The Century of the Self (Full Adam Curtis Documentary)

The Century of the Self (Full Adam Curtis Documentary) — David Lessig

David Lessig

AI-assisted summary of The Century of the Self (Full Adam Curtis Documentary) — original source. Check the original for full context.

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## Detailed walkthrough ### [00:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=0s) Freud's Hidden Forces and the Dawn of Mass Control

Sigmund Freud put forward a radical theory of human nature, arguing that hidden deep within the minds of all individuals lie primitive, instinctual drives of a sexual and aggressive nature. If left unchecked, these dormant forces threatened to plunge individuals and entire societies into anarchy and destruction. This series investigates how the political and corporate elite seized upon Freud's psychological breakthroughs to manage and manipulate the volatile crowds of modern mass democracy.

At the center of this transformation stood Sigmund Freud's American nephew, Edward Bernays. Though largely forgotten in the modern era, Bernays exerted an influence on twentieth-century life that rivaled that of his uncle. He became the first person to operationalize Freud's concepts of the unconscious mind to control and direct the masses. Bernays demonstrated to American corporations that consumers could be persuaded to purchase goods they did not actually need by tethering mass-produced merchandise to their latent, unconscious desires. This breakthrough yielded a novel governing philosophy: by gratifying people's selfish, inner cravings, leaders could keep the public content, distracted, and fundamentally docile, giving rise to the modern culture of the all-consuming self.

- As Adam Curtis observes of the ruling class's response to Freud: “This series is about how those in power have used Freud's theories to try and control the dangerous crowd in an age of mass democracy.” - Bernays' commercial innovation pioneered the link between industrial mass production and irrational psychic impulses.

[01:56](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=116s) Psychoanalysis in Vienna: Threatening the Imperial Order

Today, psychoanalysis and the Freudian framework of the human mind are thoroughly integrated into Western culture. Each year in Vienna, the psychotherapeutic community gathers in an imperial palace for the elegant Psychotherapists' Ball, attended by practitioners, former and advanced patients, and high-society Viennese who relish a refined social evening. Yet a century earlier, Freud's revolutionary doctrines were reviled by the very society that hosted him. Vienna was then the seat of the vast Austro-Hungarian Empire, ruled by the conservative Habsburg monarchy, to whom the notion of dissecting one's interior emotional life represented an intolerable subversion of royal authority and imperial decorum.

To the aristocratic court, emotional suppression was paramount to maintaining public hierarchy and class deference. A noblewoman living in a rural estate was forbidden from venting her grief to a housemaid or weeping openly in the local village, because exposing vulnerability was seen as surrendering personal authority and the respect demanded by the social order. Analyzing oneself inevitably forced an interrogation of the social structure, the regime, and the surrounding imperial apparatus. A member of the Viennese nobility explains the political terror Freud provoked: “Why not? Because your self-created empire to a certain extent would have fallen into bits much earlier already.”

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: The Repression and Mobilization of the Unconscious accDescr: Flowchart illustrating how repressed unconscious impulses identified by Freud were transformed by Bernays into tools for public persuasion and mass consumption.

subgraph Freud["Sigmund Freud: Vienna"] A["Hidden Unconscious<br/>(Aggressive & Sexual Drives)"] --> B["Repression & Defense Mechanisms"] B --> C["Outbreak of WWI<br/>(Destructive Primal Drives Unleashed)"] end

subgraph Bernays["Edward Bernays: New York"] D["Wartime CPI Propaganda<br/>(Selling Democracy with Woodrow Wilson)"] --> E["Public Relations Counsel<br/>(Repurposing War Techniques for Peacetime)"] E --> F["Corporate Application<br/>(Linking Goods to Unconscious Desires)"] end

A -.->|"General Introduction to Psychoanalysis"| E ```

[04:09](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=249s) The Unconscious Uncaged: World War I and the Freudian Revelation

What horrified the imperial rulers far more than social indiscretion was Freud’s insistence that every human being harbored dangerous, animalistic instincts. Through his clinical methods of dream interpretation and free association, Freud mapped out the unconscious—a subterranean sector of the psyche completely shielded from ordinary conscious awareness by internal psychic defenses. These repressed impulses represented primal residues of mankind's evolutionary past, walled off precisely because their raw aggression was incompatible with civilized coexistence.

When the Austro-Hungarian Empire triggered the outbreak of World War I in 1914, the ensuing mechanized bloodbath served, in Freud's eyes, as grim confirmation of his psychological theories. Witnessing the continent descend into slaughter, Freud observed that civilized veneer had vanished overnight, leaving governments powerless to arrest the savagery they had awakened. As Curtis notes of Freud's disillusioned reaction to the carnage: “The saddest thing, he wrote, is that this is exactly the way we should have expected people to behave from our knowledge of psychoanalysis.”

- Psychoanalysis uncovered an internal barrier designed to prevent unwelcome, violent impulses from breaching consciousness. - World War I was interpreted by Freud as the disastrous consequence of unchaining humanity's primitive, irrational drives under the direction of the state.

[05:36](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=336s) Edward Bernays, Wartime Propaganda, and Wilson's Paris Reception

While Europe descended into warfare, Freud's nephew Edward Bernays was working in the United States as a theatrical press agent, managing prominent clients such as the world-renowned Italian tenor Enrico Caruso during his American tours. Although Bernays' family had emigrated to the United States twenty years prior, he maintained close ties with his uncle, routinely joining Freud for summer vacations in the Austrian Alps. This career path shifted dramatically on the evening Caruso opened a performance in Toledo, Ohio, when the United States declared war against Imperial Germany and Austria-Hungary.

