 战略定性:中国不仅不是敌手,反而是美国跨国资本与工业产品的超大规模长期市场。

[53:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=3180s) 入世重大让步的战略考量与反驳“卖国”论

对于中国在WTO谈判中作出的重大让步,朱镕基毫不掩饰其面临的国内政治阻力。他直言中方做出了最大的妥协,“甚至在国内都不能公开讲”。国内官方报刊不敢报道细节,而香港媒体则大肆宣扬朱镕基此番访美是给克林顿总统送上“一份大礼”。朱镕基赶紧出面澄清,要求各方切莫再这么说,否则在当时的政治氛围下反倒会被解读为给克林顿提供所谓的“政治献金”,对其极为不利。

谈及为何要做出如此巨大的退让,朱镕基反问道,难道中国不进WTO就活不下去吗?他斩钉截铁地回答:“绝非如此。”中国复关和入世谈判已经进行了十三年,这十三年间中国不仅生存了下来,而且经济蒸蒸日上;即便谈不成,中国依然可以继续等待。之所以做出妥协,关键在于两大考量:第一,顾全中美友好合作的大局,在中美关系出现不快时,通过达成协定深化两国战略伙伴关系;第二,邓小平确立的改革开放路线已取得辉煌成就,中国企业和体制承受入世冲击的抵御能力大大增强,同时国民意识普遍提升,深刻认识到引入激烈的国际市场竞争机制,才能倒逼国有企业加快改革,促进国民经济更健康、更迅速地发展。

朱镕基随后分享了一桩往事:早年他力主引进半导体巨头科磊(KLA-Tencor)及英特尔(Intel)合作时,曾被一位体制内权威官员再次痛斥为“卖国贼”。然而这两年英特尔在华巨额投资直接激活了中国整个芯片产业的发展。那位当年骂他的官员在春节拜年时主动找到朱镕基认错,承认自己当年看错了。朱镕基笑着说:“我相信未来我不会再第三次被叫做‘卖国贼’了。因此,我认为这种让步对中美两国都是互利共赢的。”

> “在加入世贸组织谈判中,我们做出了最大的让步,这在国内是不能公开宣传的。” ——朱镕基

[56:38](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=3398s) 法治建设、人权保障与国情差异

面对美国各界对中国法治与人权记录的频繁质问,朱镕基指出依法治国是中国当前极为紧迫的任务。全国人民代表大会近期通过了宪法修正案,白纸黑字将“依法治国,建设社会主义法治国家”载入宪法。在人权问题上,中国的人权事业取得了历史上前所未有的巨大进步,但他也坦承工作中确实存在诸多不足,中方乐于虚心听取外界意见以持续改进。

朱镕基动情地提到,江泽民主席以及包括他自己在内的当代中国领导人,青年时代就投身于为中国人民争取民主、自由、人权与法治的抗争之中,“我们当年为此奋斗,今天难道会反过来去侵犯或践踏人权吗?”他恳请美国公众理解两国的基本国情差异:中国有着两千多年的封建君主历史,新中国成立才整整五十年;人民的生活水准和受教育程度与美国有着数十倍的差距。在这样的社会基础下,照搬美国的民主模式是完全行不通的。推进法治必须培育强大的司法队伍,需要大量合格的法官和律师。朱镕基说到这里顺势调侃了一句:“虽然很遗憾,你们美国的律师实在是太多了。”他重申,中国绝不害怕民主,也不是不想搞法治,更不想侵害人权,一切都必须立足于中国国情逐步推进、日益完善。

- 宪法保障:全国人大修宪正式将“依法治国”确立为基本治国方略。 - 历史回溯:中国现任领导层早年皆是反压迫、争自由运动的亲历者。 - 现实短板:司法专业人才匮乏,公民受教育水平仍待提升,无法生搬硬套西方民主选举制度。

[01:00:11](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=3611s) 科教兴国、吴仪的角色与家庭趣谈

朱镕基强调,本届政府两次庄严宣告,将“科教兴国”列为任期内最核心的施政任务,而科教兴国的基石归根结底在于基础教育。

随后他谈及中美WTO谈判团队,特意表彰了代表团中的关键女性领导人——国务委员吴仪。朱镕基幽默地向美国观众解密中国的官职体系:美国人常常搞不清楚“国务委员”(State Councilor)到底是个什么职位,其实在级别上就等同于副总理(Vice Premier);不过中国人历来极为讲究排位,在官方排序上国务委员位于总理之后。朱镕基风趣地调侃道:“但在这次WTO谈判的内部,她才是真正的‘总理’,而我只是她的‘副总理’。”

为了活跃现场气氛,朱镕基还在演讲尾声大方分享了一个家庭内部的“秘密”:“在家里我对我太太是百依百顺,完全是个听话的仆人;我的口袋里连一分钱都没有,全部收入都要如数上缴。”这番充满人情味的真诚独白引发了全场热烈的笑声。

> “在这次谈判过程中,她是总理,我是副总理。” ——朱镕基

[01:02:26](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=3746s) Western Development Strategy: Infrastructure and Ecology

Premier Zhu Rongji outlines the strategic priorities for the Great Western Development campaign, highlighting two fundamental pillars: infrastructure construction and ecological protection. Addressing the western region’s vast geographical span and historically underdeveloped transportation network, he explains that the central government has begun shifting substantial national investment toward the west. A premier example is the West-to-East Gas Pipeline project, designed to tap into the massive natural gas reserves recently discovered in Xinjiang’s Tarim Basin. The planned 4,200-kilometer pipeline will traverse eight provinces and municipalities to deliver natural gas directly to Shanghai, fundamentally transforming regional markets and energy dynamics. Zhu emphasizes that the initiative requires immense capital and openly invites domestic and foreign investors to participate through direct investment, shareholding, and operational management, predicting the project will yield significant financial returns.

On the environmental front, Zhu emphasizes that because China has resolved its historical food shortages and now enjoys a grain surplus, the government can reverse past practices of deforesting mountain slopes for subsistence agriculture. Instead, the state can provide free grain to farmers so they can convert steep and marginal agricultural land back into natural habitats. This policy—returning farmland to forests, grasslands, and lakes—aims to rehabilitate the western ecology and make the region aesthetically and economically appealing to outside capital. Zhu adds that preferential opening-up policies comparable to those in eastern coastal zones will be applied to the west, welcoming foreign financial institutions in banking, securities, and insurance. While construction on key transportation and energy links can advance rapidly—noting that the 4,200-kilometer pipeline could be laid within two years via sectional construction, and major infrastructure in areas like Sichuan's Aba Prefecture within eight to ten years—Zhu tempers expectations regarding overall development, stating: “True development of the western region will likely take one, two, or even several generations.”

- **West-to-East Gas Pipeline**: 4,200 kilometers running from the Tarim Basin in Xinjiang across eight provinces/municipalities to Shanghai. - **Ecological Strategy**: Subsidizing farmers with state surplus grain to execute policies of returning cultivated land to forest, grassland, and wetland/lake reserves. - **Financial Opening**: Extending preferential terms to foreign banks, insurers, and securities firms investing in the western interior.

---

[01:06:12](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=3972s) The Taiwan Question and the Looming 2000 Election

Turning to cross-strait relations, Zhu reiterates Beijing’s steadfast stance on peaceful reunification under the "One Country, Two Systems" framework, while reaffirming that China will never renounce the option to use force. He explains that Beijing is prepared to negotiate with any group upholding the One-China principle, emphasizing that compromises can be made among fellow Chinese, but issues a stark warning to pro-independence factions. Recalling modern Chinese history since the 1840 Opium War—marked by foreign aggression and imperial Japanese colonial rule over Taiwan—Zhu grows visibly emotional as he recounts his youth. At age nine, amidst extreme poverty and national humiliation, he sang patriotic national salvation songs, recalling the lyric "Arise, those who refuse to be slaves!" and remembering the tears and unyielding determination to sacrifice his life for the motherland that the anthem evoked.

Zhu sharply criticizes overseas military analysts who attempt to calculate whether Beijing would intervene based on tallies of naval vessels and missiles. Rebutting assertions that China dares not or will not fight, Zhu counters: “By your logic, Hitler would have already conquered the whole world. You do not understand Chinese history; you do not know that the Chinese people will surely defend the motherland's unity and national dignity with their blood and lives.” Observing the volatile campaigning underway just three days before Taiwan's presidential election, he points out that political maneuvers reveal clear separatist ambitions—likening them to the idiom "Sima Zhao’s intent is known to all." He cites a recent 617-point crash in Taiwan's stock market as tangible evidence of the Taiwanese electorate's deep anxiety that pro-independence forces might provoke a cross-strait conflict. Urging voters across the strait not to make an impulsive decision they might later regret, Zhu appeals directly to their political wisdom to preserve peace.

- **Historical Precedent Cited**: Modern resistance from the 1840 Opium War through the end of Japanese colonial rule over Taiwan. - **Market Reaction**: A 617-point single-day decline in the Taiwan stock index viewed as a barometer of local fear regarding cross-strait instability. - **Direct Admonition**: Warning Taiwanese voters with three days remaining before polling not to let separatist sentiment dictate the outcome.

---

[01:12:05](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=4325s) Anti-Corruption, Judicial Accountability, and Financial Rectification

Addressing domestic governance and corruption, Zhu acknowledges that public dissatisfaction remains palpable, pointing directly to the National People's Congress voting results that very day. When the annual work reports of the Supreme People's Court and the Supreme People's Procuratorate were submitted to the approximately 2,700 attending deputies, both received over 700 dissenting votes or abstentions. Zhu frames these critical tallies as clear proof that the administration and judiciary still fall short of public expectations, though he insists substantial progress is being achieved under the rule of law. He points specifically to massive customs anti-smuggling crackdowns in Jiangmen and Xiamen, which curbed illicit trade so effectively that national customs revenue doubled within a single year. These recovered revenues directly enabled the central government to finance wage increases for 84 million low-income workers.

Rejecting the argument that official corruption is an inevitable consequence of a one-party system or that multiparty systems are immune to it, Zhu asserts that the real remedy lies in legal institutionalization and uncompromising enforcement. He acknowledges that public media disclosure of graft cases has lagged behind actual investigative work due to practical hurdles, but promises that media transparency will increase so that citizens can supervise judicial proceedings. Referring to his designation of the current year as the "Year of Management" (管理年) at the initial State Council plenary meeting, Zhu stresses rigorous oversight across all sectors, with a special emphasis on cleaning up the banking and financial system.

- **NPC Voting Pushback**: More than 700 deputies out of approximately 2,700 voted against or abstained on the Supreme Court and Supreme Procuratorate reports. - **Customs Crackdowns**: Enforcement operations targeting smuggling syndicates in Jiangmen and Xiamen doubled year-over-year customs revenue, funding pay hikes for 84 million lower-income citizens. - **Financial Sector Purge**: Over 5,000 financial criminal cases handled and more than 50 branch presidents removed from office over the preceding two years.

---

[01:16:21](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=4581s) Political Reform, Personal Legacy, and WTO Accession

