台北選民視北京通緝為人才認證 沈伯洋憑街頭對決挑戰蔣萬安

Why do you support Puma Shen? | Local Poll 11/01/2026 — 王志安

王志安

支持者將北京通緝令轉化為沈伯洋抗共實力的最佳背書,並主張唯有讓蔣萬安在市長選戰吞敗才能打破市府象牙塔,但若沈伯洋執政承諾落空也將在四年後遭無情淘汰。

AI-assisted summary of Why do you support Puma Shen? | Local Poll 11/01/2026 — original source. Check the original for full context.

Source published:

Key ideas

  • 支持者普遍將沈伯洋遭中共通緝與制裁視為正面勳章,認為這證明北京比台灣內部更早察覺其潛在影響力與政治實力。 (10:08)
  • 沈伯洋以「市民肥皂箱」街頭直球問答及深度專訪打開選情,憑藉清晰論理與不打泥巴戰的溫和風格,成功打動長年冷感的非選民投票。 (14:59)
  • 市政訴求跳脫傳統硬體思維,將都市空氣污染、兒虐問題乃至現代都會的「孤獨感」納入治理願景,引發多元階層共鳴。 (5:03)
  • 受訪選民強烈批評現任市長蔣萬安入主市府後陷入「象牙塔」,但亦警示台北市民極為現實,若沈伯洋當選後政見達成率未達五至六成,四年後同樣會被迅速淘汰。 (14:59)

Detailed notes

## Background 本影片由王志安於2026年11月1日在YouTube平台發布,標題為《你為什麼支持沈伯洋?|局部民調20261101》。影片說明欄主要推廣其YouTube會員專屬福利、Patreon會員社群,以及宣傳其著作《王志安談治國理政第二卷》電子書的各大購買連結。

## TL;DR 本集節目透過街頭隨機民調,深入探討台北市民支持沈伯洋參選台北市長的核心原因。受訪者涵蓋深綠世代、青鳥行動參與者、資深選民乃至原先對政治冷感的非投票族群,讚賞沈伯洋兼具學者邏輯與親民肥皂箱街講風格,並認同其關注城市綠化、兒虐與都會孤獨感等人性化政策。針對沈伯洋遭中共通緝的爭議,選民普遍將其反轉視為「對岸認證人才」與無畏的榮譽勳章,同時批評現任市長蔣萬安入主市府後漸失初心、深陷象牙塔,並強調台北選民極其現實,若沈伯洋執政成果不佳四年後同樣會被無情淘汰。

## Atmosphere & style 街訪現場氣氛熱絡且接地氣,選民面對鏡頭毫不避諱地抒發政見,展現出高度的參與熱情與堅定信念。訪談節奏明快自然,受訪者從歷經威權時期的七旬長者到年輕首投族,在笑談中共威脅與調侃政治現狀中,流露出兼具草根韌性與知性思辨的獨特氛圍。整部影片呈現出台灣選民在街頭政治氛圍下的真實呼吸感,既有支持者發自內心的狂熱與期許,亦保有市民對公職人員嚴格檢驗的冷靜與現實。

## Bulletin - [10:08](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=608s) 支持者普遍將沈伯洋遭中共通緝與制裁視為正面勳章,認為這證明北京比台灣內部更早察覺其潛在影響力與政治實力。 - [14:59](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=899s) 沈伯洋以「市民肥皂箱」街頭直球問答及深度專訪打開選情,憑藉清晰論理與不打泥巴戰的溫和風格,成功打動長年冷感的非選民投票。 - [05:03](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=303s) 市政訴求跳脫傳統硬體思維,將都市空氣污染、兒虐問題乃至現代都會的「孤獨感」納入治理願景,引發多元階層共鳴。 - [14:59](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=899s) 受訪選民強烈批評現任市長蔣萬安入主市府後陷入「象牙塔」,但亦警示台北市民極為現實,若沈伯洋當選後政見達成率未達五至六成,四年後同樣會被迅速淘汰。

## Key takeaways - [00:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=0s) 深綠支持者展現出高度黨派忠誠度,但對沈伯洋個人的支持亦緊扣生活層面的都市綠化與空污改善訴求。 - [01:43](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=103s) 支持者高度推崇沈伯洋從台灣民主實驗室到黑熊學院的經歷,肯定其兼具條理邏輯與領養小孩所展現的道德品格。 - [01:43](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=103s) 選民認為沈伯洋有別於傳統綠營政客的嘶吼指控風格,以理性、有說服力且穿插流行動漫元素的表達吸引年輕群體。 - [05:03](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=303s) 街頭肥皂箱形式打破政治冷感,成功讓過往只當選務人員而不投票的市民轉化為積極支持者。 - [05:03](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=303s) 沈伯洋將現代都市的「孤獨感」列入市政探討,以關懷人文情緒的視角與傳統補助型政見形成鮮明區隔。 - [08:06](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=486s) 選民普遍切割地方市長治理與國際地緣政治,認為台海和平主要取決於美中博弈,而非台北市長的個人身分。 - [08:06](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=486s) 具兩岸經商經驗的選民指出大陸民間與官方文宣存在溫差,不認為地方選舉支持抗中形象鮮明的候選人會直接惡化日常生活。 - [10:08](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=608s) 74歲資深選民認為中共對沈伯洋的通緝名單實為「人才認證」,如同當年鎖定台灣歷任頂尖政治人物,反映其對中共體制的威脅性。 - [10:08](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=608s) 王偉忠對沈伯洋與蔣萬安的深度專訪成為選民評估兩人文化底蘊與準備程度的重要轉折點。 - [13:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=780s) 青鳥行動基層支持者積極反對立院爭議法案,並將被中共標籤為頑固台獨分子視為一種政治榮譽。 - [13:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=780s) 基層選民對蔣萬安市府感到不滿,認為輝達進駐或大巨蛋多為延續前朝政績,市府在兒虐等社會深層問題上缺乏實質作為。 - [14:59](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=899s) 街頭面對面「市民肥皂箱」展現沈伯洋不懼被問倒的底蘊與坦誠態度,被選民評為低成本、高收益且具說服力的溝通策略。 - [14:59](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=899s) 選民直言蔣萬安已從當年謙遜有禮的「白紙」退化為只聽親信聲音的市府象牙塔官僚,需要經歷選戰挫敗來找回初心。 - [14:59](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=899s) 選民強調台北市具備冷靜無情的檢驗機制,若沈伯洋執政政見兌現率低於五至六成,選民四年後將毫不留情將其淘汰。

## Detailed walkthrough ### [00:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=0s) Generational "Deep Green" Loyalty and Urban Concerns

The street vox pop opens with enthusiastic declarations from supporters, with one voter remarking that mainland China recognized Shen Po-yang's significance even before citizens in Taiwan did, and another promising that if Shen gets elected, they will immediately transfer their household registration back to Taipei. Interviewing a steadfast supporter about why she backs Shen, the voter explains that her allegiance is rooted in deep generational party loyalty: her entire family has been "Deep Green" since birth and will vote strictly for the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) regardless of who the Kuomintang (KMT) or Taiwan People's Party (TPP) field. When the interviewer presses whether even attractive policies from opposing parties could sway her, she makes her uncompromising stance clear: “No, that has never changed.”

When asked which of Shen Po-yang's proposed platforms resonate with her, the voter highlights his urban forestation initiative and plans to expand greenery to curb pollution. She explains that Taipei suffers from severe air quality issues that directly affect her daily life, pointing out that poor air aggravates her skin, triggers constant acne breakouts, and leaves her face covered in a thick layer of grime every evening. Asked if she would support the same afforestation policy if introduced by incumbent Taipei Mayor Chiang Wan-an, she admits she would endorse that specific measure but refuses to back his broader administration, criticizing Chiang for focusing on trivial matters while failing to resolve pressing municipal crises and school bullying issues. Regarding mainland China placing Shen Po-yang on a wanted list, the supporter dismisses the threat entirely, observing that other politicians like Wang Shih-chien are also targeted. She recalls her father's practical advice that the world is large and there is no need to travel to mainland China, noting that it is far from the only powerful country on the globe.