Bernays joined the domestic war effort by enlisting with the newly formed Committee on Public Information (CPI), tasked with selling the war to the American public and international audiences. President Woodrow Wilson framed the American intervention not as a territorial conquest to preserve decaying empires, but as a crusade to spread democracy across Europe. Bernays demonstrated remarkable flair in publicizing Wilson's moral rhetoric, earning an invitation to travel with the presidential delegation to the Paris Peace Conference. Recalling his assignment, Bernays noted: “And at the age of 26, I was in Paris for the entire time of the peace conference that was held in the suburb of Paris, and we worked to make the world safe for democracy—that was a big slogan.”

The euphoria of the crowds in Paris astounded Bernays. Having orchestrated an international campaign that depicted Wilson as a near-messianic champion of human liberty, Bernays watched masses of French citizens surge around the president in adoration. The sheer power of this orchestrated fervor prompted Bernays to consider whether the sophisticated techniques of mass psychological persuasion perfected during the war could be institutionalized during peacetime.

- Bernays managed Enrico Caruso's publicity until the night the U.S. declared war. - The Committee on Public Information (CPI) crafted the foundational slogans of American interventionism, notably framing the conflict as a bid to "make the world safe for democracy." - The adulation showered on Woodrow Wilson in Paris demonstrated to Bernays that deliberate media manipulation could sculpt the emotional allegiances of millions.

[07:56](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=476s) Inventing Public Relations: Applying Freud to Mass Society

Returning to New York, Bernays resolved to establish a new commercial discipline, but faced an immediate semantic hurdle: the term *propaganda* had acquired a sinister, authoritarian reputation due to its aggressive deployment by Imperial Germany. Seeking an acceptable alternative, Bernays coined the phrase "Council on Public Relations" and hung his shingle in a modest office suite just off Broadway, establishing the world's first public relations firm. Bernays recognized that industrialization had transformed America into an urbanized, mass-production society where millions of citizens were packed into dense cities, creating an urgent need for techniques to manage crowd sentiment.

To unlock the mechanics of mass behavior, Bernays turned directly to his uncle's research. During the Paris Peace Conference, Bernays had sent Freud a gift of Havana cigars; in gratitude, Freud mailed him a copy of his *General Introduction to Psychoanalysis*. Bernays studied the text intensely, fascinated by its portraits of irrational drives and submerged psychic forces, and soon realized that manipulating these hidden currents could prove extraordinarily lucrative. Public relations historian Stuart Ewen points out that this psychological foundation elevated Bernays far above the contemporary consensus: “Eddie began to formulate this idea that you had to look at things that would play to people's irrational emotions, and you see, that moved Eddie immediately into a different category from other people in his field and most government officials and managers of the day, who thought if you just hit people with all this factual information, they would look at that and say, 'Oh, of course,' and Eddie knew that was not the way the world worked.”

- Bernays rebranded war propaganda as "public relations" because the original word had become toxic in American public discourse. - Freud sent Bernays *General Introduction to Psychoanalysis* in exchange for Havana cigars. - While conventional corporate leaders believed rational data directed human behavior, Bernays operated on the premise that irrational emotions govern group decisions.

[10:10](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=610s) The Torches of Freedom: Breaking the Taboo on Women Smoking

Bernays immediately sought opportunities to test psychological engineering upon the general public. His most celebrated early demonstration centered on eradicating the entrenched social taboo against women smoking in public. George Washington Hill, the head of the American Tobacco Company, approached Bernays to tackle this commercial barrier, explaining the corporate stakes: “He said, ‘We're losing half of our market because men have invoked a taboo against women smoking in public.’” Hill asked if anything could be done, and Bernays agreed to investigate, requesting permission and funding to consult a psychoanalyst to discover what cigarettes symbolized to the female unconscious.

When asked why he didn't simply consult his uncle, Bernays noted dryly that Freud remained in Vienna. Instead, Bernays retained Dr. Abraham Arden Brill, one of the earliest practicing psychoanalysts in the United States. For a substantial fee, Brill explained that cigarettes served as a psychological symbol of the penis and masculine dominance; consequently, if Bernays could link the cigarette with resistance to male supremacy, women would embrace smoking as an emotional claim to their own independence and power.

Bernays seized upon New York City's annual Easter Day Parade, an event that drew tens of thousands of spectators and extensive press coverage. He recruited a contingent of wealthy, stylish debutantes, instructed them to conceal cigarettes under their garments, join the parade procession, and ignite them simultaneously at a predetermined signal. To guarantee maximum publicity, Bernays alerted newspapers that suffragette protesters were planning to stage an intervention by lighting what they called "torches of freedom." The press gathered en masse to photograph the spectacle, turning a staged corporate promotion into an overnight feminist civil-rights debate.

Public relations consultant Pat Jackson analyzes how Bernays aligned the commercial product with an unimpeachable civic emblem: “And so here you have a symbol, women, young women debutantes, smoking a cigarette in public with a phrase that means anybody who believes in this kind of equality pretty much has to support them in the ensuing debate about this, because torches of freedom—I mean, what's on all American coins? It's Liberty, she's holding up the torch, you see? And so all of this is there together: there's emotion, there's [memory].”