Discussing political reform, Zhu welcomes external praise for China’s village-level direct democratic elections and expresses his personal hope that grassroots democratic practices can be elevated to higher administrative tiers as expeditiously as feasible. As he reflects on reaching the midpoint of his five-year term as Premier, he notes that with less than three years remaining, he will continue pushing his agenda forward under the leadership of the CCP Central Committee with Jiang Zemin at the core. Zhu strikes an unusually introspective, self-deprecating tone regarding his legacy, dismissing grand ambitions and focusing instead on public integrity.

```mermaid flowchart LR accTitle: Sino-US WTO and PNTR Approval Pathway accDescr: Diagram illustrating the steps from bilateral negotiations to WTO accession via congressional PNTR approval. subgraph Negotiations ["13-Year Negotiations"] A["Bilateral Deal Reached<br/>(Jiang & Clinton)"] end subgraph Approval ["Legislative Formalization"] B["China Approves Accord<br/>(NPC/State Council)"] C["US Congress PNTR Vote<br/>(Pending Approval)"] end subgraph Final ["Multilateral Integration"] D["Entry into WTO"] end A --> B A --> C B & C --> D ```

Expressing his personal philosophy on public office, Zhu delivers one of his most memorable reflections: “I only hope that after I step down, the people of the country can say that he was an honest official, not a corrupt one; then I would... If, in addition, they say, 'Zhu Rongji did manage to accomplish a few practical things,' then, oh, I would thank heaven and earth.” Moving to international economic matters, Zhu addresses the United States' granting of Permanent Normal Trade Relations (PNTR) status to China. He underscores that PNTR is not a unilateral concession but the indispensable prerequisite and contractual cornerstone of the bilateral WTO agreement signed after 13 grueling years of talks overseen by President Jiang Zemin and President Bill Clinton. Emphasizing that China has fulfilled its commitments and cleared all legislative requirements domestically, Zhu states that Washington carries the sole remaining obligation to pass the measure through Congress and enact it into law.

- **Grassroots Democracy**: Endorsement of expanding competitive village direct elections to higher administrative levels. - **Tenure Benchmark**: Approaching the final three years of his term as Premier of the State Council. - **WTO Bilateral Terms**: The China–US trade pact concluded after 13 years of negotiations, resting upon US congressional passage of unconditional PNTR status.

[01:19:09](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=4749s) 呼吁美国国会通过对华永久正常贸易关系(PNTR)

朱镕基谈及中美贸易与入世谈判后续的关键环节——美国国会审议对华永久正常贸易关系(PNTR)法案。他指出,克林顿总统此前已作出承诺,并且一直在为此积极奔走努力推动国会批准。针对这一历史关头的抉择,朱镕基直接引述了克林顿总统的原话并给出了极其强烈的回应:“克林顿总统曾经说过:‘如果我们现在不批准这个PNTR,恐怕我们要后悔20年。’我可以加一句:何止20年,恐怕几百年、几千年以后,美国人翻开这段历史,也要感到痛心疾首,为什么当时犯了这么一个错误?短视、可惜。”

朱镕基进而表示,尽管外界存在各种争论,但他本人对美国国会议员的智慧与理智抱有充分的信心,相信美方议员最终能够明辨利弊,PNTR一定会获得顺利通过。

[01:20:26](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=4826s) 亚洲金融危机与积极财政政策的出台

回顾1997年亚洲金融危机的爆发,朱镕基指出中国当时同样面临前所未有的巨大困难与冲击。首先是外贸出口遭遇断崖式下跌,1997年中国外贸出口增速曾高达20%,但到了1998年,出口增长率骤降至零增长甚至出现负增长。与此同时,中国的部分中小金融机构陷入支付危机或发生违约风险;更为严峻的是,受有效需求不足与严重产能过剩影响,全国国有企业有上千万职工下岗,主要工农业产品全线供大于求。面对如此重重困境,社会各界和专家层出不穷地提出各种应对招数,例如主张让人民币大幅贬值以刺激外贸出口,或者主张大量抛售国有资产来渡过难关。

面对错综复杂的局面,中共中央与国务院审时度势,果断作出了实施“积极的财政政策和稳健的货币政策”的宏观调控决策。朱镕基指出,经过三年的实践检验,事实证明这一决策是完全正确的。当时中国的基本国情是“不缺人手也不缺资金”。这里的资金主要指银行体系内极其丰厚的居民储蓄存款。但由于工业加工领域普遍产能过剩,银行根本找不到能够盈利的优质商业项目放贷,而银行又必须照常向储户支付利息;如果这批庞大的国有银行资金长期闲置沉淀,不仅无法创造效益,反而会转嫁成为国库极其沉重的包袱。

为此,中央政府采取了由财政部向商业银行发行长期建设国债的方式,把银行里沉淀的资金有效撬动并组织起来,集中投向国家基础设施建设。三年间,中央累计发行建设国债3600亿元,直接带动了1.5万亿元的全社会基础设施投资,不仅有效吸纳了下岗和失业人员再就业,消化了大量过剩的工业产能,还彻底盘活并带动了整个国民经济的大循环。

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: 积极财政政策与长期建设国债运作机制 accDescr: 展示1998年中国如何通过发行建设国债激活银行储蓄并带动基础设施建设与经济良性循环

subgraph Crisis ["危机与困境 (1997-1998)"] A["亚洲金融危机爆发<br/>出口增速从20%降至零或负增长"] B["中小金融机构风险与违约"] C["工业产能严重过剩<br/>上千万国企职工下岗"] D["银行居民储蓄极其丰厚<br/>缺乏盈利项目无法放贷"] end

subgraph Policy ["中央宏观决策"] E["积极的财政政策<br/>稳健的货币政策"] F["财政部向银行发行建设国债<br/>(3年发行3600亿元)"] end

subgraph Investment ["基建落地与撬动"] G["带动1.5万亿元基建总投资"] H["修建17万公里公路(1万公里高速)"] I["1万公里新线/复线/电气化铁路"] J["大江大河堤防整治与城市环保"] end

subgraph Result ["经济成效"] K["消化工业过剩产能<br/>吸收大量失业下岗工人"] L["国企三年脱困与效益好转"] M["财政收入大幅跃升<br/>(2000年达1.388万亿元)"] end

Crisis --> Policy E --> F F --> G G --> H & I & J Investment --> Result ```

- 1997年外贸出口增长率达20%,1998年直接跌落至零增长或负增长。 - 国有企业由于有效需求不足下岗失业职工规模达到1000万人。 - 三年内中央累计发行建设国债3600亿元,带动全社会基础设施投资达1.5万亿元。

[01:23:50](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=5030s) 基建成果、国债安全性与百姓排队抢购国债

朱镕基详细列举了三年积极财政政策所换来的扎实硬件成果与经济回报。在交通领域,三年共新建公路17万公里,其中高速公路达1万公里;新建、改建以及电气化铁路达1万公里。在大江大河治理上,数千公里的江河堤防全面加固并基本达到了高标准防洪要求,使国家彻底摆脱了类似1998年特大洪灾时的被动挨打局面。在城市建设方面,大量资金投向污水处理、供水供气和生态环保工程,环境治理效益有目共睹。与此同时,大规模基建有力拉动了钢铁、水泥等重工业需求,助力大批国有企业如期实现“三年脱困”。企业效益与利税的激增随即转化为国家财力的实质性扩张:2000年全国财政收入达到1.388万亿元,比1999年增收1960亿元(朱镕基在后文中明确口误修正为“一年财政收入增加了1960亿”)。

针对外界对财政赤字大幅增加的担忧,朱镕基指出中国的财政赤字全部实打实用在了基础设施建设上,国家完全有能力偿还,根本不存在债务风险。他透露,前一年他在新疆会见美国前财政部长(罗伯特·鲁宾)时曾特意咨询对方:“中国现在实行稳健而又积极的财政政策,你对此有什么看法?”那位前财长询问中国目前的国债余额是多少,朱镕基回答:“1.2万亿,包含过去几年的国债在内一共是1.2万亿还没有还,占我们GDP的14%。”那位前财长非常干脆地回答道,这完全没有风险,距离国际公认20%的债务安全警戒线还差得很远。朱镕基笑着表示,自己之所以踏实,不仅是因为美国前财长的权威背书,更是因为看到了实打实的账面数字,“我根据去年的数字,也就是一年财政收入增加了1960亿,我手里有钱,真金白银回来了,所以我放心了。”

朱镕基介绍,全国人大已批准国务院当年再发行1500亿元建设国债,主要用于结转项目以及西部大开发的新开工重点工程,预计次年可能还需要发行1500亿元左右。他预测,再经过两年的集中建设,随着在建工程收尾、西部大开发格局初现,在经济良性循环、税收持续增长和民间资本通道打开之后,未来就不再需要发行如此大规模的建设国债了。

谈到这里,朱镕基风趣地道出了自己的“另一种担心”:现在如果国债发少了,老百姓可能会有意见。因为老百姓一听说国债开售,半夜就起来在银行门口排长队抢购,往往一上午就全部售罄。究其原因,当时一年期银行储蓄存款利率仅为2.25%,而三年期国债年利率为2.87%,五年期为3.07%,存在明显的利差优势。朱镕基欣慰地补充道,即便发行了如此巨额的国债并开征了利息所得税,居民在银行的储蓄存款依然只增不减,这充分证明广大中国老百姓对国家和政府充满信任。

- 三年基建成果:新建公路17万公里(含高速公路1万公里)、铁路新建/复线/电气化达1万公里、大江大河数千公里堤防全面达标。 - 财政收入:2000年全国财政收入达1.388万亿元,较1999年净增1960亿元。 - 债务规模:累计国债余额为1.2万亿元,占当年国内生产总值(GDP)的14%,远低于20%的国际公认预警线。 - 当年发债计划:全国人大批准当年发售1500亿元建设国债,预计次年再发1500亿元后逐步淡出建设国债。 - 利率对比:一年期银行储蓄利率为2.25%,三年期国债年利率为2.87%,五年期国债年利率为3.07%。

[01:29:16](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=5356s) 中日历史教科书问题与政府机构改革成效

话题转向外交与双边关系,朱镕基回顾了中日关系的发展脉络。他指出,1998年江泽民主席访问日本时,双方共同确定建立致力于和平与发展的友好合作伙伴关系,使双边关系得到了很大改善。朱镕基本人访日期间,也遵循江泽民主席提出的“以史为鉴,面向未来”的精神,与日本政府领导人坦诚会谈,并与日本各界人士开展了深入、务实而真诚的沟通。谈及当时中日关系面临的突出摩擦,朱镕基严肃地指出,核心焦点在于日本右翼的历史教科书审定问题。

朱镕基强调,教科书问题不仅是中日两国之间的事情,而是关乎日本与全亚洲所有相关国家及人民的大是大非问题。否认日本军国主义发动侵略战争的历史事实并歪曲历史,伤害的不单单是中国人民的感情,而是全亚洲人民的感情。朱镕基严肃指出日本政府对教科书具有法定审定权:“这些教科书是必须经过日本政府、日本文部省审定的,因此日本政府负有不可推卸的责任,他们必须在这方面采取行动,不能以所谓言论自由或者意见自由来推卸这种责任。”针对日方已作出部分修改的表态,朱镕基指出,从亚洲各国的强烈反应来看,这种隔靴搔痒的修改是远远不够的。这绝非干涉日本内政,而是事关日本与亚洲各国能否世代友好相处、是否符合日本人民长远利益的根本基石。

尽管历史认识问题引发巨大波澜,但朱镕基明确表示这不应阻碍两国的正常交往与高层接触。他深情回忆起最初邀请他访日的已故日本前首相小渊惠三,并对小渊的去世再次表达哀悼;随后森喜朗首相接任并再次发出邀请,使得朱镕基得以成行并与日本民众留下了极好的互动记忆。因此,朱镕基在发布会上重申欢迎并正式邀请森喜朗首相当年访问中国。

在回答发布会的最后议题时,朱镕基谈到了本届政府大力推动的中央机构改革。他总结道,本届政府的机构改革取得了显著成功,自1998年推行改革以来,在极其短暂的时间内,国务院系统的人员编制就实现了大幅精简,在职人员由原先的3万多人直接削减了一半以上。

- 历史原则:坚持江泽民主席提出的“以史为鉴,面向未来”方针处理对日关系。 - 外交表态:重申邀请日本首相森喜朗于当年正式访问中国。 - 机构改革数据:自1998年国务院机构改革启动以来,国务院系统公务员编制从3万余人大幅精简至1.5万余人,人员精简幅度达到50%左右。

[01:32:53](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=5573s) 政府机构改革与职能转变的成效与挑战

朱镕基在答记者问中回顾了政府机构改革的进展与减员情况。国务院机关编制成功减半,精简了 1.6 万人,且整个分流过程中“没有发生任何不稳定的情况”。随后,各省市地方政府机关也按比例进行了大幅人员精简,并在当年进一步部署将市县一级机关人员核减 20%,超编人员全部妥善安排退休。朱镕基认为,此轮大刀阔斧的机构改革极大提升了政府运转效率,国务院部门的办事效能得到了显著提高。

但对于政府职能转变的深层现状,朱镕基明确表达了未达理想状态的忧虑与不满。他坦言许多干部习惯了计划经济体制下的思维与工作方式,对社会主义市场经济条件下政府该管什么、不该管什么认识不清,经常插手不该管的事务,导致职能“错位”。为此,中央对产业主管部门进行了大拆大改,不仅撤销了原相当于十个工业部性质的国家局中的九个,同时还对市场监管部门进行了升格扩权——将国家工商行政管理局、国家质量技术监督局、国家出入境检验检疫局等从副部级提升为正部级,强化其维护公平竞争与市场秩序的能力。正如朱镕基所指出的:“政府职能的转变不是一件容易的事情,这需要时间,我们还会继续努力。”

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: 机构改革与职能调整架构 accDescr: 展示机构精简、微观管理机构撤销以及市场监管机构升格的过程

subgraph Downsizing ["机构精简分流"] A["国务院部门编制减半 (减员1.6万人)"] B["市县级机关编制压减20%"] end

subgraph Restructuring ["职能错位治理"] C["撤销9个工业主管国家局 (退出微观干预)"] D["升格市场监管机构为正部级 (工商、质检、检验检疫)"] end

Downsizing --> Restructuring ```

- 国务院机关编制减半,精简 1.6 万人,未出现不稳定情况。 - 市县级政府机关编制压减 20%,富余人员全部按政策退休。 - 原相当于十个工业部的国家局中,撤销了九个、改革了一个。 - 强化市场经济监管部门,将工商、质监、出入境检验检疫等部门由副部级升格为正部级。

---

[01:35:21](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=5721s) 收入差距的成因与治理:行业垄断与税收调控

谈及社会广泛关注的收入分配差距问题,朱镕基表示中央对此高度重视,但从宏观数据看“尚未达到临界状态”。1999 年的统计显示,中国按国际标准测算的基尼系数约为 0.39,虽已逼近 0.4 的国际公认警戒线,但仍处于可控范围。他将这一差距的成因客观归结为三个主要方面:一是城乡历史差距与当前粮食相对过剩、粮价低迷导致的主产区农民收入下滑;二是国有企业攻坚改革过程中,下岗与失业职工数量较多,与在岗人员收入差距拉大;三是部分行业凭借垄断地位攫取了过高收入。

在剖析垄断行业的高收入时,朱镕基风趣而尖锐地背诵了一段坊间流传的民谚:“银行加上证券、保险,这叫‘两电加一烟’;两电是电力、电信,一烟是烟草;第三是石油石化……第四是连扫地的收入都很高。”为了打破这些行业壁垒,中央决定启动电力、电信、铁路、民航等领域的深层体制改革以破除行业垄断。同时,朱镕基指出中国税收调控仍存在短板,现行个人所得税最高边际税率虽然达到了 45%,意味着高收入者将近一半的收入应上缴国家,但实际征收和执行力度并不到位。他强调必须加大依法征税力度,并明确重申:“情况不算严重,正在加以解决。”

- 1999 年中国基尼系数测算为 0.39,逼近国际预警线但未破线。 - 城乡差距因粮食供大于求、粮价下跌导致主产区农民收入下降而加剧。 - 垄断畸高收入行业集中于金融证券、电力电信、烟草及石油石化领域。 - 针对垄断行业推行动力、电信、民航、铁路等体制重组改革。 - 个人所得税最高税率设定为 45%,但执法与征缴环节亟待完善与规范。

---

[01:39:16](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=5956s) “头疼”的农民增收:入世冲击与中美贸易交锋

面对记者关于其任期四年是否感到疲惫的提问,朱镕基幽默回应,四年过去人总是会变老的,但他“在这四年里从来不敢懈怠”。在这四年间,政府战胜了亚洲金融危机,公务员薪资大幅增长,国企三年脱困实现效益好转,离退休人员社保待遇也明显提高。然而,让他最感到揪心的是八亿农民的增收困难,朱镕基直言:“你问我什么最让我头疼?我一天到晚都头疼;如果问最头疼的是什么,我认为目前主要还是增加农民的收入。”

朱镕基深入分析,国内农产品供大于求,种什么什么不值钱,再加上中国加入世界贸易组织(WTO)后美国廉价农产品的大举进入,给国内农民带来了巨大冲击。他以大豆为例展开了犀利的中美经贸交锋对比:美国向中国出口的大豆高达 1500 万吨,已相当于中国全年的国内总产量;当中国出于国际通行做法准备对转基因农产品实施管理政策时,美国政要随即上门交涉,强调这关系到美国 10 亿美元的出口利益;然而,美国在面对中国出口的钢铁产品时,却单方面加征 8% 至 30% 的高关税,直接截断了中国价值 3.5 亿美元的钢铁出口通道。对此,朱镕基直面反击:“允许你们的领导人关心那 10 亿美元的大豆,就不允许我关心本国这 3.5 亿美元的钢铁出口吗?”

针对这一农村难题,朱镕基指出解决的长远根本在于调整农业产业结构,但眼前中央已备有充足政策储备: - 国家拥有 5000 亿斤的庞大粮食储备,可以放心敞开供应,推进退耕还林、退耕还草、退田还湖以直接补贴农民; - 全面推开农村税费改革,切实减轻农民税费负担; - 坚定推进农业内部种植结构的优化调整。

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[01:44:33](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=6273s) 驳“赤字总理”称号:国债资金投向与基建成果

针对香港媒体冠以的“赤字总理”外号,朱镕基明确予以反驳,强调自己“一辈子从来不接受任何荣誉称号与名誉学位,必须把这件事情讲清楚”。他用详实的国际横向比较指出,在所考察的 20 多个国家中,2000 年有 19 个国家存在财政赤字,包括主要发达国家;赤字的关键并不在于存在与否,而在于是否处于安全承受区间,以及“这个赤字究竟花在了哪里”。

朱镕基公布了当年的关键财政指标:当年财政预算赤字为 3098 亿元人民币(录音中为预算赤字约占当年 GDP 的 3%),国债发行累计余额为 2.56 万亿元人民币,占 GDP 的 16%,两项指标均大幅低于公认的国际安全警戒线(赤字率 3%、负债率 60%)。更为核心的是,本届政府发行的 5100 亿元长期建设国债没有被日常开销“吃光喝光”,而是充当了杠杆资本,撬动配套银行资金及各方渠道,撬动了高达 2 万亿元的基础设施项目建设。朱镕基自豪地列举了这 2 万亿元所落地的扎实家底: - 新建和改建公路 10 万公里,其中包含 1.3 万公里的高等级高速公路; - 建成投产铁路新线及复线电气化干线超过 5000 公里,为中国后续几十年的长期经济腾飞筑牢了坚不可摧的物质基础。

[01:47:04](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=6424s) High-Quality Assets, Economic Kung Fu, and the "Proactive Premier" Moniker

Reflecting on the scale of national investment, Premier Zhu Rongji emphasizes that the government's heavy expenditures yielded concrete, durable infrastructure rather than mere liabilities. Across the preceding four years, China upgraded more than 10,000 kilometers of infrastructure, built 95 million kilowatts in power generation capacity, completely overhauled rural power grids, and oversaw an increase of 320 million mobile and fixed-line telephone connections. Addressing critics who voiced anxiety over the mounting deficit, Zhu clarifies that the state was not burdening future leadership with unpaid bills, but instead handing over 2.5 trillion yuan in premium assets that would continue producing long-term economic dividends. The 510 billion yuan in special treasury bonds, together with the commercial bank credit it catalyzed, expanded overall industrial production, propelled rapid national growth, and steadily lifted fiscal revenues. This expanded fiscal space enabled the government to double workers' wages in recent years, inject substantial funding into a newly formed social safety net, and witness household savings expand consistently by 700 to 800 billion yuan every year.

Defending his macroeconomic strategy against domestic and international skepticism, Zhu argues that without aggressive public expenditure combined with prudent monetary controls, the Chinese economy would have risked an outright collapse in the wake of the Asian financial crisis. Instead, headline prices stayed remarkably stable over four years, fluctuating within an exceptionally narrow band of one percent. With typical dry humor, he credits this delicate balance to Beijing's economic discipline: “Clearly, China's 'kung fu' is quite good.” When pressed on the honorary label given to him by observers, he flatly demurs: “So I am sorry, I cannot accept the honorary title of 'Proactive Premier.' I return it to you.” For Zhu, proactive fiscal policy was not a personal vanity project, but the single viable mechanism that turned regional financial headwinds into an unprecedented domestic growth engine.

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Multiplier Effect of Proactive Fiscal Policy accDescr: Flowchart illustrating how 510 billion yuan in national debt catalyzed bank loans and turned into 2.5 trillion yuan in assets. subgraph Investment["Capital Mobilization"] Debt["510 Billion Yuan National Debt"] --> Loans["Commercial Bank Leverage"] end subgraph Assets["Physical & Social Assets"] Loans --> Infra["10,000+ km Upgrades & Power Grids"] Loans --> Telecom["320M New Phone Lines"] Loans --> SafetyNet["Social Security & Wage Doubling"] end subgraph Outcome["Economic Dividends"] Infra --> AssetVal["2.5 Trillion Yuan in Quality Assets"] Telecom --> AssetVal SafetyNet --> Stability["Near-Zero Inflation & 700-800B Annual Savings"] end ```

- Infrastructure gains: Upgraded over 10,000 kilometers, constructed 95 million kilowatts of power plant capacity, and renovated rural electricity grids nationwide. - Telecommunications expansion: Total mobile and landline telephone subscriptions increased by 320 million over four years. - Balance sheet output: Left behind 2.5 trillion yuan in high-performing state assets against 510 billion yuan in bond debt. - Household wealth: Urban wages roughly doubled; household bank deposits expanded at a clip of 700 to 800 billion yuan annually. - Inflation control: Prices fluctuated within a narrow margin of less than one percent over the four-year cycle.

[01:50:10](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=6610s) Sino-Japanese Relations and Confronting the Widening Wealth Gap

Turning to foreign affairs, Zhu marks the 30th anniversary of the normalization of diplomatic ties between China and Japan. Recalling his summit with Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi the previous year, he highlights that the two nations designated the anniversary as the Year of China-Japan Friendship, planning cultural exchanges including a Japan Culture Year in China and a China Culture Year in Japan. Zhu also reaffirms China’s long-standing diplomatic push to host the Japanese Crown Prince and Crown Princess, expressing confidence that such a high-level visit will eventually materialize.

On the domestic front, Zhu speaks candidly about the deepening wealth disparity and polarization within Chinese society. Rather than downplaying the issue, he openly admits its reality, grounding it in Deng Xiaoping’s early reform philosophy: “I believe you likely remember Mr. Deng Xiaoping saying that we should let some people get rich first, and so naturally, there are some who have not yet become rich.” He notes that income stratification is an unavoidable consequence of a specific transitional historical phase, but stresses that state policy continuously counters this imbalance. Lifting rural incomes and aiding vulnerable groups had become a centerpiece of his annual government work report, alongside targeted fiscal transfers and social insurance support for laid-off state workers, the unemployed, and retirees. Zhu argues that the tax code remains the executive’s most powerful corrective lever to redistribute wealth and assist those left behind, expressing confidence that targeted taxation and structural reform will resolve the wealth gap over time.

- Diplomatic milestone: Celebrated 30 years of normalized relations with Japan through reciprocal cultural years. - Imperial invitation: Confirmed ongoing efforts to arrange a formal visit of the Japanese Crown Prince and Crown Princess to Beijing. - Structural inequality: Acknowledged income polarization as a transitional byproduct of the policy allowing some to prosper first. - Targeted remedies: Prioritized rural earnings growth, urban social safety nets for laid-off laborers, and progressive tax enforcement as primary policy tools.

[01:53:06](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=6786s) Scorecard on "One Guarantee and Three Achievements" and Five Major Reforms