- Deep-green partisan identification overrides rival policy proposals; votes remain locked to the DPP over the KMT or TPP. - Urban policy concerns center on air quality, with city pollution blamed for dermatological problems like persistent acne and grime buildup. - Beijing's sanctions and wanted lists are treated with indifference by supporters, who view staying away from the mainland as an easy and natural choice.

---

[01:43](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=103s) Articulate Logic, Personal Morality, and Modern Political Style

Other supporters trace their backing to Shen Po-yang’s analytical background and personal character. One mother recounts that she was previously consumed by daily life and politically detached until her daughter urged her to visit Shen's campaign office before its formal opening. She was instantly won over by Shen’s articulate debate delivery and systematic thinking, observing that his structured, analytical mindset was evident from his time leading Doublethink Lab (Democratic Lab) through his work establishing the Kuma Academy (Black Bear Academy). At a gathering, the atmosphere turns lively as an emcee rallies the crowd with chants and playfully points out their glowing skin after using a facial mask recommended by Shen. Beyond municipal ideas, voters express deep respect for Shen's private integrity, especially his decision to adopt children, describing it as an exceptionally noble choice.

Voters also contrast Shen’s demeanor with stereotypical political theater. Rather than resorting to screaming, mudslinging, or the hardline rhetoric of earlier DPP figures who routinely labeled rivals as Chinese Communist Party (CCP) pawns, supporters view Shen as sophisticated, measured, and approachable. A former student activist who participated in the Sunflower Movement twelve years earlier recalls first noticing Shen’s summary guide on the Cross-Strait Service Trade Agreement (CSSTA), later tracking his journey through his party nomination shifts and Beijing's sanctions. While the activist notes that Shen connects with younger demographics by weaving anime references into discussions, they admit when pressed that they cannot name a specific reference on command: “That's where I go blank.” Nonetheless, supporters appreciate his sincerity in discussing national identity. An alumnus who recognized Shen as a school junior adds that launching the Kuma Academy took immense personal fortitude: “I think that in his situation at the time, doing something like the Kuma Academy, I find that to be a very brave thing.”

- Shen’s career trajectory is cited from civil society research at Doublethink Lab to civil defense education at Kuma Academy. - Supporters distinguish Shen’s calm, intellectual discourse from traditional partisan screaming matches and reflexive fifth-column accusations. - His public persona blends serious national security awareness with pop-culture accessibility, alongside personal life choices such as adopting children.

---

[05:03](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=303s) From Political Apathy to Engagement: Human-Centric Urban Policy

A newly energized supporter describes becoming involved only recently after encountering Shen's street-level campaigning in Shilin, dubbed "Mayor, listen to me." She explains that his open-air soapbox style felt entirely novel compared to scripted political events. Watching more of his appearances convinced her that Shen articulates complex ideas in plain, accessible language and approaches governance from a human-centered perspective. The voter reveals that she had spent her life entirely indifferent to politics, never exercising her right to vote and viewing elections as completely detached from her reality. In fact, she preferred working as an administrative poll clerk on election days rather than casting a ballot herself, operating under the assumption that whoever won would govern identically. Shen's candidacy changed that calculation, prompting her to cast her vote for the first time to see how the capital city might transform under his direction.

When comparing Shen’s platform against Mayor Chiang Wan-an’s agenda, the voter highlights Shen's focus on urban loneliness as the defining differentiator. While mainstream mayoral campaigns typically revolve around hard civil infrastructure projects or traditional underprivileged welfare subsidies, she found Shen’s direct acknowledgment of modern emotional and social isolation deeply moving: “I think I was struck by Shen Po-yang talking about the issue of loneliness.” Addressing Beijing’s wanted notice, she interprets the threat as evidence of Shen's moral courage, arguing that he knowingly accepted personal risk to stand up for his beliefs. She firmly dismisses critics who claim electing Shen would inflame cross-strait instability: “If they get worse just because of him, then he’d be way too powerful, wouldn't he?” She points out that Shen is running for municipal mayor, not the national presidency, and questions whether electing someone else would offer any real guarantee of protecting Taiwan from potential conflict.

- The Shilin street soapbox campaign format effectively converted lifelong non-voters into active participants. - Shen's urban platform distinguishes itself by treating social loneliness and emotional alienation as legitimate municipal policy issues alongside traditional infrastructure. - Beijing's hostility is reframed by supporters as a badge of bravery rather than a disqualifying geopolitical liability.

---

[08:06](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=486s) Cross-Strait Relations and the Scope of Mayoral Power

Moving through the dense crowd, the discussion turns to the geopolitical ramifications of Shen's candidacy. When asked how they view Beijing placing Shen on a wanted list, an interviewee responds with a common sentiment among the base: “I think that if someone is wanted by China, they must have done something right to be wanted by them.” Supporters largely reject the argument that electing Shen as Taipei mayor would trigger a crisis across the Taiwan Strait. They point out that a mayoral mandate is strictly focused on local urban administration rather than defense, diplomacy, or cross-strait policy, making it illogical to blame a city leader for broader regional friction.

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Mayoral Scope and Cross-Strait Geopolitics accDescr: Diagram illustrating how supporters separate municipal mayoral governance from national cross-strait dynamics driven by US-China relations.

subgraph Municipal ["Taipei Municipal Scope"] M1["Taipei Mayor (Shen Po-yang)"] M2["Local Governance & City Infrastructure"] M1 --> M2 end

subgraph Geopolitics ["Macro Geopolitical Dynamics"] G1["Cross-Strait Status Quo"] G2["United States Foreign Policy"] G3["Beijing Cross-Strait Strategy"] G2 --> G1 G3 --> G1 end

M1 -.->|"Negligible Direct Impact"| G1 ```

A voter who regularly traveled to mainland China for work shares a pragmatic perspective on cross-strait tension. She explains that in her firsthand experience, everyday mainland citizens do not mirror the aggressive rhetoric seen in sensationalized media reports, but are instead quite friendly. Consequently, she harbors no anxiety that electing Shen will destabilize daily life. She emphasizes that even Taiwan's head of state has limited autonomy against systemic superpowers, concluding that regional security ultimately hinges on Washington's posture: “Exactly, fundamentally, whatever China wants to do to us, it basically depends on the US.” Because macro cross-strait equilibrium is anchored by the United States rather than local city halls, supporters remain confident that electing Shen will preserve the existing status quo.

- Supporters interpret Chinese sanctions as external validation of a politician's loyalty and effective advocacy for Taiwan. - Voters maintain a strict separation between city-level municipal governance and presidential-level foreign policy. - Firsthand cross-strait business travelers draw a distinction between aggressive state propaganda and ordinary, friendly mainland citizens. - Macro cross-strait stability is seen as fundamentally dictated by US-China geopolitical strategy rather than municipal elections.

[10:08](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=608s) 74歲資深選民的政治觀察:從1960年買票到沈伯洋被中共通緝

受訪的長者表示自己今年74歲(1952年出生),早在1960年8歲時就開始觀察政治。當時他親眼目睹了選舉買票,一票是20元台幣,從那時起他就看清了政黨的生態,並極度厭惡這些惡習。自從有投票權以來,他一直投給非國民黨的候選人;1986年民進黨成立後,除了2014年投給柯文哲之外,他一直都堅定支持民進黨。

當被問及沈伯洋有何政策吸引他時,該受訪者提到王偉忠分別在2022年專訪蔣萬安、以及2025年9月10日專訪沈伯洋的節目對比。他表示,只要看王偉忠當時的表情,就能明白沈伯洋完全展現出知識分子的風貌。對於沈伯洋遭到中國大陸通緝一事,該選民有著截然不同的解讀。

> “這就表示大陸在我們很多台灣國民、中華民國國民還沒發現沈伯洋的長處跟特點之前,大陸就已經發現他是個人才了。”

他進一步分析,過去幾十年來被中共列入通緝或針對的名單,例如李登輝等歷任總統,全都是台灣政壇的頂尖人物。中共之所以這麼做,是因為知道沈伯洋未來會對中國共產黨構成巨大的威脅。至於沈伯洋若當選是否會導致兩岸關係惡化,該長者回憶起2000年陳水扁當選前,時任中共總理朱鎔基的恫嚇發言,認為兩岸局勢的威嚇早已有之;而在如今的國際局勢下,中共犯台成本過高,他認為中共實際上並不敢輕易發動攻擊。