- American Tobacco Company president George Washington Hill sought to capture the female demographic to double cigarette sales. - Psychoanalyst A. A. Brill identified the cigarette as a phallic emblem of male power, advising that marketing cigarettes as weapons against patriarchal authority would trigger female desire. - Bernays' orchestrated 1929 Easter Parade stunt linked smoking to the Statue of Liberty's torch, reframing a corporate product as a symbol of gender equality and personal liberation.

[12:55](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=775s) The Emotional Connect and the Irrational Consumer

The front-page headlines generated by Edward Bernays’s staged demonstration did not stop at the borders of New York; by the following morning, the stunt was reported across the United States and around the world. From that moment forward, cigarette sales to women began a steep ascent. With a single symbolic act, Bernays had broken an ancient taboo and made smoking socially acceptable for American women. Beneath the practical reality lay a deeper psychological achievement: he had implanted the idea that lighting a cigarette was an assertion of female independence and personal power—a fabricated association that remains remarkably resilient to this day.

```mermaid flowchart LR accTitle: The Mechanics of Emotional Branding accDescr: Diagram illustrating how Bernays shifted marketing from functional utility to irrational emotional identity. subgraph Functional ["Traditional Approach"] A["Physical Product"] --> B["Intellectual Need & Utility"] end subgraph Bernaysian ["Bernays's Emotional Approach"] C["Irrelevant Object"] --> D["Unconscious Desire"] D --> E["Symbol of Identity & Status"] end ```

The triumph of the campaign demonstrated to Bernays that the general public could easily be persuaded to behave irrationally if commodities were intimately bound up with unconscious emotional desires. While smoking did nothing to liberate women in reality, it made them *feel* freer, transforming an otherwise arbitrary commercial object into a vital badge of identity. As an observer notes regarding Bernays's revolutionary strategy: “Eddie Bernays saw the way to sell product was not to sell it to your intellect that you ought to buy an automobile, but that you will feel better about it if you have this automobile.” By convincing ordinary people to invest themselves personally and emotionally in what they purchased, Bernays established the core mechanism of modern commercial life.

- The campaign established that an otherwise irrelevant object could be converted into a potent symbol of how consumers wished to be perceived by society. - Bernays's breakthrough lay in shifting sales tactics away from rational, intellectual utility toward an emotional bond between the buyer and the product.

---

[14:52](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=892s) The Fear of Overproduction and the Shift from Need to Desire

Bernays’s psychological experiments quickly caught the attention of corporate America. Having emerged from the First World War fabulously wealthy and technologically advanced, manufacturers faced a terrifying systemic crisis: the threat of industrial overproduction. Mass production systems perfected during the war were churning out consumer goods at unprecedented volumes, raising the specter of a market saturation point where citizens would simply decide they had acquired enough and stop spending.

Historically, the vast majority of goods sold to ordinary working-class Americans had been marketed strictly on the basis of practical necessity. Advertisements for basic items—whether shoes, stockings, or automobiles—emphasized durability, utility, and cost-effectiveness, appealing only to the consumer's rational calculations. The corporate world recognized that this ascetic ethos of thrift had to be systematically dismantled.

Paul Mazur, a leading Wall Street banker at Lehman Brothers, diagnosed the corporate imperative with blunt clarity: “We must shift America, he wrote, from a needs to a desires culture. People must be trained to desire to want new things even before the old have been entirely consumed. We must shape a new mentality in America. Man's desires must overshadow his needs.” Edward Bernays arrived as the ideal technician to engineer this transformation, armed with his uncle Sigmund Freud’s psychoanalytic theories to unlock the irrational motives of the mass mind.

- Prior to the 1920s, American identity was defined by the categories of the worker and the owner, characterized by saving and buying only what was necessary. - Wall Street financiers recognized the need to manufacture an entirely new identity: the American consumer who prioritizes wants over functional needs. - The New York banking establishment backed this vision financially, underwriting national chains of department stores to serve as distribution hubs for mass-produced goods.

---

[17:50](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=1070s) Engineering the Mass Consumer: Celebrities, Placement, and Fashion

To fill these new department stores with eager customers, Bernays set about inventing the modern apparatus of commercial persuasion. Hired by publishing magnate William Randolph Hearst to boost circulation for his women’s magazines, Bernays pioneered promotional tie-ins, placing articles that directly associated his corporate clients' products with glamorous Hollywood screen icons such as Clara Bow. He introduced product placement into major motion pictures, dressed film stars in his clients' gowns and jewelry at high-profile premieres, and was among the first to advise the automotive industry that cars could be marketed as potent symbols of male virility and status.

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Bernays's Promotional Web accDescr: The multifaceted public relations techniques used by Bernays to stimulate mass consumer desires. subgraph Media ["Media & Glamour"] A["Hearst Women's Magazines"] B["Film Star Endorsements (Clara Bow)"] C["Red Carpet & Movie Product Placement"] end subgraph Authority ["Engineered Authority"] D["Sponsored Psychological Studies"] E["Expert Fashion Shows"] end subgraph Market ["Consumer Impact"] F["Products as Self-Expression"] end Media --> F Authority --> F ```

Bernays weaponized scientific authority by commissioning psychological reports that testified to the health or social benefits of specific products, deceptively framing these sponsored findings as objective, independent academic studies. Inside department stores, he staged elaborate fashion shows where paid experts lectured crowds on the "psychology of dress," urging ordinary women to break away from uniform conformity. Shoppers were told that their clothing was an outward expression of their hidden inner character, cementing the doctrine that one purchases goods not to satisfy a physical need, but to project an individualized sense of self to the outside world.

- Bernays used magazine editorial pages and Hollywood celebrity fashion to subtly cross-promote his corporate clientele. - Car manufacturers were coached to move beyond mechanical specs and market vehicles as expressions of male sexual prowess. - Disguised public relations campaigns presented corporate propaganda under the guise of disinterested psychiatric and scientific counsel.

---

[20:18](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=1218s) "Consumptionism" and the Mind of the Crowd

By 1927, the dramatic re-engineering of the American public mind prompted cultural observers to declare a fundamental rupture with the past. As one American journalist observed: “A change has come over our democracy; it is called consumptionism. The American citizen's first importance to his country is now no longer that of citizen, but that of consumer.” This manic surge of consumption fed directly into an unprecedented speculative boom on Wall Street. Bernays stepped into the financial fray as well, orchestrating campaigns that encouraged ordinary citizens to take out personal bank loans to purchase speculative stocks, driving millions of everyday Americans into financial markets.

Curiously, the man engineering this mass behavior had no gift for personal, face-to-face interaction. Observers recall him as a slightly odd-looking, inarticulate figure who could never command a street corner or connect intimately with a single listener. But Bernays never cared to engage with individuals; his mind operated entirely at the level of the collective psyche. He viewed the population strictly as an aggregate mass, demonstrating an uncanny mathematical precision for understanding and manipulating how tens of thousands of minds would react together in unison.

---

[21:40](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=1300s) Public Relations Enters Politics: The Coolidge Makeover

In 1924, Bernays's burgeoning reputation as a master of crowd psychology drew interest from the highest office in the country. President Calvin Coolidge was a notoriously stiff, uncharismatic, and taciturn leader who had become something of a national punchline, regularly lampooned by the press as a humorless, dour recluse. Faced with an upcoming election, Coolidge's advisors turned to Bernays to soften his severe public image.

Bernays approached the presidency exactly as he would approach a commercial commodity. Rather than having the president deliver dry political lectures, Bernays arranged for 34 leading Broadway and Hollywood performers to visit the White House for an informal meet-and-greet. Bernays personally lined up the stars—introducing figures like the celebrated entertainer Al Jolson directly to the president. The event yielded front-page photographic spreads in newspapers nationwide, capped by a headline in *The New York Times* that triumphantly announced: “President Nearly Laughs.” For the first time in modern history, the techniques of commercial public relations were explicitly deployed to package and sell a political leader.

- Thirty-four prominent stage and screen actors, including Al Jolson, were brought to Washington to humanize the president. - The staged encounter successfully repositioned Coolidge from a boring bureaucrat to a warm, approachable public figure. - The event marked the formal entry of public relations and consumer spectacle into the heart of democratic politics.

---

[23:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=1380s) Freud’s Ruin, Bernays’s Exploitation, and the Dark Crowd

While Edward Bernays grew fabulously wealthy and influential in the United States, his uncle Sigmund Freud was enduring catastrophic hardship in postwar Vienna. The hyperinflation and economic devastation sweeping Central Europe completely wiped out Freud's life savings, leaving the founder of psychoanalysis on the brink of financial ruin. In desperation, Freud wrote to his American nephew asking for assistance. Bernays responded by becoming Freud’s de facto literary agent, arranging the first authorized American editions of Freud's books and funneled back precious US dollars, which Freud squirreled away in secret foreign bank accounts.