Reviewing the sweeping reform agenda he unveiled upon taking office in 1998, Zhu systematically audits the "One Guarantee and Three Achievements" program. The sole guarantee was maintaining an 8 percent annual economic growth rate while keeping the renminbi stable. While the currency held firm without devaluation, GDP expansion came in at 7.8 percent—just shy of the target. Zhu reminds his audience of the extraordinary headwinds of 1998, when catastrophic domestic flooding converged with the peak of the Asian financial turmoil. Despite this minor numerical shortfall, he considers the core commitments fulfilled.

The "Three Achievements" similarly saw major execution. Large and medium-sized state-owned enterprises (SOEs) met their target of reversing systemic operational deficits within three years, turning a profit and delivering tax receipts that grew at more than double the rate of national GDP. In the financial sector, commercial banking underwent deep structural separation; drawing directly from the playbook of the United States' Resolution Trust Corporation (RTC), China established dedicated asset management companies to hive off non-performing loans, successfully curbing toxic asset ratios on bank balance sheets. In government administration, the State Council completed its radical restructuring within the first year, cutting its personnel roster by 50 percent before cascading the downsizing program downward to provincial, municipal, and county bureaucracies. Beyond these, Zhu notes progress across five ancillary systemic reforms: grain marketing, public investment, commercial housing, healthcare, and fiscal taxation. Refusing complacency, Zhu looks back on his term with quiet resolve: “I think we can say we have a clear conscience, but there is still a lot of work left undone.”

- GDP and currency outcome: Growth reached 7.8 percent against an 8.0 percent target amidst historic 1998 floods; renminbi exchange rate remained fully stabilized. - SOE profitability: Majority of large and medium loss-making state enterprises turned profitable within the three-year timeline, doubling fiscal tax generation. - Banking cleanup: Adopted the US RTC model to carve out non-performing loans into asset management companies, dropping the overall ratio of bad bank debt. - Bureaucratic downsizing: Halved central State Council staff in year one, later extending personnel cuts into regional and local tiers. - Legislative backing: Government work reports consistently secured broad endorsements exceeding 70 percent approval in the National People's Congress.

[01:55:59](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=6959s) Personal Demeanor, Confronting Corrupt Cadres, and Hong Kong’s Future

Addressing press inquiries into his famously combative public persona, Zhu displays characteristic wit regarding his media portrayal. He marvels at the relentless inquisitiveness of the press corps before brushing aside attempts to lionize his leadership style. Commenting on sensationalized reports in the Hong Kong press claiming he regularly screamed, pounded tables, slammed benches, and stared down underlings, Zhu sets the record straight with sharp comedic timing. He concedes that he has indeed slammed conference tables and stared people down—quipping that if he were unable to glare, he would be a vegetable—but draws the line at furniture abuse, joking that pounding a wooden bench would simply hurt his own hands. Turning stern, he rejects the notion that his fierce demeanor was ever aimed downward: “I never intimidate the common people; I only intimidate corrupt officials.”

Concluding his remarks on the special administrative region, Zhu reassures reporters regarding Hong Kong’s continuing relevance as an international financial and cultural capital. Dismissing pessimistic claims that the territory has lost its competitive edge, he honors Hong Kong’s indispensable role as the catalyst for mainland China’s initial reform and opening throughout the 1970s and 1980s. While noting that shifts in global trade demand an ongoing adjustment of Hong Kong’s economic positioning, he maintains that no mainland city can step into its shoes: “As I have already said, no similar city can replace Hong Kong in the near future.” Closing the press conference, Zhu frames his legacy around administrative integrity and selfless public service: “I am determined to make the next government a clean, efficient administration that serves the people wholeheartedly.”

- Media rumors debunked: Acknowledged table-slamming and glaring, but mocked reports of bench-pounding as painful physical nonsense. - Focus of executive ire: Insisted his sharp temper was exclusively directed at corrupt bureaucrats, never ordinary citizens. - Hong Kong’s standing: Reaffirmed that no mainland center can supplant Hong Kong's role as a leading global financial hub in the near term. - Closing pledge: Reasserted an unyielding dedication to building an uncorrupt, streamlined, and citizen-focused state administration.

## Notable quotes > [34:55](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=2095s) 我们可能存在不同看法,只有能讲出不同看法的才是最好的朋友,才是真正的朋友。 — 朱镕基

> [01:55:59](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=6959s) I never intimidate the common people; I only intimidate corrupt officials. — 朱镕基

> [27:02](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8&t=1622s) 我们是在共产党的领导下,一直在同独裁和反动统治作斗争来争取人权的,我们今天怎么可能反过来去镇压人权呢? — 朱镕基

## Mentioned 朱镕基, 江泽民, 李鹏, 宋平, 邓小平, 周恩来, 吴仪, 钱学森, 钱三强, 玛德琳·奥尔布赖特, 比尔·克林顿, 鲍里斯·叶利钦, 莫里斯·格林伯格, 小渊惠三, 森喜朗, 小泉纯一郎, 罗伯特·鲁宾, 威廉·托马斯, 时代周刊, 新闻周刊, 商业周刊, 文汇报, CNN, 美国国际集团 (AIG), 英特尔 (Intel), 科磊 (KLA-Tencor), 世界贸易组织 (WTO), 美国重组信托公司 (RTC), 国家计委, 国家经委, 中国国务院

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[Source](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SKUw826EVR8)

中文简报

朱镕基的历史时刻|新闻特写20260813 本期历史新闻特写全景式回顾了朱镕基从1988年参选上海市长到出任国务院总理期间的重大历史时刻与执政足迹。内容生动展现了他坦承自身“右派”经历与性格短板、在总理就职时立下“地雷阵与万丈深渊”庄严誓言的政治风骨,以及直面亚洲金融危机、力推积极财政政策、坚决精简政府机构和大刀阔斧整顿金融秩序的铁腕手腕。影像还真实记录了他在中美入世谈判中顶住国内外阻力展开“消气外交”、在记者会上针锋相对驳斥人权指控与“中国威胁论”,以及任期末期坦然盘点“一个确保、三个到位”施政答卷的历史现场。 朱镕基系统回顾应对亚洲金融危机与大洪灾的宏观调控经验,强调通过发行长期建设国债带动数万亿元基建投资,不仅未留坏账反而形成了高质量优良资产。 (80:26) 针对政府效能与吏治,朱镕基推进国务院系统编制核减50%(精简1.6万人),并直言自己严厉的作风“只吓唬贪官,不吓唬老百姓”。 (92:53) 在中美与入世谈判中,朱镕基阐述了通过重大妥协倒逼国内国企改革的战略考量,并积极推动美国国会通过对华永久正常贸易关系(PNTR)。 (53:00) 朱镕基坦言任内最感揪心和头疼的难题是八亿农民的增收困难,必须通过调整农业结构、退耕还林补偿及税费改革来逐步化解。 (99:16)

Source quotes

[34:55] 朱镕基: 我们可能存在不同看法,只有能讲出不同看法的才是最好的朋友,才是真正的朋友。 [115:59] 朱镕基: I never intimidate the common people; I only intimidate corrupt officials. [27:02] 朱镕基: 我们是在共产党的领导下,一直在同独裁和反动统治作斗争来争取人权的,我们今天怎么可能反过来去镇压人权呢?

Original transcript

[0:00] Official mayoral candidate Zhu Rongji [0:02] says, [0:04] According to the assembly's [0:05] arrangements, I am to introduce myself. [0:13] I may exceed the time limit set by the [0:15] assembly, because I feel that if I [0:17] don't speak, I won't be able to get [0:19] past this hurdle. During the Great [0:30] Mingming [rectification] period, [0:32] comrades demanded that since I was the [0:34] secretary to the top leader of the [0:36] Party group, if you don't offer [0:38] opinions to the Party group, then who [0:40] will? They insisted that I provide them [0:43] . So, I spoke at that bureau meeting [0:46] for no more than three minutes. [0:51] Unexpectedly, by October, they told me [0:53] —even though before October they felt [0:56] my opinions were quite good—that [0:58] after October, they said I needed to [1:00] reconsider those opinions. By January [1:06] of 1958, I was labeled a Rightist. [1:14] However, their treatment of me was [1:16] still very lenient, because I believe [1:18] the leaders and comrades at the State [1:20] Planning Commission knew me very well. [1:24] There was absolutely no other issue. [1:29] Therefore, besides being removed from [1:31] my position and demoted by two grades, [1:33] I was expelled from the Party. But I [1:38] still remained at the State Planning [1:40] Commission. By the later stages of the [1:44] Cultural Revolution, almost all cadres [1:46] of the Planning Commission, except for [1:48] a few dozen in an office group, were [1:50] sent down to farms to perform labor. I [1:54] performed labor on a farm for five [1:56] years. Those five years were a [1:58] tremendous education for me. Yes, [2:01] indeed. Even though we were a [2:05] collective farm and still cadres of the [2:07] State Planning Commission, being in the [2:09] countryside gave me an understanding of [2:11] rural life and an appreciation for [2:13] labor. In those five years, I learned [2:22] to do everything: growing wheat, cotton [2:25] , and rice, herding cattle and sheep, [2:27] raising pigs, and working as a [2:29] purchasing agent—I've done it all. [2:36] Now, this, I am still...I think a [2:45] characteristic of mine, my creed, is [2:48] independent thinking; I feel I should [2:50] speak exactly what is on my mind. I am [2:55] an orphan. My parents died very early; [2:59] I never met my father, and I have no [3:01] siblings. So, I found the Party in 1947 [3:06] , and the Party is my mother. Therefore [3:10] , I wholeheartedly treat the Party as [3:12] my mother. That is why I have no [3:15] reservations about what I say; if I [3:17] believe something is beneficial to the [3:20] Party, I will say it. As for the [3:22] consequences, I do not care. Even [3:25] though I was wrongly handled, the Third [3:27] Plenary Session of the 11th Central [3:29] Committee restored my political life. [3:32] At the same time, one could say it also [3:34] rejuvenated my political youth. I don't [3:39] think I am the best candidate for Mayor [3:41] of Shanghai. I have many shortcomings. [3:49] In many respects, I lag far behind my [3:51] predecessors, especially Comrade Jiang [3:54] Zemin. I will state three points. First [3:59] , I only have experience working in [4:01] leading organizations, not at the [4:03] grassroots level. As I said, I spent 25 [4:07] years at the State Planning Commission. [4:11] Basically, including very short stints [4:13] in other departments, ten years were at [4:15] the State Economic Commission. My [4:18] grassroots experience, as I just [4:20] mentioned, was only for a very short [4:22] period in a local district. I have [4:25] never served as a head of a factory, [4:27] nor as a leader of a county or district [4:30] . Comrade Jiang Zemin was a factory [4:33] director very early on, and a big [4:35] factory at that. I didn't come up from [4:39] the rural grassroots, so I lack much [4:41] knowledge about the hardships of the [4:43] people; this is a significant weakness [4:45] of mine. I fear I may still make some [4:48] decision-making mistakes in these areas [4:50] in the future. Second, I only have [4:52] experience with central government [4:54] agencies and no experience working in [4:56] local government. I have never worked [4:58] at the local level. I have always been [5:04] based in Beijing, so since coming to [5:06] Shanghai, I have truly had more gray [5:08] hair in these three months than ever [5:10] before. Comrade Jiang Zemin predicted [5:15] that all my hair would turn white [5:17] within a year. That is his personal [5:20] experience, and I am already feeling [5:22] that threat. This work is truly complex [5:26] and truly difficult to do. Comrade [5:29] Zemin once said his nerves were always [5:31] in a state of tension, and now I truly [5:33] understand that. Third, I am very [5:38] impatient. This shows a lack of [5:43] leadership talent and character. I am [5:47] too anxious for quick success in my [5:49] work. I am too demanding of [5:51] subordinates and too harsh in my [5:53] criticisms. On this point, I should [5:58] learn well from Comrade Zemin; I am [6:00] quite similar to you. I am similar to [6:04] Comrade Rong; we both have this [6:05] temperament. [6:08] You are much better than me. Neither of [6:15] us has bad intentions, but we can be [6:17] sharp when speaking to officials. I [6:24] hope you have one—Comrade Song Ping [6:29] had a talk with me before I came here. [6:31] He said that being strict with [6:33] officials is not a shortcoming. [6:37] But when you criticize people, do not [6:39] hurt them. Do not be too cutting in [6:43] your speech. [6:45] This was all earnest advice regarding [6:47] my shortcomings, suggesting I should [6:49] learn from Comrade Zhou Enlai. So that [6:53] after criticizing comrades, they feel [6:55] they deserved the criticism. And feel [6:57] that it comes from your care for them. [7:01] I truly lack that kind of leadership [7:03] quality, and of course, I hope comrades [7:05] will supervise me. I want to reform, [7:11] but to be honest, it is hard to change [7:13] one's nature. It is not easy to change [7:21] my shortcomings, but I am determined to [7:23] correct them well. I think the most [7:29] important thing for Shanghai right now [7:31] is to implement things in a [7:32] down-to-earth manner. We must practice [7:37] what we preach, instead of just [7:39] proposing many new goals and [7:40] requirements; we already have enough of [7:43] those. Right, the priority now is to [7:48] work in a practical and solid way. [7:51] Setting expectations too high leads to [7:53] disappointment, and once morale is lost [7:56] , it’s hard to build it up again. [7:58] Because when expectations are too high, [8:00] they are often hard to achieve, and we [8:02] must consider the objective conditions. [8:04] It is very difficult to achieve [8:06] everything all at once. So, comrades, [8:09] looking at recent reports, the [8:11] expectations are indeed a bit too high. [8:17] Honestly, I haven't been able to sleep [8:19] at night; for many nights I've been [8:21] sleepless, feeling the weight of this [8:23] responsibility. Therefore, what I want [8:29] to say is that Shanghai cannot promote [8:31] short-termism. We cannot encourage [8:35] short-term behavior. We will eventually [8:38] suffer for it if we do. To avoid losses [8:41] , we must have a long-term view, so I [8:43] think the goals proposed in Comrade [8:45] Zemin's report are realistic. It is [8:48] possible for us to achieve them, or [8:50] even achieve them ahead of schedule. If [8:52] they are set too high, we won't be able [8:54] to reach them. Next, I would like to [8:57] make a few points. First of all, to be [8:59] clear, I have only been here for three [9:01] months; I am neither Zhuge Liang, nor [9:03] can I emerge from my hermitage like he [9:06] did. Because the Wenhui Bao once had a [9:09] requirement that a mayoral candidate [9:11] must be able to "pass five passes and [9:13] kill six generals,""capture the city," [9:15] and "emerge from the thatched cottage." [9:20] In three months, I cannot emerge from [9:22] the thatched cottage. If I were elected [9:27] mayor, the first thing is, I am [9:28] determined to make the next government [9:30] a brand-new one that serves the people [9:33] wholeheartedly, stays clean, and is [9:35] highly efficient. This is my pledge. I [9:59] saw the latest issue of Time magazine [10:01] yesterday, which featured my photo on [10:03] the cover; compared to the Newsweek [10:05] cover that also used my photo, the Time [10:07] photo looks a bit better, and I am [10:09] grateful for that. But I don't mean to [10:20] complain at all, because I have never [10:21] been particularly handsome to begin [10:23] with. Regarding the question you raised [10:27] about democratic elections, I, of [10:29] course, support it. I believe an [10:37] American foundation has already come to [10:39] China to investigate this kind of [10:41] village democracy and has published a [10:43] very positive opinion. Moreover, this [10:50] democratic system is now being [10:52] implemented not only in rural areas but [10:54] also in enterprises—for instance, [10:56] democratic evaluation of factory [10:58] directors, democratic auditing of [11:00] financial accounts, and democratic [11:02] election of leaders are being practiced [11:04] in many firms. I believe this " [11:09] three-pronged democracy" is a very good [11:11] direction to move in. Of course, [11:16] conducting democratic elections in [11:18] government institutions, including [11:20] electing premiers and chairmen, is a [11:22] matter