---

[13:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=780s) 便當店老闆的「青鳥」挺沈心聲與反黑金立場

另一位受訪者是一家便當店的老闆,他在青鳥行動期間就開始力挺沈伯洋,甚至在店內發起活動發送印有「羊」圖樣的帆布提袋。他回憶當時自己在青鳥運動現場親自送便當、舉牌聲援,被沈伯洋「愛台灣」以及在立法院全力阻擋惡法的作為深深打動。

談到政策層面,老闆認為沈伯洋對台北市目前面臨的各項沉痾(如兒虐問題等)都提出了具體的解決方案。相比之下,他對現任市長蔣萬安的政績感到相當不滿,認為蔣萬安提及的輝達(Nvidia)進駐、鮮奶政策或是台北大巨蛋,大多是原本就已經在推動或既有的成果,不能全算作蔣萬安的功勞。

> “從青鳥運動到現在,我就是你看到的——我是綠到出汁的那種。”

由於便當店公開表態挺青鳥與沈伯洋,該老闆坦言曾遭受到民眾黨支持者(「小草」)的網路霸凌和肉搜。但談到沈伯洋被中國大陸通緝時,他反而豁達且驕傲地表示,自己甚至也希望能有這樣的標籤,因為能成為被認證的堅定台獨分子,在他看來是「一件很酷的事」。

---

[14:59](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=899s) 街頭對決與市政信任:從王偉忠專訪到蔣萬安的「象牙塔」

一位理性選民指出,沈伯洋選情的重大轉折點正是王偉忠的那場專訪,專訪之後越來越多人意識到沈伯洋是有備而來、腹有詩書的候選人。沈伯洋隨後展開的「市民肥皂箱」以及「市長,問我吧(Mayor, Ask Me Anything)」等街頭直球對決活動,獲得了極高的評價。受訪者認為,這種願意走到街頭面對面接受民眾質詢的形式成本極低但效益極高,同時冒著極大的風險——如果沒有足夠的內涵、準備和口才,候選人很容易在現場被當場問倒;即使遇到不懂的問題,沈伯洋也能展現出誠懇解決的決心。

受訪者隨後對比了蔣萬安的轉變。他曾在台北市中山區工作,從蔣萬安當年在黨內初選挑戰羅淑蕾、首次參選立委時就開始觀察他。他直言現在的蔣萬安與當年判若兩人:當年的蔣萬安就像一張白紙,謙虛有禮,願意傾聽所有市民的想法;但如今當上市長後,卻彷彿將自己關在市政府的象牙塔內,只聽身邊親信的聲音,徹底失去了初心。

> “所以我覺得像這種人需要被教訓,他才會進步,他這次真的必須要輸。”

受訪者認為,只有讓蔣萬安經歷挫敗,他才有可能重新找回最初那個受到選民期待的自己。針對「換人做是否也會被騙」的疑慮,該選民坦言確實存在風險,但台北市已經太久沒有改變。他強調台北市民非常現實且無情,對政治人物向來抱持懷疑態度,若沈伯洋上台後政見達成率連五、六成都做不到、落差過大,四年後選民會毫不猶豫地將他淘汰,甚至還會直接衝擊兩年後的總統大選。

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: 台北選民對沈伯洋與蔣萬安的評價與檢驗機制 accDescr: 圖表展示受訪者如何評估沈伯洋的選戰策略、蔣萬安的執政轉變,以及台北市民的四年檢驗淘汰機制。

subgraph Shen["沈伯洋 策略效應"] S1["王偉忠深度專訪"] --> S2["展現知識分子底蘊與充分準備"] S2 --> S3["市民肥皂箱 / 面對面提問"] S3 --> S4["低成本、高收益的直接溝通"] end

subgraph Chiang["蔣萬安 形象轉變"] C1["初選挑戰羅淑蕾時期:謙虛、無架子的白紙"] --> C2["入主市府象牙塔:只聽親信、失去初心"] C2 --> C3["需要透過選舉挫敗來『被教訓』"] end

subgraph VoterMechanism["台北市民的現實檢驗機制"] V1["若沈伯洋當選但承諾落空"] --> V2{"政見達成率是否達 50%-60%?"} V2 -- "否" --> V3["四年後立即放棄並換人"] V3 --> V4["連帶衝擊兩年後的總統大選"] end

S4 -.-> VoterMechanism C3 -.-> VoterMechanism ```

## Notable quotes > [10:08](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=608s) 大陸在我們很多台灣國民、中華民國國民還沒發現沈伯洋的長處跟特點之前,大陸就已經發現他是個人才了。 — 74歲資深選民

## Mentioned 沈伯洋, 蔣萬安, 王偉忠, 王世堅, 柯文哲, 李登輝, 陳水扁, 朱鎔基, 羅淑蕾, 輝達 (Nvidia), 民主實驗室 (Doublethink Lab), 黑熊學院 (Kuma Academy), 民進黨 (DPP), 國民黨 (KMT), 台灣民眾黨 (TPP), 海峽兩岸服務貿易協議 (CSSTA), 太陽花學運, 青鳥行動, 台北大巨蛋

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王局新书【王志安谈治国理政第二卷电子书】不怎么火热销售中 【PATREON购买链接】https://www.patreon.com/c/wangzhian/shop 【苹果书店购买链接】 https://books.apple.com/us/book/%E7%8E%8B%E5%BF%97%E5%AE%89%E8%B0%88%E6%B2%BB%E5%9B%BD%E7%90%86%E6%94%BF%E7%AC%AC%E4%BA%8C%E5%8D%B7/id6739830450 【亚马逊电子书购买链接】 https://www.amazon.co.jp/%E7%8E%8B%E5%BF%97%E5%AE%89%E8%B0%88%E6%B2%BB%E5%9B%BD%E7%90%86%E6%94%BF%E7%AC%AC%E4%BA%8C%E5%8D%B7-Traditional-Chinese-%E5%BF%97%E5%AE%89-%E7%8E%8B-ebook/dp/B0DRJ8R48M

[Source](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4)

中文简报

台北选民视北京通缉为人才认证 沈伯洋凭街头对决挑战蒋万安 支持者将北京通缉令转化为沈伯洋抗共实力的最佳背书,并主张唯有让蒋万安在市长选战吞败才能打破市府象牙塔,但若沈伯洋执政承诺落空也将于四年后遭无情淘汰。 本集节目透过街头随机民调,深入探讨台北市民支持沈伯洋参选台北市长的核心原因。受访者涵盖深绿世代、青鸟行动参与者、资深选民乃至原先对政治冷感的非投票族群,赞赏沈伯洋兼具学者逻辑与亲民肥皂箱街讲风格,并认同其关注城市绿化、儿虐与都会孤独感等人性化政策。针对沈伯洋遭中共通缉的争议,选民普遍将其反转视为“对岸认证人才”与无畏的荣誉勋章,同时批评现任市长蒋万安入主市府后渐失初心、深陷象牙塔,并强调台北选民极其现实,若沈伯洋执政成果不佳四年后同样会被无情淘汰。 支持者普遍将沈伯洋遭中共通缉与制裁视为正面勋章,认为这证明北京比台湾内部更早察觉其潜在影响力与政治实力。 (10:08) 沈伯洋以“市民肥皂箱”街头直球问答及深度专访打开选情,凭借清晰论理与不打泥巴战的温和风格,成功打动长年冷感的非选民投票。 (14:59) 市政诉求跳脱传统硬件思维,将都市空气污染、儿虐问题乃至现代都会的“孤独感”纳入治理愿景,引发多元阶层共鸣。 (5:03) 受访选民强烈批评现任市长蒋万安入主市府后陷入“象牙塔”,但也警示台北市民极为现实,若沈伯洋当选后政见达成率未达五至六成,四年后同样会被迅速淘汰。 (14:59)