```mermaid flowchart LR accTitle: The Bernays-Freud Exchange accDescr: The transactional dynamic between Edward Bernays and his uncle Sigmund Freud in the 1920s. subgraph Freud ["Sigmund Freud (Vienna)"] A["Bankrupted by Post-War Inflation"] B["Pessimistic Insights on Crowd Aggression"] end subgraph Bernays ["Edward Bernays (New York)"] C["Secures US Book Publishing"] D["Sensationalizes Freudian Taboos (Sex)"] E["Invokes 'Uncle Sigi' for Corporate Cachet"] end A -->|"pleas for help"| C C -->|"sends US dollars"| A C --> D D --> E ```

True to form, Bernays could not resist publicizing his uncle's work with sensationalist flair. To stimulate public appetite, Bernays deliberately framed Freud’s theories around forbidden themes, planting newspaper stories hyping what Freud had to say about sex, phallic symbols, and repressed desires. Once Freud was established as a household name in the United States, Bernays traded shamelessly on the prestige of "Uncle Sigi" to win corporate accounts.

When Bernays boldly suggested that Freud write a mass-market magazine article for *Cosmopolitan* entitled "A Woman's Mental Place in the Home," the Viennese doctor exploded in fury, denouncing the proposal as an unthinkable, vulgar offense and reaffirming his deep-seated disdain for American culture. Summering in the Austrian Alps and Berchtesgaden at the Pension Moritz, Freud was sinking into profound pessimism. Contemplating the rising chaos around him, he began drafting darker theories of group psychology, convinced that unconscious, primitive, and destructive aggressive drives lurked just beneath the fragile veneer of civilized humanity.