of political structural reform. [11:27] I believe this must be carried out [11:29] through certain legal procedures. The [11:32] procedures for such democratic [11:34] elections are different in China [11:36] compared to foreign countries. They are [11:39] also different between the East and the [11:40] West. I think this issue requires [11:43] further study. As for when such [11:47] elections might be realized, it is [11:48] difficult for me to predict now. Thank [11:51] you. [11:52] I am a reporter from China Central [11:54] Television. First, I would like to [11:55] congratulate the newly appointed [11:57] Premier and Vice Premiers. My question [11:59] is: regarding China's reform and [12:01] development, the next five years are [12:02] critical. As the new Premier, what do [12:06] you think is the most urgent problem [12:08] that needs to be solved? What is the [12:11] most challenging issue? Some public [12:15] opinion suggests your work style is [12:17] bold and stern; do you agree, and how [12:19] would you describe your own work style? [12:22] Thank you. [12:25] Your question is asking for my policy [12:27] platform, but I don't know if everyone [12:29] present has the patience to hear me out [12:31] . Actually, the tasks for this [12:36] government were already clearly stated [12:38] in President Jiang Zemin's report at [12:40] the 15th National Congress of the [12:41] Communist Party of China last year. The [12:47] speeches just delivered by President [12:48] Jiang Zemin and Chairman Li Peng have [12:50] also laid out specific provisions for [12:52] this government's tasks. If you want me [13:03] to be more specific, I can summarize [13:05] the things this government currently [13:06] faces into one guarantee, three [13:08] requirements, and five reforms. One [13:25] guarantee is that, because we currently [13:28] face the Southeast Asian financial [13:30] crisis and China faces serious [13:32] challenges, we must ensure China's [13:34] growth rate reaches 8%this year, [13:35] inflation stays below 3%, and the RMB [13:38] does not depreciate. This must be [13:51] achieved, as it concerns not only [13:52] China's development but also the [13:54] prosperity and stability of Asia. This [13:58] government believes Revitalizing the [14:04] country through science and education [14:06] is this government's greatest task. [14:13] President Jiang Zemin attaches great [14:15] importance to revitalizing the country [14:17] through science and education and has [14:18] repeatedly clarified its importance, [14:20] but why haven't we implemented it well? [14:27] Where did the money go? Well, first, [14:33] our government institutions are bloated [14:35] , consuming the budget and eating up [14:36] all the money. Second, under government [14:47] intervention, many blind and redundant [14:49] projects were built; projects worth [14:51] billions or tens of billions found no [14:53] market after completion, instead [14:55] dragging down existing enterprises. [15:05] This is why the central treasury, [15:07] including our banks, cannot pull out [15:09] money to support science and education [15:11] to revitalize the country; the money [15:13] has been wasted. Therefore, this [15:20] administration is determined to [15:21] streamline government agencies by [15:23] cutting staff by half, while further [15:25] implementing the policy of halting [15:27] redundant construction; we will not [15:28] allow duplicate projects, and by saving [15:30] that money, the strategy of [15:32] rejuvenating the country through [15:33] science and education can be realized. [15:40] Rejuvenating the country through [15:41] science and education. The difficulties [15:47] facing China have been greatly [15:49] exaggerated. When we speak of the [15:52] loss-making proportion of China's [15:54] state-owned enterprises being over 40%, [15:56] it is calculated based on the number of [15:58] individual firms. There are 79,000 [16:02] industrial enterprises in China. You [16:07] see, some of these are very small, with [16:09] only a few dozen people; when using [16:11] this number for statistics, the scale [16:13] of losses is naturally high, but I ask [16:15] you to take note. Among them, 500 [16:27] extra-large state-owned enterprises [16:29] account for 85%of the total tax revenue [16:31] and profits generated by all state [16:33] enterprises, and the loss rate for [16:35] these five hundred extra-large firms is [16:38] only 10%, which is about 50 enterprises [16:40] . Therefore, we believe that, overall, [16:51] three years will be enough for [16:53] loss-making state-owned enterprises to [16:55] overcome their difficulties. The [17:01] Chinese government speaks highly of the [17:03] policies adopted by the Hong Kong [17:05] government; we do not believe they have [17:07] encountered insurmountable difficulties [17:09] . However, if under specific [17:25] circumstances the Hong Kong government [17:27] needs the help of the Central People's [17:28] Government, as long as the Hong Kong [17:30] SAR government makes a request to the [17:32] Central Government, the Central [17:33] Government will spare no cost to [17:35] maintain Hong Kong's prosperity and [17:37] stability and protect its linked [17:38] exchange rate system. Whether the [17:55] outside world calls me "China's [17:57] Gorbachev,""economic tsar," or whatever [17:59] else they want, I am not pleased by any [18:01] of it. Currently, my thoughts. Since [18:18] the people's representatives have [18:20] entrusted me with this heavy [18:21] responsibility at this National [18:23] People's Congress, I personally feel [18:25] the weight of this task and am very [18:26] anxious, fearing that I might fail the [18:28] expectations of the people. But. [18:45] Regardless of whether there are [18:46] landmines or deep abysses ahead, I will [18:48] forge ahead courageously and without [18:50] hesitation, dedicating myself fully [18:52] until my last breath. Although I carry [19:03] a heavy mental burden, I still have [19:05] great confidence, provided we hold high [19:07] the banner of Deng Xiaoping Theory. [19:17] Under the leadership of the Party [19:19] Central Committee with Comrade Jiang [19:20] Zemin at its core, and by relying [19:22] closely on the people across the [19:24] country, I believe this administration [19:25] will be invincible. Thank. You. I will [19:40] leave this time for the reporters to [19:42] ask questions. I will say only one [19:45] sentence. You are all welcome to ask me [19:48] any questions; there are no [19:49] restrictions at all. Can the Renminbi [19:53] become a world currency? This question [19:59] should not be answered by me, and it is [20:01] too early to say, but I can say one [20:03] thing: the Renminbi is very firm and [20:05] will not devalue. Thank you. Over the [20:12] past year, I have felt it was very [20:14] difficult. These difficulties exceeded [20:18] my expectations. The first is due to [20:23] the impact of the Asian financial [20:24] crisis. Yes, I originally did not [20:28] expect it to be this severe. The second [20:34] is a historic and exceptionally severe [20:36] flood disaster, which also exceeded my [20:38] expectations. However, what satisfies [20:46] me is that under the leadership of the [20:48] Party Central Committee with Jiang [20:50] Zemin at its core, and by relying on [20:51] the efforts of the people nationwide, [20:53] we have weathered these two [20:55] difficulties. We have made it through. [21:05] This has not been easy. Therefore, in [21:10] my government work report, I said that [21:12] "this has not been easily won." What I [21:18] am dissatisfied with is that my own [21:19] work has not been done well enough. But [21:24] I also feel that there are certain [21:25] departments and regions, or perhaps [21:27] individual departments and regions, [21:29] that have not strictly......followed [21:35] the policies of the Central Committee [21:37] and the State Council. What moved me [21:46] the most was when I visited the front [21:47] lines of flood defense, seeing our [21:49] People's Liberation Army disregarding [21:51] all dangers to protect our people, [21:53] using their own bodies to reinforce the [21:55] levees; I could not help but feel moved [21:57] . Thank you. Since the mutual visits of [22:15] the heads of state of China and the [22:17] U.S., our two nations have begun [22:18] striving to build a constructive [22:20] strategic partnership. The development [22:35] trend was originally very good, but for [22:37] various reasons—which you know [22:39] without me saying—a trend of opposing [22:41] China has emerged in the United States, [22:43] which makes us feel very uneasy. I do [22:55] not believe that my visit to the United [22:56] States will be...However, it is true [23:04] that I will encounter a great deal of [23:06] hostility or an unfriendly atmosphere. [23:14] On February 22nd, BusinessWeek [23:16] published an article titled "China: [23:18] What's going wrong?" This article...... [23:27] is extremely...It suggests that China [23:33] is already facing disaster and [23:34] bankruptcy. As if China were already [23:38] facing an imminent catastrophe. I have [23:42] never before seen an American magazine [23:44] publish such an article. I think the [23:51] appearance of such an article reflects [23:53] the current trend in the U.S., which is [23:55] actually a result of internal U.S. [23:57] political struggles, using China-U.S. [24:03] relations as a sacrificial lamb. I have [24:10] also become a victim, as they printed [24:12] my photo on the cover of that magazine, [24:14] and I look like a dead person. Under [24:20] this kind of atmosphere......my [24:24] upcoming visit to the United States is, [24:27] of course, a very difficult task. Many [24:33] media outlets have predicted that my [24:35] visit cannot succeed, that it is [24:36] impossible for it to be a success. But [24:44] I am still going, because since you are [24:46] angry, I will go to clear the air with [24:47] you. China's policy of strengthening [24:59] macroeconomic regulation began in 1993, [25:01] at a time when China was intensifying [25:03] its reform and opening-up and had [25:05] achieved tremendous results, but at the [25:07] same time, a certain degree of [25:08] overheating had occurred, particularly [25:10] in real estate development zones and [25:12] the stock market. This......kind of [25:24] overheating led to the inflation in the [25:26] following year, 1994, reaching 21.7 [25:29] percent. At that time, Mr. Deng [25:32] Xiaoping was still with us. With his [25:36] support, the Party Central Committee, [25:38] with Comrade Jiang Zemin at its core, [25:40] decided to strengthen macroeconomic [25:42] regulation and control. We adopted 16 [25:45] measures, 13 of which were economic [25:48] measures. Among those 13, 11 were [25:55] related to banking and financial [25:57] policies. Thanks to the implementation [26:10] of these 16 measures to strengthen [26:12] macro-control, China resolved the issue [26:14] of economic overheating in just over [26:16] two years, restored its original [26:18] development momentum, and achieved [26:19] great success in socialist construction [26:21] . I believe the reason China was able [26:33] to avoid the impact of the Asian [26:35] financial crisis last year......is that [26:37] we had already experienced a similar [26:39] financial crisis in 1993. Fortunately, [26:47] we curbed it before it could spread, [26:49] and having gained that experience in [26:51] macro-control is exactly why we could [26:53] stand firm during last year's financial [26:55] crisis. Mr. Zhou Fei just mentioned the [27:02] issue of human rights; I think many [27:04] reporters present here are also [27:06] thinking of asking me this question. [27:10] Well. Almost every foreign guest who [27:17] meets with our Chinese leaders brings [27:18] up the human rights issue, as if they [27:20] couldn't explain themselves back home [27:22] if they didn't discuss China's human [27:23] rights. Therefore, after I have [27:30] repeated myself so many times on this [27:32] issue, today I really...I only want to [27:45] mention one thing: when U.S. Secretary [27:47] of State Albright recently met with me [27:49] during her visit to China, I told her, [27:51] "My history of participating in the [27:52] movement to strive for and safeguard [27:54] human rights is much longer than yours. [27:56] " She said, "Really?" Meaning she [28:08] disagreed with my point, she asked, " [28:10] Really?" I said, "Yes." Is it......not [28:18] true? I said I am ten years older than [28:24] you. When I was risking my life [28:33] participating in the struggle against [28:34] the Kuomintang regime to safeguard [28:36] human rights and strive for democracy, [28:38] freedom, and human rights in China... [28:40] ...you were still studying in middle [28:41] school when I was involved in this [28:43] movement. I said that we actually share [28:52] many views on human rights. In middle [29:00] school, I studied French literature and [29:02] learned about the social contract [29:03] theory from textbooks, ah! And [29:13] Rousseau's works; so, the concepts of [29:15] human equality and human rights were [29:17] things I knew long ago. We were [29:26] influenced by China's May Fourth [29:27] Movement, a movement that fought for [29:29] democracy and science. Therefore, under [29:41] the leadership of the Communist Party, [29:43] we have always been struggling against [29:45] dictatorship and reactionary regimes to [29:47] advocate for human rights. How could we [29:58] possibly turn around and suppress those [29:59] human rights today? And only we know [30:07] how to realize the protection of human [30:09] rights in China. Of course, it's not [30:14] that we don't have shortcomings on the [30:16] issue of human rights. It's impossible [30:19] to have no shortcomings, because China [30:21] has been a feudal and dictatorial [30:23] society for thousands of years. Add to [30:26] that the colonial mentality. It's [30:30] impossible to have no shortcomings. The [30:34] People's Republic of China has only [30:36] been established for 50 years; compared [30:38] to thousands of years, how could we [30:39] have solved all the problems? But we [30:43] are willing to listen to opinions from [30:45] all sides, especially the opinions of [30:47] our own people. We are looking at our [30:50] people every day. On how to satisfy [30:54] their wishes and realize their demands, [30:56] we are also willing to listen to [30:57] international friends; therefore, we [30:59] have many channels for dialogue. We [31:03] have channels for human rights dialogue [31:05] with the United States, the European [31:07] Union, and Australia. Our work on human [31:13] rights is ongoing every day. I meet [31:21] many international friends; as soon as [31:23] we meet, they pull out a list and read [31:25] these names to me, asking how many [31:26] people you have detained? Will you [31:30] release them? These are pro-democracy [31:33] activists. I say, we have 1.25 billion [31:36] people, we have criminals every day, I [31:38] am catching people every day, I don't [31:40] know who you are talking about, give me [31:43] the list, I will go back and check, [31:45] okay? Is that alright? The National [31:55] People's Congress that just concluded [31:57] passed amendments to the constitution, [31:59] adding content about governing the [32:00] country according to law and realizing [32:02] socialist rule of law; we are [32:04] legislating every day, the NPC Standing [32:06] Committee is legislating, and our State [32:08] Council is also legislating every day; [32:10] the State Council's legislation is [32:12] called administrative regulations. We [32:19] are strengthening our rule of law every [32:21] day to protect the human rights of all [32:23] our people. We will continue to do so. [32:31] We welcome foreign friends to criticize [32:33] our work. But you shouldn't be too [32:35] impatient. I am more impatient than you [32:38] are. You shouldn't support those [32:42] pro-democracy activists, should you? If [32:46] you let those people return, China will [32:48] have no rule of law and no