Detailed notes — zh

## Background 该视频由媒体人王志安于2026年11月1日发布在YouTube平台上。视频简介主要包含了王志安频道的YouTube与Patreon会员赞助链接,并宣传推广了其出版的电子书《王志安谈治国理政第二卷》。 ## TL;DR 本期节目记录了王志安团队在台北街头针对沈伯洋支持者展开的街访调查,深入呈现了选民支持其参选台北市长的多元动机。受访者包括从深绿家庭出身的青年、曾冷感却被其街头肥皂箱互动与“孤独感”议题打动的市民,以及关注台湾政坛数十年的资深选民与青鸟行动支持者。支持者普遍称赞沈伯洋兼具学者逻辑与亲和力,肯定其创办黑熊学院的魄力,并将中国大陆对沈伯洋的通缉逆向解读为对其能力的认可与勋章。受访民众同时对现任市长蒋万安缺乏实绩与脱离民意表达强烈不满,试图以选票施加教训,并认为市长层级的人选变动不会影响美中博弈下的两岸安全大局。 ## Atmosphere & style 街头采访的整体氛围真实生动且充满政治表达的张力,受访者在镜头前展现出直率、松弛甚至带点戏谑的幽默感。主持人的提问客观而具针对性,屡次针对政策可行性、蒋万安施政对比及两岸战争风险展开追问,促使受访者层层剥开内心真实的政治认同。整段节目既有草根阶层的慷慨激昂,又有资深选民的冷静研判,让观众在零距离的市井交谈中深刻感受到台北绿营选民鲜活的心理画像与政治情绪。 ## Bulletin - [00:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=0s) 街头民调显示,部分深绿选民因家庭政治光谱坚定支持沈伯洋,认同其植树造林等绿化政见,同时表达对现任市长蒋万安在校园霸凌等问题上治理成效的不满与不信任。 - [07:26](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=446s) 多位支持者对沈伯洋被中国大陆惩戒通缉不以为意,甚至逆向将其视为对沈伯洋能力的背书,并认为两岸大局主要受美中角力主导,地方市长更替不会直接恶化两岸局势。 - [05:03](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=303s) 沈伯洋凭借王伟忠专访及街头“市民肥皂箱”即兴问答赢得政治冷感者与中间市民青睐,其关注现代都市人“心灵孤独”等非传统市政议题引发情感共鸣。 - [14:59](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=899s) 资深选民与基层业者通过支持沈伯洋表达对蒋万安的“教训票”立场,批评蒋万安进入市府后脱离基层、政绩多承袭前人规划,并指出台北选民具有四年不达标即换人的现实属性。 ## Key takeaways - [00:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=0s) 深绿家庭背景构成坚实基本盘,支持者坚持只投民进党,并重点关注沈伯洋提出的改善台北空气质量与城市造林政见。 - [00:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=0s) 支持者普遍认为蒋万安市政表现乏力,即便提出相似绿化政见也难以落实,且未能有效解决校园霸凌等民生痛点。 - [01:20](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=80s) 沈伯洋支持者展现出淡化大陆通缉影响的态度,认为不去大陆即可,不影响在台湾本土的参政与日常生活。 - [01:20](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=80s) 新一代民进党政治形象受到肯定,支持者认为沈伯洋摆脱了早期民进党激进谩骂与扣帽子的风格,表现出缜密逻辑与温和理性。 - [03:14](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=194s) 沈伯洋创办黑熊学院并在关键时刻站到前台的经历,被部分知识分子选民视为极具魄力与勇气的象征。 - [05:03](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=303s) 原政治冷感选民因沈伯洋在街头以通俗易懂的“肥皂箱”方式互动而转变立场,决定参与投票。 - [05:03](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=303s) 沈伯洋将政治焦点延伸至现代都市人的“心灵孤独感”,打破了传统政客仅聚焦宏大硬体建设的话语体系,形成独特吸引力。 - [07:26](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=446s) 受访者普遍认为两岸走向由美中大国博弈决定,台北市长层级的更迭无力也无法直接导致两岸军事冲突升级。 - [07:26](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=446s) 选民中存在“被中共通缉代表做对了事情”的逆向解读逻辑,将其视作政治人物具有实际影响力和威慑力的证明。 - [10:08](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=608s) 经历过基层买票年代的74岁资深选民,通过王伟忠专访对比沈伯洋与蒋万安,认可沈伯洋具备纯粹的知识分子素养。 - [13:01](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=781s) 青鸟行动参与者积极为沈伯洋制作周边并承受网络舆论压力,以鲜明的抗中保台立场为其提供坚定基层动能。 - [13:01](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=781s) 基层支持者批评蒋万安的辉达招商与大巨蛋等所谓政绩仅是收割前任成果,缺乏实质独立建树。 - [14:59](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=899s) 街头“市长随你问”被支持者视为展现候选人真才实学的高风险利器,低成本且有效放大了沈伯洋的沟通优势。 - [14:59](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=899s) 支持者主张用选票让蒋万安落选以作为“教训”,批评其当选市长后闭门造车、失去昔日乐于倾听民意的初心。 - [14:59](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=899s) 台北选民被评为全台最现实与绝情的群体,若新任市长四年内无法兑现过半政见,选民将毫不留情换人并直接波及总统大选。 ## Detailed walkthrough ### [00:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=0s) 街头民众对沈伯洋的坚定支持与政见认同 在街头随机街访中,支持者们分享了对民进党籍立委沈伯洋的高度评价。有受访者笑称,大陆官方甚至比台湾民众更早看出沈伯洋的不凡之处,更表示如果沈伯洋当选台北市长,“如果他当选,我马上把户口迁回来”。在被问及为何坚定支持沈伯洋时,一位年轻女性受访者直言,家庭的政治光谱从一开始就决定了投票意向:“我全家应该打从出生开始就是深绿,不管怎么样绝对是深绿,不管民众党、国民党,绝对都不投,一定要民进党。”即使其他政党提出优秀政见,也绝不可能改变立场。 谈到沈伯洋吸引人的具体政见时,该受访者提到了造林绿化以减少环境污染的规划。她指出,台北市目前的空气污染状况相当严重,导致自己的皮肤状况变差、频繁长痘痘,甚至感觉每次外出回家洗脸时“都有一层厚厚的油垢”。当采访者追问,如果造林政见是由现任市长蒋万安提出是否会支持时,该受访者表示虽然政见本身值得认同,但对蒋万安缺乏信任感,认为蒋万安在实际施政中根本无法落实,反而在校园霸凌等诸多市政问题上没有真正解决任何事情。 - **家庭投票取向**:全家自出生起即为“深绿”,在民进党、国民党、民众党之间只认准民进党候选人。 - **关注的市政焦点**:城市植树造林与绿化工程,认为其有助于改善台北严重的空气污染和居民皮肤健康。 - **对蒋万安的态度**:即便提出相同政见也无法给予信任,批评其施政成效欠佳且未解决校园霸凌等问题。 --- ### [01:20](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=80s) 面对大陆通缉的态度与新一代民进党形象 面对沈伯洋被中国大陆列入惩戒与通缉名单的话题,受访民众展现出相当平淡且不以为意的态度。上述年轻受访者提到,不仅沈伯洋,连王世坚等人也在相关名单上,并转述其父亲的看法:“我爸也是说,我们就不要去大陆就好了,你可以去其他各个国家,为什么一定要去大陆?又不是只有他们这个国家最强。” 另一位母亲级受访者则透露,自己在沈伯洋竞选总部成立之前并不热衷政治,直到女儿极力推荐才开始关注。吸引她的关键在于沈伯洋清晰的逻辑思维、缜密的辩论口才,以及从台湾民主实验室到黑熊学院时期展现出的严密体系架构。现场支持者甚至互相打趣、推荐沈伯洋推荐的面膜,气氛轻松热烈。此外,受访者还提到沈伯洋收养孩子的故事令人感动,称赞其做法“非常崇高”。 受访者进一步分析,沈伯洋展现出的政治风格与早期民进党人不同:“他不像早期那种抹黑攻击,一直在那边骂骂骂,或是老实讲,以前的民进党可能比较激进一点,会用很偏激的语言去说别人是中共同路人。”受访者认为沈伯洋的表现更为稳重、成熟,代表了新一代政治人物的风貌。 --- ### [03:14](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=194s) 从太阳花学运到黑熊学院:知识分子的勇气与贴地气 有支持者回顾,自己早在12年前的太阳花学运期间就曾读过沈伯洋整理的两岸服贸协议懒人包,只是当时尚未认识本人;直到沈伯洋列入民进党不分区立委名单以及后来遭中共通缉的新闻曝光,才对其有了全面了解。