- Bernays supplied Freud with crucial financial lifelines by securing American publishing rights for his foundational texts. - Bernays sensationalized Freud's complex psychological concepts, leaking controversial discussions of sex and symbolism to the American popular press. - Freud rejected Bernays’s commercial proposals with contempt, choosing instead to write increasingly grim treatises about the violent and irrational tendencies of human crowds.

[25:16](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=1516s) Freud's Pessimism and the Fear of the "Bewildered Herd"

In the aftermath of the First World War, Sigmund Freud grew intensely pessimistic about the human condition. Reflecting on this dark turn in Freud's thought, his daughter or relative observes that Freud saw man as an impossible, innately cruel creature who fundamentally could not be redeemed or improved:

> “Man is a ferocious animal, the most ferocious animal that exist, they enjoy torturing and and killing and he didn't like men.”

When Freud’s translated works reached the United States during the 1920s, they sent shockwaves through American journalism and intellectual circles. Observers were deeply rattled by Freud’s depiction of turbulent, submerged instincts lurking just beneath the thin veneer of civilized life—forces capable of erupting at any moment into a violent, frenzied mob that could tear down governments, as many believed had already occurred in revolutionary Russia. This revelation seemed to invalidate a founding pillar of modern mass democracy: the assumption that everyday citizens could be relied upon to make rational, reasoned judgments.

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Lippmann and Freud Model of the Mass Mind accDescr: Flowchart illustrating how primal unconscious drives lead to mob irrationality and necessitate elite psychological management. subgraph Instincts["Human Nature (Freud)"] A["Submerged animal drives"] --> B["Unconscious, irrational impulses"] end subgraph Threat["Democratic Threat"] B --> C["The Frenzied Mob / Street Violence"] C --> D["Destabilization of Democratic Order"] end subgraph Solution["Elite Social Control (Lippmann)"] D --> E["Governing Elite"] E --> F["Psychological techniques to direct the 'bewildered herd'"] end ```

Walter Lippmann, then the most prominent and respected political commentator in America, argued that because human beings are governed by unconscious, irrational drives rather than conscious reason, the very premise of democracy required total reconsideration. Ordinary people, Lippmann contended, formed a "bewildered herd" navigating life not through their intellectual faculties but through their spinal cords and primitive reflexes. To prevent society from descending into chaos, a technocratic elite needed to step in, deploying psychological techniques to master and steer the unconscious impulses of the multitude.

- **The Core Intellectual Dilemma**: The collapse of faith in the rational voter following World War I and the Russian Revolution. - **Lippmann’s Vision**: The management of the "bewildered herd" by a psychological elite as a necessary mechanism of social control.

[28:01](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=1681s) Edward Bernays and the "Engineering of Consent"

Edward Bernays seized upon Lippmann’s critique of the irrational mass mind, recognizing both a profound social mission and a golden vehicle for self-promotion. Throughout the 1920s, Bernays authored a series of influential books arguing that he had already invented and operationalized the exact psychological mechanisms Lippmann deemed necessary. His strategy was deceptively simple: by stimulating people's inner, instinctual drives and immediately gratifying them with consumer goods, one could appease and stabilize the restless masses. Bernays famously codified this doctrine as the "engineering of consent."

Reflecting on Bernays’s worldview, his daughter Anne Bernays explained that her father never harbored genuine faith in the political instincts of common citizens:

> “Democracy to my father was a wonderful concept, but I don't think he felt that all those publics out there would had reliable judgment, and that that they could that they very easily might vote for the wrong man or want the wrong thing, so that they had to be guided from above—it's enlightened despotism in a sense.”

This technocratic philosophy reached the highest corridors of American power in 1928 with the election of Herbert Hoover. Hoover was the first major political leader to explicitly endorse the idea that unchecked consumer desire must serve as the primary engine driving modern civilization. Addressing an audience of advertisers and public relations practitioners, Hoover lauded their social role:

> “You have taken over the job of creating desire and have transformed people into constantly moving happiness machines, machines which have become the key to economic progress.”

As social critic Stuart Ewen observed, this fusion of corporate strategy and statecraft transformed democracy from an emancipatory project into a mere tranquilizer. Instead of democratizing power relations, Bernays's framework sustained the existing hierarchy:

> “Both Bernays' and Lippmann's concept of managing the masses takes the idea of democracy and it turns it into a palliative, it turns it into giving people some kind of feel-good medication that will respond to an immediate pain or an immediate yearning, but will not alter the objective circumstances one iota.”

[31:13](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=1873s) The Peak of Bernays’s Empire and the Crash of 1929