democracy; [32:50] it is not as you imagine. I can share a [32:55] secret with everyone. That is, I was [32:59] indeed treated very well in Russia. You [33:10] saw on TV when President Yeltsin met [33:12] with me, he took my hand and placed it [33:14] on his chest; do you know what he was [33:16] saying? He said, Chairman Jiang Zemin [33:23] is my best friend, and you are also my [33:25] best friend. Chinese people value [33:34] courtesy, so I quickly placed his hand [33:36] on my chest and said, we are friends [33:38] worthy of trust. There is another thing [33:45] you didn't see because the reporters [33:46] had already left. That is, when our [33:54] talks ended, President Yeltsin came [33:56] over and hugged me tightly, and the two [33:58] of us cheek-to-cheek. I think this [34:06] simply shows that we are sincere [34:08] friends. I believe that this visit to [34:13] the United States will also be met with [34:15] a similar result, a warm welcome, [34:16] rather than a minefield. Of course, [34:27] perhaps President Clinton and I might [34:29] not embrace, but we may shake hands a [34:31] bit more firmly. Mr. President, Mrs. [34:55] Clinton, ladies and gentlemen. In this [35:06] season of spring, the delegation of the [35:08] People's Republic of China, at the [35:09] invitation of President Clinton, has [35:11] come to your beautiful country for an [35:13] official friendly visit, and I feel [35:15] extremely......very happy. Entrusted by [35:25] President Jiang Zemin, I bring the best [35:27] wishes and sincere greetings from 1.25 [35:29] billion Chinese people to the great [35:31] American people. Over the past 18 [35:40] months, President Jiang Zemin and [35:41] President Clinton have achieved [35:43] successful mutual visits. They decided [35:49] to establish a constructive strategic [35:51] partnership. This friendly and [35:58] cooperative relationship is in the [36:00] interests of the peoples of China and [36:02] the U.S., in the interests of the [36:03] people of the world, and in the [36:04] interests of world peace and [36:06] international cooperation. The Chinese [36:15] people will work tirelessly for [36:16] generations to unswervingly consolidate [36:18] and develop this relationship. The [36:27] United States is the largest developed [36:28] country in the world, and China is the [36:30] largest developing country. We are both [36:37] members of the United Nations Security [36:38] Council. The close cooperation between [36:45] our two countries lays a solid [36:47] foundation for world peace and the [36:49] prevention of conflicts. The United [36:57] States is a nation that loves freedom, [37:00] is open, self-reliant, and full of [37:02] vitality. China is a nation that loves [37:09] peace, is industrious, wise, honest, [37:12] and self-respecting. The friendship [37:21] between our two countries, built on the [37:23] foundation of the three joint [37:24] communiqués, joint government [37:26] statements, and solemn mutual [37:27] commitments, is unbreakable and cannot [37:29] be sown with discord by anyone. Between [37:38] China and the United States, there is [37:40] no issue that cannot be resolved [37:42] through friendly consultation. We may [37:51] have different opinions; only friends [37:53] who can speak their different opinions [37:55] are the best friends; only true friends [37:57] are true friends. Ladies and gentlemen, [38:07] spring is a season for sowing seeds, a [38:10] season of hope. When we arrived in your [38:18] "Sunshine City" of L.A., it was raining [38:20] , but when we left, the rain had [38:22] stopped and the sky was clear; when we [38:24] arrived in Washington, it was...... [38:32] Ladies and gentlemen. [38:34] As we sow the seeds of China-U.S. [38:40] friendship once again in this beautiful [38:42] and fertile land, I cannot help but [38:44] remember the pioneers who forged [38:46] China-U.S. friendly and cooperative [38:54] relations—both the Chinese and [38:56] American pioneers; some have passed [38:58] away. Some are still with us. I must [39:09] express my highest respect and deepest [39:11] nostalgia for their historical vision, [39:13] wise and resolute decisions, and [39:15] persistent dedication. I love the [39:23] Chinese people. I love the American [39:27] people. Thank you. I have met with two [39:41] U.S. congressional delegations, one led [39:43] by Mr. Thomas, and one by Mr. R. The [39:46] delegation they led consisted of 20 [39:48] senators and representatives. I told [39:56] them at the time, "The political [39:58] atmosphere there is so anti-China that [40:00] I dare not visit." The congressmen told [40:09] me, "You should still come; we welcome [40:11] you, and we like your face." Regarding [40:19] the unification of Taiwan, the Chinese [40:21] government has repeatedly stated that [40:23] we will try our best to use peaceful [40:25] means, but we have never renounced the [40:27] use of force, because if we were to do [40:29] so, Taiwan would be separated from [40:31] China forever. I just saw a portrait of [40:38] President Abraham Lincoln in President [40:40] Clinton's office. Back in the day, to [40:46] preserve the integrity of the United [40:48] States and oppose independence and [40:49] secession, President Lincoln did not [40:51] hesitate to use force; we should learn [40:53] from him. The earliest pioneer of our [40:59] missile technology was Mr. Qian Xuesen, [41:01] who returned from the United States; [41:03] the pioneer of our nuclear technology [41:05] was Mr. Qian Sanqiang, who returned [41:07] from Madame Curie's laboratory in [41:09] France. But I can assure you that when [41:15] they returned, they didn't take a [41:16] single piece of paper with them, just [41:18] their knowledge. At a press conference [41:28] in March, I said: please do not [41:29] underestimate your own security and [41:31] confidentiality capabilities, and do [41:33] not underestimate the Chinese people's [41:35] ability to develop military technology [41:37] themselves. When I was in Los Angeles, [41:46] the mayor's wife asked me over dinner, [41:48] "How do you plan to celebrate the 50th [41:50] National Day?" I said we are going to [41:54] hold a grand military parade. At that [41:59] parade, we will display China's most [42:01] advanced weapons. And these weapons [42:05] were all developed by China itself, not [42:07] stolen from the United States. I think [42:13] this reflects that some of you look [42:15] down on us too much. If political [42:21] contributions could really be effective [42:24] , I have 146 billion dollars in foreign [42:26] exchange reserves, so I could at least [42:28] use 10 billion to do this work; why [42:30] would I only use 300,000 dollars? [42:35] It’s too stupid. I have heard that [42:40] some people here are engaged in [42:41] lobbying work and have spent a lot of [42:43] money, but I have never believed this [42:45] rumor; I believe we should reach a [42:46] consensus through mutual discussion and [42:48] even debate. This is beneficial to the [42:53] people of both China and the United [42:55] States, and it is good for both of us. [42:58] I think regarding the concept of human [43:00] rights, the Chinese philosopher Mencius [43:02] said, "The people are the most [43:03] important, the state comes next, and [43:05] the ruler is the least important." He [43:09] talked about human rights much earlier [43:10] than Rousseau in France or the American [43:12] Declaration of Human Rights. I think [43:16] that not only does the concept of human [43:18] rights have a historical development, [43:20] but every country also has different [43:21] circumstances. For instance, the gap in [43:29] per capita national income between us [43:31] and the United States is twenty-fold, [43:33] and the proportion of university [43:34] students in China is much smaller [43:36] compared to the proportion of [43:37] university students—and even primary [43:39] school students—in the United States. [43:48] With such different levels of education [43:50] and national income, I believe their [43:51] concepts of human rights are also [43:53] different. If you talk about direct [43:59] elections to people who are very [44:00] impoverished, I am afraid they are more [44:02] concerned with other aspects of human [44:04] rights, such as the right to education, [44:06] the right to survival and development, [44:08] and the right to enjoy culture, [44:09] entertainment, and healthcare. I think [44:14] human rights should encompass all these [44:16] aspects. Every country has its own way [44:20] of improving human rights. Being [44:22] anxious won't help; to be honest, I am [44:24] much more anxious than you are about [44:26] how to improve the human rights [44:28] situation in China. Third, I admit that [44:31] there are shortcomings in our human [44:33] rights work. Because you have to [44:36] consider that China has thousands of [44:38] years of feudal shackles, and people's [44:40] mindsets are very hard to change. The [44:48] educational level of our legal [44:50] personnel and their ability to judge [44:52] cases are also limited; under such [44:54] circumstances, it is unrealistic to [44:56] expect human rights work to be [44:57] perfectly flawless. We have already [45:10] visited five US cities, from Los [45:11] Angeles to Washington D.C. to Chicago, [45:13] and arrived in New York last night. [45:25] When I was interviewed by CNN this [45:26] afternoon, the reporter asked me, " [45:28] Which city do you like the most?" I [45:36] replied that I liked them all, and she [45:38] said, "You are a diplomat." But today I [45:42] can say here—though don't spread it [45:44] outside—that I like New York the most [45:46] . I. Saying this comes from the bottom [46:02] of my heart, because when I visited the [46:04] UN this morning, I passed by the East [46:05] River and saw the high-rise buildings, [46:07] which reminded me of...So I think it is [46:24] really the New York of China. We [46:28] consider this visit to be very [46:29] successful. Although every member of [46:34] our delegation was prepared to be [46:36] battered and bruised in the United [46:38] States. I sought advice from our [46:44] Ambassador. How can I avoid getting [46:49] battered and bruised? He said, "You [46:53] have to always keep a smiling face." [46:57] But I have a bad temper; if you ask me [46:59] to put on a smiling face, I just can't [47:01] do it. However, even without putting on [47:05] a smiling face, I was still [47:06] well-received by the American people. [47:11] Therefore, I feel that the friendship [47:13] between the people of China and the [47:15] United States has a very deep [47:16] historical and popular foundation. [47:22] Because of the friendly relations [47:24] between the peoples of China and the [47:25] United States, this policy is the [47:27] consistent policy of both American [47:29] parties, the Republican and the [47:30] Democratic. Although our bilateral [47:38] relations are currently facing some [47:40] difficulties and setbacks, I firmly [47:42] believe that these setbacks and [47:44] difficulties are just a tiny episode in [47:46] the long history of China-US friendly [47:47] relations. We hope this small dark [47:57] cloud will pass, and that the bright [47:59] sunshine of China-US friendly relations [48:01] will return. During this visit, our [48:16] government delegation had a very [48:17] friendly and candid conversation with [48:19] President Clinton in Washington, and I [48:21] believe we have achieved constructive [48:23] results. Regarding the issue of the WTO [48:30] , we believe we have also made [48:32] significant...I believe that we are [48:38] both nearing the completion of our [48:40] negotiations on China's accession to [48:42] the WTO. According to some in the US, [48:48] 95%has been completed; in my view, 99% [48:51] has already been completed. Today at [49:03] noon, I had lunch with American bankers [49:05] , and at this meeting, I spoke with my [49:07] old friend, Mr. Greenberg. I told him [49:23] that when I was Mayor of Shanghai, I [49:24] allowed AIG to establish its branch in [49:26] Shanghai, and at that time, I was once [49:28] accused by a certain official of being [49:30] a traitor. However, since AIG entered [49:46] China, not only has AIG developed very [49:48] well in China, but our own insurance [49:50] companies have learned many management [49:52] methods from AIG. But letting them set [50:07] up branches in other parts of China [50:08] still encountered many obstacles. Even [50:18] though I was already Vice Premier, I [50:20] still could not satisfy Mr. Greenberg's [50:21] request, so he said he had gone from [50:23] being a young girl to now being an old [50:25] woman. How much longer must we wait? [50:44] However, we have now approved AIG to [50:47] establish branches not only in Shanghai [50:49] and Guangzhou, but also in Shenzhen and [50:51] Foshan. I told him to wait a little [51:03] longer, and it won't be long—at least [51:05] before you retire, you will be able to [51:07] have your branches anywhere in China. [51:16] Please do not misunderstand, I am [51:17] talking about AIG, but actually, I am [51:19] talking about all American companies. [51:34] Therefore, I feel that there is no such [51:36] thing as a "China threat theory," and [51:38] it should now be renamed. What kind of [51:50] threat could China possibly pose to the [51:52] United States? According to President [51:56] Clinton, the US has 6,000 nuclear [51:58] weapons, while China has only a few [52:00] dozen. I do not know how President [52:06] Clinton knows that China only has a few [52:08] dozen. I truly do not know how many [52:18] nuclear weapons China has, but I [52:19] completely agree with his opinion. You [52:22] have many nuclear weapons, while we [52:24] have very few. Therefore, we cannot [52:27] possibly pose any danger to the United [52:29] States. China's per capita GNP is [52:37] dozens of times lower than that of the [52:40] U.S. Even in 30, 40, or 50 years, we [52:42] will still be far behind the U.S., so [52:44] we will always be a market for the U.S. [52:46] We are definitely not your potential [52:48] rival, let alone your enemy; we are [52:51] friends you can trust. I am very glad [53:00] you raised this question. I will indeed [53:07] face difficulties in China, so I tell [53:09] everyone here that we have made the [53:10] greatest concessions, which cannot be [53:12] talked about back home. Our Chinese [53:20] newspapers won't publish it, but Hong [53:22] Kong newspapers said that my coming to [53:24] the U.S. is just to bring a big gift to [53:26] President Clinton. I told them, "Please [53:30] do not say that anymore; if this [53:32] continues, it will be very unfavorable [53:34] for President Clinton. This is a [53:36] political contribution." But honestly [53:50] speaking, we have indeed made [53:52] concessions, and very significant ones [53:54] at that. Is it that we must join the [53:58] WTO, and we wouldn't be able to survive [54:00] without it? That is not the case. We [54:05] have negotiated for 13 years, and [54:07] during these 13 years, China has not [54:09] only survived but thrived. If we cannot [54:13] reach an agreement, we can still wait. [54:17] Then why did we make such large [54:18] concessions? First, we are acting from [54:21] the overall perspective of friendly and [54:24] cooperative China-U.S. relations. At a [54:29] time when there is unhappiness toward [54:30] China in the U.S., we hope that by [54:32] reaching this agreement, we can promote [54:34] the development of China-U.S. friendly [54:42] cooperation and further advance the [54:43] constructive strategic partnership [54:45] established by President Clinton and [54:47] President Jiang Zemin. Second, because [54:57] of the success of the reform and [54:59] opening-up policy established by Mr. [55:01] Deng Xiaoping, China has developed to a [55:03] point where our ability to withstand [55:05] the impact that WTO accession will have [55:07] on our state-owned enterprises, [55:09] economic structure, and market [55:10] competition has been greatly [55:12] strengthened. At the same time, the [55:20] awareness of the Chinese people