受访者认为沈伯洋非常贴近大众的日常生活,善于在发言中融入动漫等年轻化元素。虽然当被问到具体是哪部动漫梗时一时语塞,但受访者强调,自己虽非狂热粉丝,却格外看重其展现出的真诚以及在国家认同与专业知识上的深刻启发。 作为沈伯洋同校学长的受访者也指出,自己是在黑熊学院成立后注意到了这位学弟。该受访者感慨,在当下的政治与社会环境下,知识分子往往会因顾及家庭或现实利益而充满顾虑,沈伯洋能够挺身创办黑熊学院需要极大魄力:“以他那个时候的状况,他去做黑熊学院这件事情,我觉得是一件非常勇敢的事情。” --- ### [05:03](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=303s) 政治冷感者的转变与孤独感议题的共鸣 造势现场出现了一位近期才转变为支持者的年轻女性。她透露自己原本是在选举日担任选务人员、但自己绝不投票的极端政治冷感者,过往总认为“政治跟我没有关系,谁执政我都觉得差不多”。然而,自今年十月在士林街头看到沈伯洋以“市长听我说”肥皂箱的形式与市民互动后,她被这种平实、听得懂且以人为本的沟通风格打动,决定走入投票所。 在对比沈伯洋与蒋万安的政见时,该受访者特别提到沈伯洋关注的“孤独感”议题令她深受触动。她指出,传统政客通常只着眼于宏大的城市硬体建设或常规的弱势群体救助,而关注现代都市人的心灵孤独问题极为罕见。谈及沈伯洋被大陆通缉,她直言:“在中国那样的环境里面,他站出来一定知道自己会面临一些危险,可是他还是选择站出来,他就是一个勇敢的人。”这种明知有风险却依然坚持的担当,反而坚定了她支持沈伯洋的决心。 --- ### [07:26](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=446s) 两岸局势的现实考量:市长层级与美中大格局 针对“沈伯洋若当选是否会导致两岸关系进一步恶化”的疑虑,现场受访者普遍给出了否定答案。一位受访者分析,地方首长负责的是具体的市政业务,并不主导两岸与国防大政:“如果因为他而变差,那他也太强了吧?他只是一个市长,又不是总统。”民众虽然担忧战争风险,但并不认为换其他人执政就能带来绝对和平,亦不相信其他政客有能力真正保护台湾。 更有受访者给出了截然相反的逆向逻辑,认为“一个人会被中国通缉,那代表他一定做对了什么事情,才会被他们通缉”。多位经常往返大陆经商的民众指出,两岸民间交流本身充满友善,大陆民众对台湾的想法并不像新闻报导中描述的那样具有侵略性。从地缘政治现实来看,台湾的安危与两岸局势核心取决于美中角力大框架,“中国到底要对我们怎样,基本上是看美国”,地方市长甚至台湾总统的个人更迭均无法从根本上打破这一平衡,维持现状依旧是未来的基本格局。 ### [10:08](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=608s) 资深选民的视角:从见证买票到支持沈伯洋 一位1952年出生、现年74岁的资深选民分享了他横跨数十年的政治观察经验。他表示自己从8岁(1960年)就开始观察政治,当年亲眼目睹了基层买票恶习,那时的买票行情是一票20元新台币。自幼目睹这种政治生态后,他在具备投票权后便坚持不投国民党;1986年民进党建党后,他几乎一路支持绿营,仅在2014年台北市长选举时破例投给了柯文哲。 谈及为何被沈伯洋吸引,该选民提到知名制作人王伟忠分别在2022年专访蒋万安、以及2025年9月10日专访沈伯洋的两段影片。他认为从王伟忠当时的访谈神情和反应中,能清晰感受到沈伯洋身上那种纯粹的知识分子特质。 针对沈伯洋被中国大陆列入通缉名单一事,该选民不仅知情,反而视其为一种极高评价,指出:“这就说明大陆比我们台湾国民、中华民国国民很多还早就看到沈伯洋的优点和特点,他不是一般人。”他类比过去数十年来被大陆锁定的李登辉等历任前总统,认为这正说明中国共产党意识到沈伯洋对其构成了巨大威胁。面对沈伯洋当选是否会导致两岸关系恶化的顾虑,他回忆2000年陈水扁当选前时任中国国务院总理朱镕基的强硬表态,直言自那时起恐吓语言就未曾间断,且综合目前的国际情势研判,中共若要武统台湾需要承担过高成本,实际上并不会轻易动武。 ### [13:01](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=781s) 便当屋老板的“青鸟”情怀与抗中立场 一位经营便当屋的支持者讲述了自己从“青鸟行动”时期便开始力挺沈伯洋的经历。当时他在青鸟运动现场送便当、举标语,店内还印制印有羊图案的“沈票”提袋等宣传周边免费发放。在他看来,沈伯洋最吸引人的地方就是单纯的“爱台湾”,以及在国会面对不公法案时冲锋陷阵的坚持。 当被问及沈伯洋的政策政见时,该店主表示几乎全部支持,认为沈伯洋对当前台北市面临的各种积弊(例如虐童案等体制问题)都提出了切实可行的解方。对比现任市长蒋万安,他直言不讳地批评蒋万安任内毫无实绩,那些所谓的招商引资或建设成果多半是承接前人既有的规划,反问道:“像辉达(Nvidia)本就要来,大巨蛋原本就盖在那里,这算他的政绩吗?” 公开表态政治立场也让店主承受了巨大的网络舆论压力。他坦承自己是“深绿到骨子里”的铁杆支持者,在青鸟运动之后经常遭到“小草”等政治异见阵营的网络霸凌与人肉搜查(开盒)。当主持人问到沈伯洋被大陆通缉的看法时,他甚至笑言自己也期盼能有这种待遇,直接表示:“做一个铁杆的台独分子,我觉得很酷。” ### [14:59](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=899s) 市民街头开讲与对蒋万安的“教训票”逻辑 另一位支持者认为,沈伯洋选情出现重大转折的关键,正是他在王伟忠专访中的优异表现,那场对话让许多中间市民认识到他是有备而来的参选人。随后沈伯洋阵营开展的“市民肥皂箱”以及“市长随你问”等街头直面群众的互动,更以极低的成本换取了巨大的正面反响。这种零距离面对面接受拷问的形式风险极高,若非肚子里有真才实学、严密准备与流畅口才,很容易瞬间翻车;即使遇到不懂的议题,沈伯洋展现出的诚恳与寻找解方的决心也极具说服力。 该支持者曾长期在台北市中山区工作,一路观察蒋万安从当年参选立委初选对战罗淑蕾、到后来当上市长的蜕变。他感慨最初的蒋万安宛如一张白纸,谦虚有礼、乐于倾听每一个人的声音;然而进入市府之后,蒋万安却把自己关在了市府的象牙塔里,只听取核心亲信的小圈子意见,完全丧失了当年的初心与倾听民意的能力。他强调:“所以我觉得这种人要给他一个教训他才会变好,这一次真的必须要让他落选。” 面对更换市长是否可能再次“踩坑”的疑虑,该受访者分析,台北市民在全台湾属于极其现实且“绝情”的选民群体,绝不会容忍政治人物长期夸夸其谈。如果新选出的市长做不到承诺的五六成、表现落差太大,市民四年后就会毫不留情地将其换掉,这种政治震荡甚至会直接连带影响两年后的台湾总统大选。 ## Notable quotes > [07:26](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=446s) 一个人会被中国通缉,那代表他一定做对了什么事情,才会被他们通缉 > [13:01](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=781s) 做一个铁杆的台独分子,我觉得很酷。 — 便当屋老板 > [00:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=0s) 我全家应该打从出生开始就是深绿,不管怎么样绝对是深绿,不管民众党、国民党,绝对都不投,一定要民进党。 — 年轻女性受访者 > [01:20](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4&t=80s) 我们就不要去大陆就好了,你可以去其他各个国家,为什么一定要去大陆?又不是只有他们这个国家最强。 — 受访年轻女性之父 ## Mentioned 沈伯洋, 蒋万安, 王志安, 王世坚, 柯文哲, 李登辉, 朱镕基, 王伟忠, 罗淑蕾, 民进党, 国民党, 民众党, 台湾民主实验室, 黑熊学院, 太阳花学运, 青鸟行动, 辉达, 台北大巨蛋 ## Video description 1. YouTube 会员平台 成为本频道的会员,即可尊享专属福利,提前观看节目,直播,专属会员节目。 点击链接了解详情并加入:https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCBKDRq35-L8xev4O7ZqBeLg/join 2. Patreon 会员平台 在 Patreon 中加入「王局」会员,您不仅可以观看会员专属视频,直播,更能参与会员社群互动,更贴心的是,Patreon 支持使用中国大陆银行卡支付!点击链接立刻加入: Patreon 会员加入链接:https://www.patreon.com/join/8734589 王局新书【王志安谈治国理政第二卷电子书】不怎么火热销售中 【PATREON购买链接】https://www.patreon.com/c/wangzhian/shop 【苹果书店购买链接】 https://books.apple.com/us/book/%E7%8E%8B%E5%BF%97%E5%AE%89%E8%B0%88%E6%B2%BB%E5%9B%BD%E7%90%86%E6%94%BF%E7%AC%AC%E4%BA%8C%E5%8D%B7/id6739830450 【亚马逊电子书购买链接】 https://www.amazon.co.jp/%E7%8E%8B%E5%BF%97%E5%AE%89%E8%B0%88%E6%B2%BB%E5%9B%BD%E7%90%86%E6%94%BF%E7%AC%AC%E4%BA%8C%E5%8D%B7-Traditional-Chinese-%E5%BF%97%E5%AE%89-%E7%8E%8B-ebook/dp/B0DRJ8R48M [Source](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdpqI5lfwD4)