By the late 1920s, Bernays had embedded himself at the absolute summit of American corporate and political life. Living extravagantly in a grand corner suite at New York's Sherry-Netherland Hotel, high above Central Park and the Plaza Hotel, he regularly hosted lavish parties that brought together the city's power brokers—mayors, United States senators, media barons, captains of industry, and society stars. Bernays reveled in his reputation as a modern magician of public opinion, dialing up powerful politicians on a whim and thriving on the thrill of orchestrating public sentiment. Yet this supreme confidence bred personal contempt; Bernays viewed nearly everyone around him—his subordinates, children, and especially the general public—as profoundly "stupid" and easily manipulated "dopes."

```mermaid flowchart LR accTitle: The Unraveling of Bernays's Consumer Engine accDescr: Diagram tracing the impact of the 1929 Stock Market Crash on mass consumption and public relations. subgraph Boom["1920s Consumer Boom"] A["PR & Advertising"] --> B["Engineered Consumer Desire"] B --> C["Mass Consumption"] end subgraph Shock["The 1929 Panic"] D["Wall Street Crash (Oct 1929)"] --> E["Panic Selling & Bank Failures"] end subgraph Bust["Economic Fallout"] E --> F["Unemployment & Thrift"] F --> G["Collapse of Consumer PR Boom"] end Boom -.-> Shock ```

In late October 1929, Bernays orchestrated what was meant to be his crowning public relations triumph: Light's Golden Jubilee, a massive national celebration marking the 50th anniversary of Thomas Edison's incandescent light bulb. President Hoover, banking titan John D. Rockefeller, and the heads of America's largest corporations assembled under Bernays’s direction to celebrate the omnipotence of American enterprise. But right as the celebration reached its height, catastrophic news struck: the New York Stock Exchange was cratering.

Throughout the decade, speculative mania had driven billions in margin borrowing under the banking elite's false assurance that economic depressions were forever relics of the past. On October 29, 1929—Black Tuesday—the financial system completely unraveled under waves of blind, unrelenting panic that no reassurance from bankers or politicians could stop. The ensuing Great Depression wrecked the consumer economy. Faced with ruin and joblessness, ordinary Americans abandoned discretionary purchases. Bernays's manufactured consumer paradise vanished overnight, and both he and the public relations industry were unceremoniously knocked from their pedestals.

- **Residence**: Corner suite at the Sherry-Netherland Hotel, overlooking Fifth Avenue, Central Park, and the Plaza. - **Event**: Light's Golden Jubilee (October 1929), celebrating the 50th anniversary of the light bulb alongside Hoover and Rockefeller. - **Black Tuesday**: October 29, 1929, signaling the collapse of speculative credit and the end of 1920s PR hegemony.

[34:45](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=2085s) *Civilization and Its Discontents* and the Totalitarian Alternative

The repercussions of the Wall Street Crash swept across the Atlantic, devastating the fragile young democracies of Weimar Germany and Austria, where private party militias engaged in bloody street violence. In Vienna, Freud—now aged and suffering severely from jaw cancer—withdrew once more to his retreat in the Alps. There he penned *Civilization and Its Discontents*, a somber repudiation of the Enlightenment doctrine of human progress. Freud asserted that civilization was never a glorious vehicle for human fulfillment; rather, it was a restrictive defensive apparatus engineered solely to chain and repress man's destructive instincts. The democratic promise of full individual freedom was a dangerous fantasy, because mankind unrestrained would promptly annihilate itself. Thus, civilization demanded instinctual renunciation, condemning humanity to permanent inner discontent:

> “Man doesn't want to be civilized, and he is; civilization brings discontent, but is necessary to survive, otherwise he couldn't survive, so he must be discontent because this would be the only way to keep him within limits.”

This profound cynicism regarding democracy’s viability was shared by radical political movements of the era, notably the National Socialists in Germany led by Adolf Hitler. With the Weimar Republic paralyzed by 32 splintered political factions, mass unemployment, and street clashes, voters increasingly welcomed authoritarian intervention to put an end to what they viewed as democratic paralysis. The Nazis maintained that democratic systems were inherently defective because they unleashed self-serving, atomized individualism without possessing the institutional strength to control it.

Swept into power in the elections of March 1933, the National Socialists dismantled democratic institutions to build an alternative, totalitarian social order: - **Nationalization of Industry and Production**: Viewing the American crash as definitive proof that unchecked free markets were violently unstable, the German state seized central control over industrial planning and capital. - **State-Organized Leisure**: Workers' free time was placed under the regimentation of the state via the *Kraft durch Freude* ("Strength Through Joy") apparatus. - **Collectivist Ideology**: The state replaced individual self-expression with forced collective conformity, crystallized in the regime's defining slogan: *"Gemeinnutz geht vor Eigennutz"* ("Service not self").

[38:22](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=2302s) Goebbels and the Manipulation of Mass Instincts

In Nazi Germany, the desires of the masses remained central, but the state sought to channel them to bind the entire nation together. The chief architect of this strategy was Minister of Propaganda Joseph Goebbels. He staged colossal rallies engineered to fuse the German population into a singular collective identity. Goebbels openly told an American journalist that one of his primary inspirations was the work of Sigmund Freud’s nephew, Edward Bernays. While Freud’s writings on crowd psychology warned that humans inside large groups surrender their critical faculties—directing their deep libidinal desires toward an all-powerful leader while projecting their latent aggression onto outgroups—the National Socialists weaponized these dynamics. Convinced they could master and steer these forces, the regime deliberately unleashed the irrational elements of the human mind.

Reflecting on the psychological mechanics of the rallies, observers noted how the public’s internal drives were manipulated: “Masses are bound by libidinal forces, they love each other and ideas and things through the chap on top... forces of love, and hate is delegated to the others outside.” Eyewitnesses watching the crowds along Unter den Linden described a terrifying spectacle of collective frenzy as hundreds of thousands marched past Adolf Hitler: “I could see from afar looking up towards Linden how those 100,000 of people when they passed Hitler, they just became completely delirious. They began to shout... I will never get out of my ears... and here I got confirmation how those irrational forces, uncontrollable forces in Germany, in the Germans, had erupted, had broken out, were running riot.”