has [55:22] also greatly improved. They have begun [55:27] to realize that only by introducing [55:29] such competitive mechanisms can we [55:30] better promote the development of our [55:32] own state-owned enterprises and foster [55:34] a healthier and faster development of [55:36] our national economy. I can tell you a [55:46] story: when I invited Mr. John Fisher [55:48] and his KLA-Tencor Corporation to [55:50] cooperate in China years ago, I was [55:52] once again labeled a traitor by a [55:53] certain person in authority. But over [56:04] these two years, Intel's significant [56:06] investment in China has boosted the [56:08] development of China's chip industry. [56:15] That person who called me a traitor [56:17] recently came to me during the Spring [56:19] Festival and said, "I was wrong before. [56:20] " I believe I will not be called a [56:26] traitor for a third time in the future. [56:28] Therefore, I believe this kind of [56:30] concession is beneficial to both China [56:32] and the United States. Thank you. I. [56:38] Believe that building a nation under [56:40] the rule of law is an urgent task for [56:42] China. So, in the most recent session [56:51] of the Standing Committee of the [56:52] National People's Congress, which is [56:54] like your Congress, we passed an [56:55] important amendment to China's [56:57] constitution, specifically emphasizing [56:59] governing the country according to law, [57:01] to build China into a nation under the [57:03] rule of law. When I was in the United [57:10] States, many friends asked me about the [57:12] issue of human rights in China. I first [57:16] told them that human rights in China [57:18] have made unprecedented progress in [57:20] history. At the same time, I also admit [57:24] that there are still many shortcomings [57:26] in our work on human rights. We are [57:28] willing to listen to the opinions of [57:30] our friends to improve the human rights [57:32] situation in China. Everyone knows that [57:38] President Jiang Zemin and China's [57:40] leaders, including myself, have long [57:42] been engaged since our youth in [57:43] striving for democracy, freedom, human [57:45] rights, and the rule of law for the [57:47] Chinese people. How could we, who have [57:54] done this, turn around today to [57:55] infringe upon or suppress human rights? [58:00] Please understand that China is [58:01] different from the United States. China [58:04] has 2,000 years of feudal history, [58:06] while the People's Republic of China [58:08] has only been established for 50 years. [58:12] Our people's living standards are [58:14] dozens of times lower than yours, and [58:16] our people's level of education is also [58:18] dozens of times lower than yours. In a [58:22] country like this, adopting your form [58:25] of democracy entirely is impossible. To [58:31] implement the rule of law, we must have [58:33] a strong judicial team and a [58:34] sufficiently large number of qualified [58:36] judges. We also need many qualified [58:43] lawyers, though unfortunately, you have [58:45] too many lawyers in the United States. [58:51] I. So, it is not that we fear democracy [59:00] , nor that we are unwilling to [59:02] implement the rule of law, and [59:03] certainly not that we want to infringe [59:05] upon human rights. We must gradually [59:11] improve based on China's conditions, [59:13] and gradually make China a...Human [59:24] rights in China are improving every day [59:26] , and the human rights enjoyed by the [59:28] Chinese people today are unprecedented [59:30] in history. We still have shortcomings, [59:37] and we are constantly improving. Our [59:42] Congress, the National People's [59:44] Congress, recently amended our [59:46] constitution. In it, it specifically [59:51] stipulates that China will build a [59:53] nation under the rule of law and govern [59:55] the country according to law. We are [59:59] committed to this. Regarding the other [60:04] incident you mentioned, I don't want to [60:05] argue with you further here. I have [60:11] twice declared that revitalizing the [60:12] country through science and education [60:14] is the most important task of this [60:16] administration. But I don't have the [60:22] time today to go into detail about [60:23] where this money is spent. However, I [60:28] believe the foundation of science and [60:30] education lies in education. In this [60:35] WTO negotiation with the US side, the [60:37] lady undoubtedly played a key role. I [60:41] know that Americans always struggle to [60:43] understand what a "State Councilor" is [60:45] or what kind of position it is. I can [60:48] now tell everyone that it is a Vice [60:49] Premier. But in China, we are very [61:04] particular about titles. Their title, " [61:08] State Councilor," is ranked after the " [61:10] Premier." Chinese are concerned about [61:13] titles. [61:20] But in the middle of this negotiation, [61:22] she was the Premier and I was the Vice [61:24] Premier. I also want to tell you a [61:42] secret. I can also share a little [61:45] secret with you. [61:47] At home, I am totally obedient to my [61:49] wife. I am a totally obedient servant [61:53] of my wife. [61:57] I don't have a single penny in my [61:59] pocket; I have turned it all over to [62:00] her. I don't have a penny in her. We [62:24] need to find new markets, and the [62:26] development of the western region is [62:27] also urgent. I will mainly cover two [62:34] aspects of this development. The first [62:38] is infrastructure construction. In [62:42] other words, the western region has a [62:44] vast territory, and transportation is [62:46] underdeveloped. Right now, the priority [62:49] is to carry out infrastructure [62:50] construction. Currently, we have [62:54] already shifted a large amount of [62:55] national investment toward the western [62:57] region. For example, we recently [63:02] announced the "West-to-East Gas [63:04] Pipeline" project, which means we have [63:06] discovered vast amounts of natural gas [63:08] in the Tarim Basin in Xinjiang. We have [63:13] decided to build a 4,200-kilometer [63:15] pipeline from Xinjiang directly to [63:17] Shanghai, passing through eight [63:19] provinces and cities. This will cause [63:23] major changes in the regional [63:25] population and market structure, and it [63:27] requires significant capital. We [63:31] welcome domestic and international [63:33] investors, especially foreign investors [63:35] , to participate in the construction. [63:40] You can invest, you can hold shares, [63:42] and you can manage. I believe this [63:47] pipeline will be very profitable and [63:48] have a high rate of return. Second, the [63:53] improvement of the ecological [63:55] environment. It can be said that China [64:01] has now solved the food problem, and [64:02] there is even a surplus of grain. [64:10] Therefore, in the past, when food was [64:12] scarce, we cut down forests on the [64:14] mountains to plant crops. Now that we [64:21] have abundant grain, we can fully [64:23] provide free food to farmers, allowing [64:25] them to retire their farmland and plant [64:27] trees or grass instead. This means [64:33] returning farmland to forests, [64:35] returning farmland to grasslands, and [64:37] returning farmland to lakes. This will [64:45] improve the ecological environment in [64:46] the West, giving the region a beautiful [64:48] environment and making it a good place [64:50] to attract foreign investment. At the [64:57] same time, in order to accelerate [64:58] development in the western region, we [65:00] will implement preferential policies [65:02] for opening up similar to those in the [65:04] east. We welcome foreign investors in [65:08] securities, banking, and insurance; you [65:11] are all welcome to develop in the west. [65:14] When will it become effective? I think [65:17] infrastructure construction is already [65:19] underway. The Chinese are experts at [65:22] building railways and highways. For [65:26] this 4,200-kilometer pipeline, I [65:28] believe it can be built in two years by [65:30] working in sections. Some say it will [65:37] take longer, but I have personally [65:39] inspected the Aba Prefecture in Sichuan [65:41] , and I believe it can be completed in [65:43] 8 to 10 years. Therefore, I believe the [65:51] development of the western region could [65:53] be quite rapid, but of course, this is [65:55] a very arduous task that cannot be [65:56] completed by one generation. True [66:02] development of the western region will [66:04] likely take one, two, or even several [66:06] generations. Thank you, everyone. Our [66:12] consistent policy for resolving the [66:14] Taiwan issue. Is peaceful reunification [66:17] . One or two times. However, we will [66:23] never commit to renouncing. The use of [66:33] Whoever supports the one-China [66:35] principle, we will support them; we [66:36] will talk to them. Any issue can be [66:44] discussed, and we can make concessions [66:46] —concessions to the Chinese people. [66:51] Whoever engages in Taiwan independence [66:54] will face no good End, because you lack [67:04] popular support. You go against the [67:08] will of the Chinese people on both [67:10] sides of the strait, and you also go [67:12] against the will of ethnic Chinese [67:13] overseas. We. All Chinese people [67:23] remember that since the Opium War of [67:25] 1840, China's modern history has been [67:27] one of being bullied and humiliated by [67:29] foreign aggressors. Tai-Wan was also [67:41] under the rule of Japanese militarists [67:43] for many years. Looking back at those [67:53] days, China was so poor and weak, yet [67:55] we still shouted, "Arise, those who [67:57] refuse to be slaves!" And for this, we [68:06] waged persistent and heroic struggles. [68:11] I remember those songs of national [68:13] salvation clearly. I was only nine [68:19] years old then, and even now, every [68:21] time I sing them, tears come to my eyes [68:23] , filled with the resolve to sacrifice [68:25] my life for the motherland. Then. Today [68:35] , the Chinese people have already stood [68:38] up. Can we allow Taiwan, a territory [68:43] that has belonged to China since [68:44] ancient times, to be split from the [68:46] country? Ab-So-Lute-Ly not. Now, some [68:59] people are counting how many warships [69:01] and missiles China has. Their [69:08] conclusion is that the Chinese dare not [69:10] fight and will not fight. By your logic [69:19] , Hitler would have already conquered [69:21] the whole world. You do not understand [69:31] Chinese history; you do not know that [69:33] the Chinese people will surely defend [69:34] the motherland's unity and national [69:36] dignity with their blood and lives. In [69:45] recent days, Taiwan's election [69:47] situation has been volatile and [69:48] dramatic, with all sorts of schemes [69:50] employed. As the saying goes, "Sima [69:58] Zhao’s intent is known to all"— [70:00] isn't it obvious that some want to let [70:02] pro-independence forces...The other day [70:20] , the Taiwan stock market plunged 617 [70:22] points, which is a concentrated [70:24] reflection of the Taiwanese people's [70:26] anxiety over the arrogance of [70:27] pro-independence forces. They are [70:38] worried that the rise of [70:39] pro-independence forces will provoke [70:41] cross-strait war and destroy [70:43] cross-strait peace. We believe this [70:52] worry and anxiety is a logical [70:54] necessity, and it concerns every single [70:56] ...The people of Taiwan are now facing [71:12] a critical historical moment—where [71:14] should they go from here? Do not act on [71:23] impulse, so as to avoid future regrets. [71:28] However, We trust the political wisdom [71:38] of the Taiwanese people; we believe our [71:40] Taiwan compatriots will make a wise [71:42] historical decision. But with only [71:51] three days left, keep a close watch, [71:53] Taiwan compatriots, you must...Thank [72:05] you...The Chinese government and the [72:13] Chinese judicial system handle [72:15] corruption and bribery cases with the [72:17] utmost severity. Of course, this is [72:24] done in accordance with the law. [72:28] Naturally, we are not entirely [72:30] satisfied with this work. The reports [72:40] of the Supreme People's Procuratorate [72:42] and the Supreme People's Court, just [72:44] passed today, each received over 700 [72:46] votes—out of 2,700 attendees, over [72:48] 700 votes were against or abstentions, [72:50] which means the people are not yet very [72:52] satisfied with our work. But you must [73:03] see the significant achievements we [73:04] have made in anti-corruption. For [73:12] example, in our crackdown on smuggling, [73:14] the cases we uncovered in the Jiangmen [73:16] Customs and Xiamen Customs were dealt [73:18] with severely, which caused our customs [73:20] tax revenue to double last year [73:21] compared to the year before. Therefore, [73:31] we used this money to increase the [73:33] wages of 84 million low-income people; [73:35] isn't that a great result? I don't see [73:46] this anti-corruption issue......as [73:48] having much to do with one-party rule [73:50] versus multi-party rule. Isn't there [73:56] also corruption in places where there [73:58] is multi-party rule? The key is the [74:03] rule of law. And it must be firmly [74:06] implemented; China has already made [74:08] great achievements in this regard. We [74:12] must continue to improve our rule of [74:14] law. Of course, our news transparency [74:20] in this area is lagging behind the [74:21] progress of our anti-corruption work. [74:27] But there are practical difficulties in [74:28] this. However, we are improving, and [74:35] you will see more cases published in [74:37] the newspapers in the future, subject [74:39] to the supervision of the masses. As [74:49] for the problem of how to solve it, [74:51] does it require a performance? I said [74:57] eight characters; you helped me spell [74:59] them out. I haven't finished speaking, [75:03] and I haven't said enough. At the first [75:10] State Council meeting this year, I [75:11] proposed that this year is the "Year of [75:13] Management," meaning we must [75:14] comprehensively strengthen management. [75:20] How to strengthen management? It means [75:23] to legislate and to have the rule of [75:25] law. We are strengthening the rule of [75:33] law on this front, and I am [75:34] particularly concerned about the [75:36] financial sector. I can tell you that [75:48] in the last two years, we have handled [75:50] over 5,000 financial cases and removed [75:52] more than 50 branch heads. Comrades, [75:59] friends, friends, my friends. This year [76:09] is just the beginning, and I hope this [76:11] promise can be carried through to the [76:13] end. Thank you for your favorable [76:21] evaluation of our village-level direct [76:23] elections. As for when it can be [76:35] promoted to higher levels, or to what [76:37] level, I hope it will be as soon as [76:39] possible. My term has indeed passed the [76:50] halfway point. In the remaining less [77:01] than three years, I will do my utmost [77:03] and strive hard so as not to betray the [77:05] people's trust in me. I have been [77:13] conducting my work under the leadership [77:15] of the Party Central Committee with [77:16] Comrade Jiang Zemin at its core and [77:18] with the help of all my colleagues in [77:20] the State Council. The work I have done [77:24] myself is limited. I only hope that [77:35] after I step down, the people of the [77:37] country can say that he was an honest [77:39] official, not a corrupt one; then I [77:40] would...If, in addition, they say, "Zhu [77:51] Rongji did manage to accomplish a few [77:54] practical things," then, oh, I would [77:56] thank heaven and earth. Regarding the [78:04] issue of PNTR, it is the foundation of [78:06] the bilateral agreement reached between [78:08] China and the US on China's accession [78:10] to the WTO. And a prerequisite. This [78:26] bilateral agreement was hard-won; it is [78:28] a win-win agreement reached after 13 [78:30] years of negotiations and under the [78:31] personal leadership of President Jiang [78:33] Zemin and President Clinton. This is a [78:43] solemn intergovernmental agreement. [78:46] Both of our governments have a [78:48] responsibility. To ensure it receives [78:54] congressional approval and becomes law. [79:01] The Chinese government has already done [79:02] its part. There are no longer any [79:07] issues within China's parliament, the [79:09] National People's Congress. President [79:17] Clinton has promised, and is indeed [79:19] working on it. It is for the US [79:27] Congress to pass PNTR, that is, this [79:39] President Clinton once said, "If we [79:41] don't approve this PNTR now, I fear we [79:44] will regret it for 20" years. I can add [79:56] one sentence: it won't just be 20 years [79:58] of regret; I fear that hundreds or [80:00] thousands of years later, when [80:02] Americans look back at this history, [80:03] they will inevitably regret it, asking [80:05] why they made such a mistake at that [80:07] time. Short-sighted and regrettable. [80:20] Therefore, I have full confidence in [80:22] the wisdom and rationality of US [80:24] Congress members; PNTR will definitely [80:26] ...The Asian financial crisis occurred [80:42] in 1997, and China also faced great [80:45] difficulties. One was the sharp decline [80:56] in foreign trade exports; in 1997 [80:58] China's exports grew by 20%, but by [81:00] 1998, China's export growth fell to [81:02] zero or even negative growth; China's [81:05] small and medium-sized financial [81:07] institutions also experienced crises or [81:09] defaults. Ten million workers in [81:18] China's state-owned enterprises were [81:20] laid off due to insufficient demand and [81:21] inadequate production capacity. The [81:26] production capacity for major [81:28] industrial and agricultural products [81:29] exceeded demand. Faced with such great [81:34] difficulties, what strategies should we [81:36] adopt? There were various suggestions, [81:41] for example, that the Chinese Renminbi [81:43] should be devalued to boost exports. [81:47] There was another idea that we should [81:49] sell off state-owned assets to overcome [81:51] this crisis. However, the Central [81:56] Committee and the State Council [81:58] decisively made the decision to adopt [81:59] an active fiscal policy and a prudent [82:01] monetary policy. The fact that this [82:07] decision has been implemented for three [82:08] years proves it was correct. Why do we [82:13] say it is correct? Because the [82:16] historical conditions at the time were [82:18] that China was not lacking in manpower [82:20] or capital. By capital, I mean banks; [82:28] the public's savings deposits were very [82:30] substantial. However, due to the [82:36] overcapacity in industrial processing, [82:38] there were no longer any profitable [82:40] projects to lend the bank deposits out [82:42] to, yet the banks still had to pay [82:44] interest. If these state-owned bank [82:49] funds could not be put to use, they [82:51] would become a very heavy burden on the [82:52] national treasury. Therefore, we [82:55] adopted the form of the national [82:57] treasury issuing bonds to banks. ...in [83:02] the form of issuing national bonds, to [83:04] put the bank funds to use. On the other [83:10] hand, our state-owned enterprises had [83:12] serious overcapacity; only by engaging [83:14] in construction and development could [83:16] we utilize this excess production [83:18] capacity. But there were many [83:25] unemployed workers, so under these [83:27] circumstances, we issued national bonds [83:29] over three years. Under the condition [83:36] of 360 billion, we carried out 1.5 [83:38] trillion in infrastructure construction [83:40] , which drove and revitalized the [83:42] entire national economy. The current [83:50] achievements are very obvious. First, [83:57] these funds were all invested in [83:58] infrastructure construction. In these [84:02] three years, we built 170,000 [84:04] kilometers of roads, of which 10,000 [84:06] kilometers were expressways. 10,000 [84:11] kilometers of newly built, renovated, [84:14] and electrified railways, and thousands [84:16] of kilometers of river embankments have [84:18] largely reached flood-prevention [84:20] standards, so we are no longer afraid [84:22] of floods like in 1998. Various [84:29] infrastructure projects in cities, [84:30] including sewage treatment and [84:32] environmental improvement, have greatly [84:34] improved the national ecology and [84:36] environmental protection; the benefits [84:38] are clearly visible to everyone. [84:47] Secondly, this infrastructure [84:48] construction spurred industrial [84:50] production, helping state-owned [84:51] enterprises emerge from their [84:53] predicament within three years. Taxes [85:02] and their own profits, in turn, led to [85:04] a significant increase in national [85:06] fiscal revenue. So from last year, [85:16] which is the third year of implementing [85:18] the active fiscal policy, we have [85:19] already seen this effect: the result of [85:21] stimulating the national economy led to [85:23] a massive increase in fiscal revenue. [85:32] Last year's national fiscal revenue was [85:35] 1.388 trillion, an increase of 160 [85:37] billion over 1999. We have taken a [85:44] major step forward in our ability to [85:45] repay debt. Yes, China's fiscal deficit [85:54] has increased, and quite significantly, [85:56] but all of this deficit is being used [85:58] for infrastructure construction. We [86:07] have the capability to repay this [86:09] national debt, and I believe there is [86:10] no risk at all. Last year, I met with [86:19] the former U.S. Treasury Secretary in [86:21] Xinjiang, and I asked him, "China is [86:23] currently implementing a prudent yet [86:25] proactive fiscal policy.""What is your [86:31] opinion on this?" He asked, "What is [86:32] the current balance of your national [86:34] debt?" I said, "1.2 trillion. This [86:36] includes the national debt from [86:38] previous years, totaling 1.2 trillion." [86:41] "Which has not yet been repaid.""It [86:43] accounts for 14%of our GDP." He was [86:48] very direct, stating that there is no [86:50] risk, and it is still far from the [86:52] generally accepted warning level of 20% [86:54] . Of course, it is not just because he [86:58] said that that I felt reassured. I base [87:01] it on last year's figures. That is to [87:06] say, fiscal revenue increased by 196 [87:08] billion in one year. I have money in my [87:11] hands; the actual silver and gold have [87:13] come back. Therefore, I felt reassured. [87:22] The National People's Congress has [87:24] approved the State Council to issue [87:26] another 150 billion in national debt [87:28] this year, to be used for the [87:29] construction of existing projects and [87:31] new projects for the development of the [87:33] western region. I estimate that we may [87:39] need to issue another 150 billion next [87:41] year. I estimate that after these two [87:49] years, once the existing projects are [87:51] completed and the western development [87:53] has taken initial shape, due to the [87:55] virtuous cycle of the economy, the [87:57] increase in fiscal tax revenue, and the [87:59] opening of social funding channels, I [88:00] believe there will be no need to issue [88:02] so much national debt in the future. [88:11] Perhaps there will be no need to issue [88:12] this kind of constructive national debt [88:14] at all. Let's wait and see. However, I [88:18] have another kind of concern. If we [88:23] issue less, nowadays the public hears [88:24] that national debt is being issued and [88:26] they get up in the middle of the night [88:28] to queue in front of the banks; it all [88:30] sells out in one morning. If we don't [88:35] issue national debt in the future, the [88:37] public might have complaints about us. [88:41] Of course, the reason is very simple; [88:44] currently, the one-year bank savings [88:46] interest rate is only 2.25%, while the [88:49] three-year national debt rate is 2.87%, [88:51] and the five-year rate is 3.07%. There [88:57] is a bit of a difference. I might add [89:03] that even though we issued national [89:05] debt, bank savings have not decreased. [89:10] Even after the introduction of interest [89:12] income tax, they are still increasing. [89:16] The Chinese people still have [89:17] confidence in us. I. Think that the [89:29] relationship between China and Japan, [89:31] when President Jiang Zemin visited [89:33] Japan in 1998, jointly established a [89:35] partnership dedicated to peace and [89:37] development, a friendly cooperative [89:39] partnership. The relationship between [89:45] China and Japan has greatly improved. [89:52] When I visited Japan that year, in [89:53] accordance with the spirit of "looking [89:55] at history and looking toward the [89:57] future" proposed by President Jiang [89:59] Zemin, I held friendly talks with [90:01] Japanese government leaders. We held [90:07] discussions, and I also engaged in some [90:09] sincere and practical work with people [90:11] from various circles. I believe the [90:17] main issue in China-Japan relations [90:19] right now is the textbook issue, which [90:21] is not just a problem between our two [90:23] countries. It is a problem for Japan [90:30] and all the related countries and [90:32] peoples of Asia. If one denies the [90:39] historical fact that Japanese [90:40] militarists launched a war of [90:42] aggression and distorts history, that [90:44] does not just hurt the feelings of the [90:45] Chinese people; it hurts the feelings [90:47] of all the people in Asia. These [90:53] textbooks must be approved by the [90:55] Japanese government and the Japanese [90:57] Ministry of Education; therefore, the [90:59] Japanese government bears an [91:00] unshirkable responsibility. They must [91:03] take action regarding these matters. [91:08] They cannot use the excuse of freedom [91:10] of speech or opinion to shirk this [91:16] responsibility. I am aware and have [91:20] heard that some revisions have been [91:22] made, but based on the reactions of [91:23] people from various Asian countries, [91:25] these revisions are not enough. I do [91:33] not believe anyone is trying to [91:34] interfere in Japan's internal affairs; [91:36] rather, it is a question of whether [91:38] Japan, the Japanese people, and the [91:40] peoples of Asia, including China, can [91:42] maintain friendship from generation to [91:44] generation, and it is also in the [91:46] interest of the Japanese people. Of [91:52] course, I do not believe this issue [91:54] will affect the exchanges between China [91:56] and Japan, including high-level [91:57] exchanges. I reiterate my invitation [92:02] for Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori to [92:04] visit China this year. Last year, I [92:08] accepted his invitation—actually, I [92:10] was invited by the late former Prime [92:12] Minister Keizo Obuchi to visit Japan, [92:14] but sadly he has passed away, for which [92:17] we express our condolences; later, [92:19] Prime Minister Mori invited me to visit [92:21] Japan. I feel that I had very good [92:26] communication with the Japanese people, [92:29] which I still find hard to forget; [92:30] therefore, I reiterate my welcome and [92:32] invitation for Prime Minister Mori to [92:34] visit China. I believe the [92:41] institutional reform of this government [92:42] has been successful. Since 1998, we [92:47] have achieved, in a very short time, [92:49] the reduction of the staff in the State [92:51] Council system from 30,000 to over [92:53] 16,000, meaning we have cut the staff [92:56] by half. There was no instability [93:00] whatsoever. Currently, our provincial [93:07] and municipal government agencies have [93:09] also conducted downsizing according to [93:11] a certain proportion, and this year we [93:13] have decided to reduce the city and [93:15] county level agencies by 20%, with all [93:17] excess personnel being retired. I think [93:25] these government institutional reforms [93:27] are very beneficial for improving [93:29] government efficiency and transforming [93:30] functions. I can say now that the [93:36] efficiency of the State Council [93:37] government agencies has greatly [93:39] improved. Of course, there are things I [93:48] am not satisfied with, namely that the [93:49] transformation of our government [93:51] functions is not yet complete, and our [93:53] officials are accustomed to working [93:54] under a planned economy and are not [93:56] very clear about the government's role [93:58] under a socialist market economy. As a [94:07] result, they have done some things they [94:09] should not have done; I call this a [94:11] displacement of their roles. Therefore, [94:17] we are still undergoing reforms. Last [94:21] year, we dealt with ten state bureaus, [94:23] which were equivalent to the ten former [94:25] industrial ministries. We abolished [94:30] nine of them and reformed one. This is [94:34] a very significant change. At the same [94:38] time, we need to strengthen certain [94:40] departments that should adapt to the [94:42] requirements of a socialist market [94:43] economy. For example, the State [94:50] Administration for Industry and [94:51] Commerce, the State Bureau of Quality [94:53] and Technical Supervision, and the [94:55] State Administration of Import and [94:56] Export Inspection—we need to [94:58] strengthen and upgrade these [94:59] departments, meaning they were [95:01] originally deputy-ministerial level, [95:03] but now they will become ministerial [95:04] level. Right. Naturally, the [95:13] transformation of government functions [95:15] is not an easy task; it takes time, and [95:17] we will continue to work hard. Thank [95:21] you. Regarding the issue of the large [95:27] gap in income distribution, we are [95:28] paying serious attention to it, but I [95:30] believe it has not yet reached a [95:32] critical level. According to a 1999 [95:39] survey in China, the Gini coefficient [95:42] calculated according to international [95:44] standards is 0.39, which is close to [95:46] the level internationally recognized as [95:48] a warning line. However, I believe that [95:55] for the following reasons, the problem [95:57] is not yet that serious. First, it is [96:02] due to historical reasons; the [96:07] urban-rural gap and the income gap are [96:09] very large. Because of the current [96:14] relative surplus of grain and falling [96:16] grain prices, farmers 'incomes—mainly [96:19] in the major producing areas—are [96:20] declining. The Central Committee and [96:29] the State Council attach great [96:31] importance to this problem and have [96:32] placed increasing farmers' incomes as [96:34] the top priority in current economic [96:36] work. We will introduce a series of [96:43] measures to solve this problem. Second, [96:50] among urban residents, because the [96:52] reform of state-owned enterprises is [96:54] not yet complete, the number of [96:55] laid-off and unemployed workers is [96:57] still relatively high, so the income [96:59] gap between employed workers and those [97:01] who are laid-off or unemployed is also [97:02] widening. We will solve this problem by [97:11] improving and establishing a [97:12] standardized social security system and [97:14] improving re-employment work. Third, [97:23] due to historical reasons or monopoly [97:25] advantages in certain industries or [97:27] sectors, their incomes are too high. I [97:35] can recite a popular saying to identify [97:37] which industries have incomes that are [97:39] too high. It is called "Bank plus [97:43] Securities and Insurance." Banking, [97:47] securities, and insurance are the three [97:49] , plus two powers and one tobacco. The [97:54] two powers are power and [97:55] telecommunications. And one tobacco is [98:00] tobacco. Third, the third point [98:03] concerns oil and petrochemicals, [98:05] specifically the China National [98:07] Petroleum Corporation and the China [98:08] Petrochemical Corporation. The fourth [98:12] point involves even those who are [98:14] sweeping the floors there. We are about [98:22] to carry out structural reforms in [98:24] these monopolistic industries, [98:25] including electricity, [98:26] telecommunications, railways, and