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[7:26] 一个人会被中国通缉,那代表他一定做对了什么事情,才会被他们通缉 [13:01] 便当屋老板: 做一个铁杆的台独分子,我觉得很酷。 [0:00] 年轻女性受访者: 我全家应该打从出生开始就是深绿,不管怎么样绝对是深绿,不管民众党、国民党,绝对都不投,一定要民进党。 [1:20] 受访年轻女性之父: 我们就不要去大陆就好了,你可以去其他各个国家,为什么一定要去大陆?又不是只有他们这个国家最强。

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[10:08] 74歲資深選民: 大陸在我們很多台灣國民、中華民國國民還沒發現沈伯洋的長處跟特點之前,大陸就已經發現他是個人才了。

Original transcript

[0:00] Mainland China saw that Shen Po-yang was [0:02] extraordinary even earlier than we [0:04] citizens in Taiwan. [0:06] If he gets elected, I’ll move my [0:08] household registration back immediately [0:10] . [0:13] >> He has solutions for all the problems [0:14] currently happening in Taipei. [0:19] >> I’d like to ask, why do you support Shen [0:21] Po-yang? [0:22] >> Well, my whole family has probably been [0:25] "Deep Green" since birth. No matter what [0:27] , it’s definitely "Deep Green." [0:29] Regardless of the TPP or the KMT, we [0:31] won’t vote for them; it has to be the [0:33] DPP. [0:34] >> So even if they had good policies, you [0:35] wouldn’t vote for them? [0:37] >> No, that has never changed. [0:38] >> What policies of Shen Po-yang really [0:40] resonate with you? [0:42] >> The forestation project, I guess, and [0:44] the greenery to reduce pollution; I [0:45] think those are nice. [0:46] >> Mm-hmm. [0:47] >> And also, Taipei City actually has a [0:49] severe air pollution problem. My skin [0:51] isn't great, I keep getting acne, and I [0:53] feel like every time I get home and wash [0:55] my face, there’s a thick layer of grime [0:57] . [1:00] Curious—if this forestation policy was [1:02] proposed by Chiang Wan-an, would you [1:04] support him? [1:07] >> I would support that, but I wouldn't [1:09] support the other trivial, unnecessary [1:11] stuff. [1:13] I don't think he’ll actually do it; look [1:15] at how he and...... [1:16] >> and the situation is severe, he hasn't [1:18] solved anything at all. And there's the [1:19] bullying issue. [1:20] >> Are you aware that Shen Po-yang is [1:22] wanted by Mainland China? [1:23] >> Oh, I know. [1:24] >> Mm-hmm. [1:25] >> I hope they saw that. Mm-hmm. [1:26] >> Yeah, it’s not just him, there are many [1:28] others—isn't Wang Shi-chien also on the [1:30] list? [1:30] >> Right. [1:31] >> So, do you have any thoughts on that? [1:33] >> I have no thoughts. My dad also said we [1:35] just shouldn't go to the Mainland; you [1:37] can go anywhere else, why do you have to [1:39] go to the Mainland? [1:39] >> Mm-hmm. [1:40] >> It’s not like they are the only country [1:42] that is the strongest. [1:43] >> When did you start supporting Shen [1:44] Po-yang? [1:45] >> Uh, probably before his campaign [1:47] headquarters was established, because I [1:49] was busy before and didn't really care [1:51] about politics. Mm-hmm. [1:53] >> Then, before his headquarters opened, my [1:55] daughter told me, "Mom, you should go [1:57] take a look," and that’s when I started [1:59] . [2:00] >> I'm curious, what specific point about [2:02] Shen Po-yang attracts you the most? [2:04] >> Uh, his eloquence and sharp debating [2:06] skills. [2:06] >> Mm-hmm. [2:07] >> His thinking is clear, and he has a very [2:09] logical approach to doing things. [2:16] Everything is already structured in his [2:17] mind, whether from his time as a [2:19] researcher at the Democratic Lab to the [2:21] Black Bear Academy, it's always been the [2:23] same. [2:29] Let me see your hands... [2:31] >> Let’s all cheer for Shen Po-yang [2:33] together. [2:34] I even used the facial mask recommended [2:36] by Shen Po-yang, so is my face brighter [2:38] today? [2:39] Everyone can come try it later. [2:43] What moved us about him is his kids, [2:46] >> because his kids are adopted. [2:48] >> Right. [2:49] >> Yeah. [2:50] >> That part is just [2:51] >> Hmm, [2:52] >> quite noble, really. [2:54] >> He's not like the typical mudslinging [2:56] politics, where they just yell and [2:57] constantly attack you, or frankly, like [3:00] the earlier DPP members who might have [3:02] been more extreme, using radical [3:03] language like accusing others of being [3:05] CCP pawns. [3:07] >> But his style isn't like the old-school [3:09] DPP. [3:11] >> Hmm. He's more steady, more [3:12] sophisticated. [3:14] >> I've supported him since he decided to [3:16] run, and I started looking up his info, [3:18] and I realized I had participated in the [3:21] student movement 12 years ago. [3:23] >> Hmm. [3:24] >> During the Sunflower Movement, he made a [3:26] summary guide on the CSSTA, though I [3:27] didn't know him back then. Before he ran [3:30] for office, he was a candidate for the [3:32] Hualien legislator-at-large seat, right [3:34] , and then he was dropped, and with the [3:36] news of him being wanted by the CCP, [3:38] that's when I learned about him. [3:40] He is very close to our everyday lives. [3:43] >> Hmm. [3:44] >> Like the anime references he uses or [3:46] whatever, it all resonates with us. [3:49] >> Hmm. [3:49] >> Yeah. [3:50] >> So, which reference left the deepest [3:52] impression on you? [3:53] >> That's where I go blank. [3:55] >> Oh. [3:58] >> So I'm actually not very sure. [4:00] >> Hmm. [4:01] >> Because I'm not a super fan, but I do [4:03] appreciate his sincerity. [4:05] >> Very sincere. [4:06] >> Hmm. [4:09] And how do I put it, his knowledge and [4:11] such—you can learn so much from him [4:13] about national identity and many other [4:15] things, but if you ask me to name them, [4:17] I can't quite put my finger on it. [4:21] >> I started supporting him once I knew he [4:23] was my junior in school. Back when he [4:25] was in the Kuma Academy, [4:26] >> that was when I first knew someone like [4:28] him existed. [4:29] >> We tend to feel like we want to support [4:30] things that are difficult for the [4:32] average person to do. [4:33] >> Hmm. I usually support those who do the [4:36] things I can't do myself, if someone [4:38] like that exists. [4:40] >> For example, what did he do that moved [4:42] you so much? [4:44] >> I think that in his situation at the [4:46] time, doing something like the Kuma [4:48] Academy, I find that to be a [4:51] >> very brave thing. [4:52] >> Hmm. [4:53] >> Yeah, as intellectuals, we have many [4:55] concerns; maybe we think about many [4:57] different situations, like our families [4:59] or other factors. [5:00] >> Hmm. [5:01] >> I think this is very brave. [5:03] I actually wanted to get a ribbon, [5:07] >> but it seemed they ran out, and a kind [5:08] supporter shared their ribbon with me. [5:12] >> Wow. [5:12] >> I was so touched. [5:14] >> Oh. [5:14] >> So when did you start supporting Shen [5:16] Po-yang? [5:17] >> Probably this October, that's when I [5:18] started noticing him. [5:19] >> That’s very recent. [5:20] >> Yeah. [5:21] >> What made you notice him? [5:22] >> It was probably that "Soapbox in Shilin [5:25] " thing, the "Mayor, listen to me" part [5:27] . Mhm. [5:28] >> And what was the specific point? [5:29] >> I felt like I’d never seen anyone [5:31] campaign that way, and it was really [5:32] interesting. Mhm. [5:35] >> Then I watched more of his videos, and I [5:37] felt he was different from the [5:38] politicians I remembered. [5:41] >> Mhm. [5:41] >> He speaks in a way that people can [5:43] actually understand. [5:44] >> Mhm. [5:44] >> And I think he really is human-centric [5:46] when thinking about municipal issues. [5:49] >> Mhm. [5:49] >> Right, so did you lean toward anyone [5:52] before? [5:53] >> No, I was, I should say I was someone [5:55] completely indifferent to politics. [5:58] I just felt it had nothing to do with me [6:00] , so I never felt voting was my duty. [6:02] Mhm. [6:04] >> I’d rather, for example, work as a poll [6:06] worker every year, [6:09] >> but I wouldn't be the person casting a [6:10] vote. [6:11] >> I just felt it was none of my business; [6:13] whoever was in charge felt the same to [6:15] me, so I just lived my life like that. [6:19] So what makes you want to cast your vote [6:20] this time? [6:23] >> I think he’s a candidate worth [6:25] supporting. [6:26] Mhm. [6:27] I want to see how Taipei City can grow [6:29] under his leadership. [6:31] Mhm. Then what do you think is the [6:33] biggest gap [6:34] >> Mhm [6:35] >> between Shen Po-yang’s and Chiang [6:36] Wan-an’s platforms? [6:38] >> Mhm, I think I was struck by Shen [6:40] Po-yang talking about the issue of [6:41] loneliness. [6:43] Mhm. [6:44] >> I feel it's a relatively rare policy [6:46] point. [6:48] Most policies focus on things like city [6:50] infrastructure, [6:53] >> mhm, or maybe caring for underprivileged [6:55] groups. [6:57] But I think this loneliness issue... [7:00] >> I feel like it really hit home for me. [7:01] >> Do you know that Shen Po-yang is wanted [7:03] by mainland China? [7:04] >> I know. [7:05] >> Mhm. [7:06] And what are your thoughts on that? [7:08] >> It just shows he’s a very brave person. [7:12] >> Given his environment, he must have [7:14] known he would face some danger by [7:16] standing up. [7:18] But he still chose to step forward. [7:20] He is a brave person. [7:22] >> So does this make you want to support [7:24] him even more? [7:24] >> Yes. [7:26] If he gets elected, do you think [7:27] cross-strait relations will get worse? [7:30] >> If they get worse just because of him, [7:31] then he’d be way too powerful, wouldn't [7:33] he? Mhm. [7:34] >> He’s just a mayor, not the president. [7:37] >> If his influence is truly that [7:38] significant, then I find that quite [7:40] incredible. [7:42] Naturally, I worry about war, but does [7:44] that mean Taiwan would definitely be [7:46] peaceful if it weren't him? [7:48] I feel the same. [7:49] >> I also have a lot of questions, because [7:51] I don't believe that if someone else [7:52] were in charge, they would necessarily [7:54] have the ability to protect Taiwan well [7:56] . [7:56] >> Yeah. [7:56] >> Right. [8:06] We're moving forward, and look, the [8:08] crowd here at this corner is really [8:10] quite... [8:21] >> Do you know about any friends who are [8:23] wanted by the mainland? [8:24] >> I do. [8:27] What are your thoughts on that? [8:29] >> I think that if someone is wanted by [8:31] China, they must have done something [8:33] right to be wanted by them. [8:34] >> Exactly. [8:36] >> So, if he gets elected, do you think [8:38] cross-strait relations will get worse? [8:40] >> I don't think so. [8:41] >> Hmm. [8:41] >> Did cross-strait relations get worse [8:43] when he was elected mayor? [8:44] >> Hmm. [8:45] >> Right, so why would relations get worse [8:47] just because a mayor gets elected? A [8:49] mayor's most important issues are [8:50] municipal, not issues regarding the [8:52] presidency. So, do you think [8:54] cross-strait relations will worsen after [8:56] he is elected? [8:58] >> Cross-strait relations are actually— [9:00] well, I should say that because of my [9:03] previous work, I often traveled there, [9:05] yes. [9:08] >> But because their... [9:11] >> Their thoughts about our Taiwan aren't [9:12] actually like what they... [9:15] >> What they report. [9:16] >> They aren't as aggressive as reported; [9:18] actually, everyone is quite friendly. [9:20] >> Right, so you're not worried that... [9:23] >> No, not at all. [9:25] >> Right, are you worried, for example, [9:27] that if he is elected, it will make [9:29] cross-strait relations bad? [9:32] >> No. [9:32] >> No. [9:33] >> Right. [9:33] >> You're not worried at all. [9:34] >> Not worried. Why? [9:36] >> Because he is just a Taipei mayor; even [9:38] if he were to be elected, he is just a [9:40] Taipei mayor. [9:42] >> His influence isn't that great. [9:45] >> True, even our president can't really do [9:47] much either. [9:49] >> Exactly, fundamentally, whatever China [9:52] wants to do to us, it basically depends [9:54] on the US. [9:56] >> Hmm. [9:59] >> Right, so fundamentally I think even if [10:00] he becomes president, there won't be [10:02] many changes in the future. [10:06] >> Maintaining the status quo. [10:08] >> I'm 74 years old this year. [10:10] >> Hmm. [10:11] >> My observation of politics—I started [10:13] observing politics when I was eight. [10:15] >> Eight years old. [10:16] >> 1960. [10:17] >> I was born in 1952. Oh. [10:20] >> I saw vote-buying in 1960. Back then, I [10:23] saw it; in 1960, a vote was 20 NT [10:26] dollars. [10:28] >> So from that time on, you really [10:29] disliked those bad habits. [10:32] >> Since then, I have understood the [10:34] ecology of these political parties. [10:37] From the time I could start voting, I [10:40] always voted for non-KMT candidates. [10:43] Of course, after 1986, I voted for the [10:46] DPP. This time was an exception, in 2014 [10:49] I voted for Ko Wen-je. [10:51] >> Hmm. [10:51] >> Except for that one time, I have always [10:53] voted for the DPP. [10:54] >> Hmm. So, this time, is there any policy [10:57] of Shen Po-yang's that really attracts [10:59] you? [11:01] >> Have you watched the 2022 interview [11:03] where Wang Wei-chung interviewed Chiang [11:05] Wan-an? [11:06] >> Yeah. [11:07] >> That video. [11:07] >> Yeah. [11:08] >> And the one from September 10th, 2025. [11:11] >> Yeah. [11:11] >> Wang Wei-chung interviewing Shen Po-yang [11:14] . [11:14] >> Yeah. [11:15] >> That segment. [11:16] >> Yeah. [11:18] You just have to look at Wang [11:19] Wei-chung's expression; it clearly tells [11:21] the audience that he's just an [11:23] intellectual. [11:25] >> Yeah. [11:26] >> That's how I feel about it. [11:27] >> Do you know that Shen Po-yang is wanted [11:29] by the mainland? [11:30] >> I know. [11:31] What is your take on this? [11:36] >> This just shows that the mainland [11:38] recognized Shen Po-yang's merits and [11:39] characteristics long before many of us [11:41] here, the citizens of Taiwan, the [11:43] citizens of the Republic of China, [11:45] realizing that he's someone [11:46] extraordinary. [11:52] Otherwise, look at how many people have [11:54] been wanted by them over the decades; [11:56] there are some, like Lee