[41:43](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=2503s) Roosevelt, the New Deal, and Planned Governance

Across the Atlantic, American democracy was similarly destabilized by the economic fallout of the 1929 stock market crash. Deepening poverty and widespread despair had fueled rising civil unrest, with enraged citizens turning their anger against the financial and corporate titans held responsible for the catastrophe. In 1932, Franklin Delano Roosevelt was swept into the presidency on a pledge to use the power of the federal government to stabilize the free market. Unlike European dictators who sought to extinguish democratic institutions, Roosevelt intended to rescue democracy by transforming how the state engaged with the populace. During his inaugural address, he made his mandate clear: “I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis: broad executive power.”

Roosevelt launched the New Deal, bringing a cadre of young planners and technocrats to Washington to design and execute massive industrial and public works programs. Convinced that laissez-faire capitalism could no longer steer modern mass production, Roosevelt placed the responsibility for economic management directly in the hands of the government. This dramatic shift horrified American big business, which viewed federal oversight as an existential threat. Strikingly, the New Deal's centralized administrative apparatus initially drew intrigue and praise from abroad, notably from Joseph Goebbels himself.

[44:13](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=2653s) George Gallup and the Rational Citizen

Despite superficial administrative parallels between European state planning and New Deal programs, Roosevelt held a fundamentally different view of the public. He rejected the premise that the public was an irrational mob driven by primitive impulses, believing instead that everyday Americans were intelligent citizens capable of evaluating complex policy if presented with facts. Roosevelt sought to establish an open dialogue with ordinary people, an effort accelerated by social scientist George Gallup and opinion researcher Elmo Roper. At Princeton, Gallup’s Survey of Public Opinion measured the national mood week to week, while Roper compiled polling data for *Fortune* magazine.

Gallup and Roper directly challenged Bernays's cynical view of human nature. They argued that public behavior was neither chaotic nor uncontrollable if surveyed with neutral, strictly factual questions that avoided emotional bias or leading phrasing. Gallup's son later recalled the philosophical underpinnings of scientific polling: “Prior to scientific polling, the view of many people was that you couldn't trust public opinion, it was irrational, that it was ill-informed, chaotic, unruly, and so forth, and so that opinion should be dismissed. But with scientific polling, I think it established very clearly that people are rational, that they do make good decisions, and this offers democracy a chance to be truly informed by the public, giving everybody a voice in the way the country is run.” This shift redefined everyday Americans: they were no longer passive consumers pacified by manufactured wants, but civic participants whose voices mattered.

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Competing Models of the Public in the 1930s accDescr: Diagram contrasting the Bernays-Goebbels view of unconscious masses with the Roosevelt-Gallup view of rational citizens.

subgraph BernaysGoebbels ["Irrationalist Model (Bernays / Goebbels)"] A["Unconscious Drives & Libidinal Energy"] --> B["Mass Manipulation via Spectacle & PR"] B --> C["Passive Consumers / Obedient Crowds"] end

subgraph RooseveltGallup ["Rationalist Model (Roosevelt / Gallup)"] D["Conscious Judgment & Factual Thinking"] --> E["Scientific Opinion Polling & Direct Dialogue"] E --> F["Sensible Citizens Governing Democracy"] end ```

[47:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=2820s) Big Business Strikes Back

When Roosevelt campaigned for re-election in 1936, he explicitly targeted corporate monopolies, promising even stronger government oversight. Corporate executives denounced him, with one business spokesman declaring on the airwaves: “Roosevelt interferes with private enterprise, and he is running the country into debt for generations to come. The way to get recovery is to let business alone.” Roosevelt nevertheless achieved a landslide victory, celebrating alongside the electorate on election night. Stunned by the scale of his mandate, American corporate leaders convened behind closed doors to plan an ideological counter-offensive to roll back New Deal policies.

Working through the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM)—whose membership encompassed the country's largest corporations—business interests organized a nationwide campaign. Historian Stuart Ewen explains the strategic shift: “Following that election, business people start to get together and start to carry on discussions, primarily in private, and they start talking to each other about the need to sort of carry on an ideological warfare against the New Deal, and to sort of reassert the connectedness between the idea of democracy on the one hand and the idea of privately owned business on the other.” Corporate leaders retained Edward Bernays and a legion of newly minted PR professionals to craft emotionally appealing narratives that credited private industry—rather than elected officials—with building the American standard of living.

- The General Motors "Parade of Progress" traveled across the country, visiting small towns with mobile exhibits designed to romanticize industrial capitalism. - PR firms placed sponsored features and uncredited advertorials directly into newspaper editorial pages to sway readers subtly. - The Roosevelt administration responded by releasing educational films alerting citizens that corporate PR campaigns posed a danger to democratic institutions, urging citizens to chart and monitor newspapers for corporate bias.

[50:41](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=3041s) The 1939 World's Fair and "Democracity"

The contest reached its climax at the 1939 New York World's Fair, where Edward Bernays served as a lead planning consultant. Bernays recognized the exposition as an unprecedented canvas to cement the narrative that free enterprise and personal liberty were inextricably linked. At the center of the fairground sat the Perisphere, a monumental white dome enclosing "Democracity"—a miniature utopian metropolis—while General Motors constructed the massive "Futurama" ride depicting America in 1960, crisscrossed by multi-lane superhighways and automated technology.