civil [98:29] aviation. To eliminate their monopolies [98:33] . Of course, we will also use tax [98:42] measures to narrow the income gap; for [98:44] example, our individual income tax [98:46] system requires the highest bracket to [98:48] pay 45%, meaning half of their income [98:50] should go to the state. In these areas, [98:58] our implementation has not been very [99:00] good. We need to better improve and [99:04] collect this tax according to the law. [99:09] In short, three points are worth noting [99:11] . It is not very serious. It is being [99:16] resolved. Did I appear tired in 1998? I [99:35] don’t know how you all here would [99:37] comment, but I think four years have [99:39] passed, and people do age, right? [99:51] However, I believe that over these four [99:53] years, I have never dared to slack off [99:55] in carrying out my government work. I [100:08] think this administration has [100:09] accomplished a lot in these four years, [100:11] especially in overcoming the Asian [100:13] financial crisis and using that [100:15] opportunity to develop ourselves; but [100:16] of course, I still have many things [100:18] left undone. You ask what gives me the [100:27] most headaches? I have a headache all [100:30] day long. If, if you ask what is the [100:34] most headache-inducing? I think at [100:39] present, it is mainly about increasing [100:41] farmers 'income. Because in these four [100:48] years, the wages of state civil [100:50] servants have nearly doubled, while [100:52] prices have not risen. Furthermore, [100:57] state-owned enterprises have turned [100:59] around in these three years, and the [101:00] wages of many employees in these [101:02] enterprises have also increased [101:04] significantly. Also, retired employees, [101:08] thanks to the improvement of our social [101:11] security system, have had their [101:12] benefits increased, and I think they [101:14] are all very happy. But by comparison, [101:21] it is the farmers—eight hundred [101:22] million farmers—whose income has not [101:24] increased quickly, and in some [101:26] individual places, it has even declined [101:28] . Regarding this problem, the Chinese [101:35] government has made tremendous efforts, [101:36] and I have also devoted a large portion [101:38] of my government work report to it. But [101:43] solving this problem is not easy. The [101:47] most fundamental measure is to rely on [101:49] the adjustment of agricultural planting [101:51] or the industrial structure. Because [101:55] China now has a surplus of grain. There [102:00] are more and more agricultural products [102:02] ; whatever is planted in abundance, the [102:04] price cannot go up, and farmers' income [102:06] cannot increase. Especially after China [102:11] joins the WTO, your American [102:13] agricultural products will continue to [102:15] enter China in large quantities. If the [102:18] prices of my agricultural products fall [102:19] further, won't the farmers be in great [102:21] difficulty? This is also a matter that [102:24] gives me a headache. Do you know that [102:29] U.S. soybean exports to China already [102:31] equal 15 million tons, which is China's [102:33] total domestic production? When we [102:43] wanted to adopt a management policy for [102:45] genetically modified agricultural [102:47] products—a practice followed by many [102:49] countries internationally—your U.S. [102:51] leaders came to talk to me about the [102:52] soybean issue, saying, "Our 1 billion [102:54] dollars in U.S. exports, you must be [102:56] very cautious." But for the steel [103:08] products you import from China, you [103:09] announced a tariff increase of 8%to 30% [103:12] , which prevents 350 million dollars ' [103:13] worth of Chinese steel from being [103:15] exported to the U.S. So, may I be just [103:17] as concerned about my own country's [103:19] exports as your leaders are about those [103:21] soybeans? I also want to...I...let's [103:36] return to this headache of a problem; [103:38] although it is a headache, I believe it [103:40] will be solved. Because China currently [103:44] has grain reserves of 500 billion [103:46] catties, I can open up supplies. We are [103:52] implementing policies to return [103:53] farmland to forests, to grazing land, [103:55] and to lakes, allowing farmers' incomes [103:58] to increase; at the same time, we are [104:00] carrying out a tax-for-fee reform in [104:02] rural areas to reduce the burden on [104:04] farmers. Therefore, I believe these [104:09] measures can alleviate the current [104:10] difficult situation for farmers. After [104:16] a period of time, with the adjustment [104:18] of the agricultural industrial [104:19] structure, farmers 'incomes will [104:21] increase, although it will require some [104:23] ...Time. The other day, I saw a Hong [104:33] Kong newspaper grant me an honorary [104:35] title, calling me...The Self Premier. [104:45] I. Have never accepted honorary titles [104:47] or honorary degrees, so I need to [104:48] clarify this matter. I. Checked the [104:57] available data, and I looked at over 20 [104:58] countries; in 2000, 19 of them had [104:59] deficits, including some major [105:00] developed nations. Therefore, the issue [105:01] is not whether you have a fiscal [105:01] deficit, but whether your deficit level [105:02] is within a sustainable range. [105:10] Especially regarding what this deficit [105:12] is used for, and where you are spending [105:14] it; China's budget deficit this year is [105:17] 98 billion RMB. This is equivalent to [105:37] about 3%of the annual GDP. The total [105:49] balance of issued national debt is 2.56 [105:52] trillion, accounting for 16%of the GDP. [105:59] Both of these figures are within the [106:01] recognized international warning lines, [106:03] and are still very far from them. The [106:09] important thing is that this deficit of [106:11] mine is not used to cover routine [106:13] budget expenditures; it hasn't been " [106:15] eaten up," but is used for [106:16] infrastructure construction. This [106:22] current administration has issued 510 [106:24] billion in national debt, which has [106:26] mobilized bank funds and other capital [106:28] channels to complete a total of 2 [106:30] trillion in projects. These 2 trillion [106:38] in projects include 100,000 kilometers [106:40] of roads, of which 13,000 kilometers [106:42] are expressways. This, I believe, is a [106:49] solid foundation. Over 5,000 kilometers [107:00] of trunk railway lines, or if including [107:02] electrification and double-tracking [107:04] upgrades, over 10,000 kilometers; we [107:06] also built 95 million kilowatts of [107:08] power stations and fully renovated [107:10] rural power grids. The number of mobile [107:18] and fixed-line telephones in China has [107:20] increased by 320 million over these [107:22] four years, and these are all tangible [107:24] achievements. Therefore, what I am [107:32] leaving to the next administration is [107:34] not just debt, but 2.5 trillion yuan in [107:36] high-quality assets. In China's future [107:44] economic development, these will [107:46] continue to generate massive economic [107:47] benefits for a long time. Moreover. [107:56] What is more important is that this 510 [107:58] billion yuan in national debt, along [108:00] with the bank loans it leveraged, has [108:02] spurred total industrial production and [108:04] driven the high-speed growth of the [108:06] entire national economy. With fiscal [108:13] revenue increasing significantly each [108:15] year, this has enabled us to greatly [108:16] improve the welfare of our workers. In [108:21] recent years, workers' wages have [108:23] nearly doubled. It has allowed us to [108:30] build a relatively sound social [108:32] security system and invest substantial [108:34] funds. Into it. At the same time, the [108:47] public's bank savings have continued to [108:49] rise in recent years, maintaining an [108:51] annual increase of 700 to 800 billion [108:54] yuan. In other words, if we had not [109:05] adopted this proactive fiscal policy [109:07] and prudent monetary policy, the [109:09] Chinese economy might have collapsed. [109:19] Therefore, we can see from this that [109:21] the intensity of this proactive fiscal [109:23] policy was perfectly measured. You see, [109:29] over these four years, prices haven't [109:31] risen at all. And they haven't fallen [109:34] much, either. They fluctuated within [109:36] one percent. It was just right. Clearly [109:43] , China's "kung fu" is quite good. So I [109:49] am sorry, I cannot accept the honorary [109:51] title of "Proactive Premier." I return [109:55] it to you. Because our country was able [110:00] to implement a proactive fiscal policy, [110:02] not only overcoming the impact of the [110:04] Asian financial crisis but also using [110:06] that opportunity to develop China's [110:08] national economy at an unprecedented [110:10] pace, I feel...This year is. The 30th [110:17] anniversary of the normalization of [110:19] China-Japan diplomatic relations. When [110:26] I met with Prime Minister Koizumi last [110:28] year, we designated this as the Year of [110:30] China-Japan Friendship and will hold a [110:32] series of events to celebrate, [110:33] including strengthening communication [110:35] and exchanges, hosting a Japan Culture [110:37] Year in China, and a China Culture Year [110:39] in Japan. Regarding the invitation for [110:46] the Crown Prince and Crown Princess to [110:48] visit China, we have long been working [110:50] to promote it. We certainly hope they [110:54] can accept the invitation to visit [110:56] China, and I believe they will surely [110:58] ...In the future. Regarding your point [111:09] about polarization in China, or the [111:11] existence of a widening gap between the [111:13] rich and the poor, I agree that such a [111:15] phenomenon exists. I believe you likely [111:24] remember Mr. Deng Xiaoping saying that [111:26] we should let some people get rich [111:28] first, and so naturally, there are some [111:29] who have not yet become rich. Therefore [111:36] , the widening gap between the rich and [111:38] the poor may be inevitable during a [111:40] certain historical period. However, [111:47] while implementing the policy of [111:49] allowing some people to get rich first, [111:51] we are constantly supporting low-income [111:53] or disadvantaged groups. For instance, [112:01] increasing farmers 'income occupies a [112:03] large part of my government work report [112:05] , and it can be said to have become a [112:07] central task. We are also promoting the [112:18] importance of the social security [112:20] system to support laid-off, unemployed, [112:22] and retired workers; these are all our [112:24] priorities. Besides using the fiscal [112:34] budget to narrow this wealth gap, the [112:36] most important means for our government [112:38] is taxation. We use tax policies and [112:46] tax reforms to support those among the [112:48] public who have not yet become affluent [112:50] . I believe that after a period of time [112:57] , this phenomenon of a large wealth gap [112:59] will eventually be resolved. I think [113:06] the "one guarantee and three [113:07] achievements" reforms I proposed in [113:09] 1998......have been basically completed [113:12] over these four years. The "one [113:17] guarantee" was to ensure that year's 8% [113:19] growth rate. And that the Renminbi [113:21] would not depreciate. The Renminbi did [113:24] not depreciate, and the growth rate was [113:27] 7.8%, slightly less than the 8%I [113:29] mentioned. As everyone knows, in 1998, [113:33] China suffered from unprecedented [113:35] floods, coupled with the impact of the [113:37] Asian financial crisis, so it fell a [113:39] little short. The "three achievements," [113:44] first, was for the majority of [113:46] state-owned enterprises to achieve [113:47] profitability within three years. The [113:54] goal for large and medium-sized [113:56] enterprises to turn losses into profits [113:58] was already achieved within three years [114:00] . If these state-owned enterprises had [114:08] not paid taxes to the government, [114:09] China's fiscal situation could not be [114:11] this good, nor could it be growing [114:13] every year at a rate more than double [114:15] that of the GDP. As for financial [114:21] reform, we have already carried out [114:23] major reforms on commercial banks. We [114:27] drew on the experience of the U.S. RTC [114:29] to separate non-performing loans and [114:31] establish asset management companies. [114:34] This has brought about a significant [114:36] transformation in the operations of [114:38] commercial banks. Last year alone, the [114:40] ratio of non-performing loans decreased [114:43] . As for streamlining the State Council [114:47] agencies, that was completed that same [114:49] year, reducing the staff by half. And [114:54] this time, the streamlining is now [114:56] being pushed down to provincial, [114:58] municipal, and county governments, and [115:00] is currently underway. [115:06] Regarding the other five reforms: grain [115:08] distribution system reform, investment [115:11] system reform......housing system [115:13] reform, medical system reform, and [115:15] fiscal and tax system reform; I can say [115:18] that some of these five reforms are [115:20] completed, and some are ongoing. I am [115:24] still satisfied with the progress of [115:26] these reforms. Therefore, I believe [115:33] that this government has fulfilled its [115:35] commitments to the people of the [115:37] country and the National People's [115:39] Congress; otherwise, why would every [115:41] government work report be passed by a [115:43] large majority of over 70%? I think we [115:49] can say we have a clear conscience, but [115:51] there is still a lot of work left [115:53] undone. We must continue to do a good [115:56] job. Thank you. [115:59] I truly admire the persistence and [116:00] dedication of you journalists. You [116:04] always insist on getting to the bottom [116:05] of the matter. But as I just said, even [116:11] I don't know the answer, so how can I [116:13] answer you? As for me, apart from the [116:22] fact that I am truly buried in my work, [116:24] I have no particular merits. I hope no [116:33] one learns from me, especially the " [116:35] skills" a certain Hong Kong newspaper [116:37] attributed to me—like slamming the [116:38] table, pounding the bench, and glaring. [116:45] Please, don't learn that. However, what [116:48] that newspaper said isn't entirely [116:50] wrong. I have slammed the table, and I [116:54] have glared—if I couldn't glare, [116:56] wouldn't I be a vegetable? But I have [117:01] absolutely never pounded a bench; that [117:03] would be very painful. As for the claim [117:10] that I do this to intimidate the common [117:12] people, I don't think anyone believes [117:13] that. I never intimidate the common [117:18] people; I only intimidate corrupt [117:20] officials. None. Hong Kong once served [117:30] as a financial hub for Asia, and it is [117:32] also a civilized international city in [117:34] many other respects. I don't think this [117:42] advantage has been lost, especially [117:44] considering the contribution Hong Kong [117:46] made to China's reform and opening up [117:48] in the 70s and 80s. With the [117:56] development of the world economy, I [117:57] think Hong Kong's position should be [117:59] adjusted. All of Hong Kong's elite are [118:07] exploring this issue, and we are [118:09] willing to join the SAR government and [118:10] the people of Hong Kong to discuss it. [118:18] But I firmly believe that its [118:20] advantages have yet to be fully [118:21] realized, and its future potential is [118:23] limitless. As I have already said, no [118:29] similar city can replace Hong Kong in [118:31] the near future. I hope we all have the [118:39] confidence that our goals can certainly [118:41] be achieved. Alright. Today's press [118:53] conference ends here. I am determined [119:22] to make the next government a clean, [119:24] efficient administration that serves [119:25] the people wholeheartedly. This is my [119:29] determination.