Teng-hui or [11:58] former presidents, all top-tier figures [12:00] in our Taiwanese political scene. [12:04] >> Yeah. [12:07] >> This means that the CCP knows this [12:09] person will pose a major threat to the [12:11] Chinese Communist Party. [12:15] Well, do you think that if he comes to [12:17] power, it will cause cross-strait [12:19] relations to deteriorate? [12:22] >> Every election in Taiwan from 2000 until [12:25] now. [12:26] >> Yeah. [12:27] >> Starting from the 2000 election, do you [12:30] guys know the CCP Premier Zhu Rongji? [12:34] He always spoke in that tone, as if Chen [12:36] Shui-bian coming to power was some kind [12:38] of threat, implying they would attack [12:40] Taiwan—it had that vibe. [12:44] >> Yeah, it started back then. [12:47] >> And given the current international [12:49] situation. [12:49] >> Yeah. [12:53] >> My feeling is that the CCP won't [12:54] actually attack, because the cost of [12:56] doing so would be too high. [13:00] I. [13:01] >> I have been supporting them since the [13:03] Bluebird movement. [13:04] >> Oh, that's been a long time. [13:05] >> Yeah. Oh, because I saw online that your [13:08] bento shop initiated this action, giving [13:11] people those, uh, tote bags. Can I see [13:14] it? That. [13:14] >> A "sheep" ticket? [13:16] >> Yes, this sheep design is super awesome [13:18] . [13:18] >> I was delivering bentos during the [13:20] Bluebird movement. [13:21] >> Delivering bentos. [13:24] >> You went to support them, holding those [13:26] signs and such. [13:28] Yeah. [13:30] >> What is it about him that attracts you [13:32] so much? [13:34] >> Just that he loves Taiwan. [13:36] >> Loves Taiwan. [13:37] >> Yeah. [13:38] >> Back then, they were constantly trying [13:40] to block those bad laws. [13:43] >> Are there any of his policies this time [13:44] that really attract you? [13:46] >> All of them. [13:47] >> Really? [13:49] >> Because he has solutions for all the [13:50] problems currently happening in Taipei, [13:52] like child abuse. [13:55] >> Yeah. [13:55] >> And like what Chiang Wan-an keeps [13:57] talking about regarding the Taipei Dome [13:59] ; well, how do you think his policies [14:00] differ from Chiang Wan-an's? [14:02] >> Chiang Wan-an hasn’t achieved anything. [14:05] Things he talks about like Nvidia, the [14:07] milk or the Dome—Nvidia was already [14:09] coming, that milk is available elsewhere [14:11] , and the Dome was already there. [14:13] >> Does that even count as his doing? [14:16] >> I’m curious, when you used your shop to [14:18] support the "Bluebird" movement back [14:20] then, were you worried about being [14:21] cyberbullied? [14:23] >> I was. From the Bluebird movement until [14:26] now, I am what you see—I am truly "deep [14:29] green" to the core. [14:32] Yes, we have actually been attacked [14:34] online by the "Little Grass" supporters [14:36] . [14:39] >> Hmm. [14:40] >> Like doxxing and things like that. [14:42] >> Has that happened to you? [14:43] >> It has. [14:44] >> Do you know that Shen is wanted by [14:46] mainland China? [14:47] >> I know, I actually wish for that too. [14:49] >> Hmm. [14:51] >> You really hope that you, too, could be [14:53] labeled as... [14:55] >> To be a staunch supporter of Taiwan [14:56] independence, I think that’s pretty cool [14:58] . [14:59] >> I think the major turning point was [15:01] probably after the Wang Wei-chung [15:02] interview. [15:04] >> Oh. [15:05] >> After that interview, more people felt [15:07] that he was truly well-prepared. [15:09] >> Hmm. [15:09] >> And I think the subsequent events like [15:12] the "Citizens 'Soapbox" or "Mayor, Ask [15:14] Me Anything"—I think they were very [15:16] well-received. [15:17] Plus, I think this is really a low-cost [15:20] , high-benefit endeavor. [15:21] >> Because when we elect someone, we really [15:23] hope they can listen to the voices of [15:25] the citizens. [15:25] >> Regardless of whether he can achieve [15:27] everything, the fact that he is willing [15:29] to listen to the people is truly [15:30] impressive. [15:31] >> Hmm. [15:32] >> And he takes questions face-to-face, [15:34] which is a huge risk. [15:36] If you don't have any substance, [15:37] preparation, or decent eloquence, you'd [15:40] be finished immediately. [15:41] >> Hmm. Exactly. Even when it’s something [15:44] he doesn't understand, he still answers [15:46] in a way that makes people feel he is [15:47] genuinely determined to solve the [15:49] problem. [15:49] >> Hmm. I think through these activities, [15:51] you get to know him and realize that he [15:53] is truly well-suited to be mayor. I used [15:55] to work in Zhongshan District, so I was [15:57] already observing Chiang Wan-an when he [15:59] first ran for legislator. The version of [16:01] him when he first started and the [16:02] version of him now are like two [16:03] different people; he was very sincere [16:05] back then. [16:05] >> Because he was a blank slate. Even [16:07] though his name was Chiang, he acted [16:09] like a newcomer. He was polite to [16:10] everyone and very willing to hear [16:12] people's thoughts. [16:13] >> But I feel like it's the opposite now; [16:15] he has shut himself away in the ivory [16:17] tower of the city government. [16:19] Hmm. [16:20] >> He listens to the people he trusts [16:21] around him and can no longer hear the [16:23] voices of the citizens, so whether he [16:25] speaks or not isn't the biggest key. [16:27] I think it's because he’s been in that [16:29] position for too long and has lost his [16:30] original intentions. [16:32] >> So I think a person like this needs to [16:34] be taught a lesson to actually improve; [16:36] he really must be defeated this time. [16:39] >> Only then will he become a better person [16:41] afterward, [16:42] >> like the Chiang Wan-an who first ran in [16:43] the legislative primary against Lo [16:45] Shu-lei. [16:46] >> Mm. [16:46] >> That is the Chiang Wan-an the citizens [16:48] truly expected. [16:49] >> I’m curious, regarding that early Chiang [16:51] Wan-an you mentioned, do you also think [16:52] he was "white"(a political outsider/ [16:54] neutral)? Mm. [16:55] >> Are you worried that after the election [16:57] , the choices might end up like this? [17:00] >> To be honest, there is a risk, but [17:01] because Taipei City, after all, [17:04] >> hasn't changed for so long, I feel that [17:06] if we switch mayors and are truly [17:08] deceived, the voters will immediately [17:10] abandon him in four years. Especially [17:12] since Taipei citizens are very heartless [17:15] and very realistic; if there is too big [17:17] a gap between what you say and what you [17:19] do—never mind being perfect—you at least [17:21] need to achieve 50%or 60%. Voters [17:23] already have a question mark about [17:24] politicians, so if there really is too [17:26] big a gap, I don't think he will be able [17:28] to get re-elected in four years. [17:29] >> Mm. [17:30] >> Yes, it might even affect the [17:32] presidential election in two years.