The fair reframed modern capitalism not as an exploitative economic system, but as the only engine capable of providing genuine democratic freedom through consumer abundance. Bernays’s daughter, Anne Bernays, captured her father’s underlying philosophy: “To my father, the World's Fair was an opportunity to keep the status quo, that is capitalism in a democracy, democracy and capitalism, that marriage, right? Linking just like that. He did that by manipulating people and getting them to think that you couldn't have real democracy in anything but a capitalist society, which was capable of doing anything: of creating these wonderful highways, of making moving pictures inside everybody's house, of telephones that didn't need cords, of sleek roads... it was consumerist, but at the same time, you inferred that in a funny way, democracy and capitalism went together.” The fair succeeded in reshaping the popular imagination, replacing political citizenship with an ideal where business was seen as directly fulfilling society's desires.

[52:51](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=3171s) Passive Consumers and the Threat of Mass Democracy

Edward Bernays’s vision of democracy was built around satisfying people's unconscious desires rather than treating them as rational, self-governing citizens. Unlike Franklin D. Roosevelt, who appealed to the public as active participants in the political process, Bernays maintained that stability in a mass society could only be achieved if people were treated as passive consumers. In this model, true decision-making power is withheld from the electorate; power instead resides in the commercial and psychological techniques used to stimulate and satisfy their appetites.

Cultural historian Stuart Ewen articulates this fundamental shift in political philosophy: “The people are not in charge, the people exercise no decision-making power within this environment, so democracy is reduced from something which assumes an active citizenry to the idea of the public as passive consumers driven primarily by instinctual or unconscious desires, and that if you can in fact trigger those needs and desires, you can get what you want from them.” This underlying clash between the belief in human rationality and the view that mankind is governed by irrational impulses was soon tested and reshaped by catastrophic political events unfolding across Europe.

[54:05](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=3245s) The Anschluss and Sigmund Freud’s Flight to London

In March 1938, Nazi Germany annexed Austria in the event known as the *Anschluss*. Adolf Hitler entered Vienna to ecstatic public adulation, while Nazi authorities systematically whipped up the crowds into a frenzy of violence against political opponents and Austrian Jews. As Vienna descended into state-sanctioned theft, assault, and murder, the fragility of civilized norms was laid bare. Reflecting on the sudden descent into brutality, Austrian witness Eric Plehn observes: “They said it's legitimate now, you can do what you want, so they did—stealing, robbing, and killing, I can't say it otherwise, and human depravity of course is always near, very near to normal behavior, it can change very quickly.”

Confronted with targeted assassinations and violent street purges, Sigmund Freud realized he could no longer remain in Austria. Escaping proved difficult because Great Britain, like many Western nations at the time, strictly limited the entry of Jewish refugees. Freud was saved through the intervention of Ernest Jones, Britain's leading psychoanalyst. Jones, who belonged to the same ice-skating club as the British Home Secretary, Sir Samuel Hoare, convinced the minister to grant Freud a British work permit. In May 1938, Freud left Vienna for London alongside his daughter, Anna Freud, and other family members, settling in a house in Hampstead. His jaw cancer was far advanced, however, and in September 1939—only three weeks after the outbreak of World War II—Freud died.

[56:23](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=3383s) The Postwar Nightmare: Controlling the Hidden Enemy Within

The trauma of the Second World War and the horrors of the Nazi death camps fundamentally altered how governments understood the psychology of their citizens. American planners, politicians, and social scientists concluded that Sigmund Freud had been right all along: concealed beneath the surface of civilized humanity were primitive, savage impulses capable of extreme barbarism if left unchecked. Fearful that these same anti-democratic, irrational forces resided within the American public, the postwar establishment turned to Freud’s surviving circle to devise institutional mechanisms of social control.

Sigmund Freud’s ideas were weaponized on multiple fronts. His daughter, Anna Freud, rose to prominence in the United States on the premise that individuals could be systematically conditioned to strengthen their egos and master their internal drives, inspiring sprawling federal programs aimed at psychological management. Simultaneously, Freud’s nephew, Edward Bernays, adapted his public relations techniques for high-level operations on behalf of major corporations, the United States government, and the newly established Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). The governing consensus held that the survival of democracy required the covert management and repression of the population's darker nature.

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Postwar American Psychological Control accDescr: Diagram illustrating how fear of human barbarism led postwar authorities to use Anna Freud and Edward Bernays to manage mass psychology.

A["Wartime Barbarism &amp; Death Camps"] --> B["Elite Consensus: Destructive unconscious drives lurk in all humans"] B --> C["Fear of Mass Irrationality Destabilizing American Democracy"] C --> D["Deployment of Freudian Psychoanalysis for Social Management"]

subgraph S1 ["Key Figures"] D --> E["Anna Freud: Ego Psychology &amp; Internalizing Social Norms"] D --> F["Edward Bernays: PR Techniques for US Government, Big Business &amp; CIA"] end

E --> G["State Programs for Mass Inner Psychological Regulation"] F --> G ```

[58:12](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=3492s) The Royal Road to the Unconscious and Postwar Fears

The postwar era saw a systematic effort by American elites to harness psychoanalytic principles in order to keep society stable. Sigmund Freud had declared dreams to be the “royal road to the unconscious”—a conduit to deep, incompatible impulses that churn beneath everyday consciousness like molten lava inside a volcano. To those directing American postwar policy, the rise of fascism in Germany demonstrated that when these unconscious fears and desires erupt into public life, democratic institutions collapse into savagery.

Preventing a similar catastrophe in the United States became the overriding priority for political leaders, industrial titans, and intelligence planners. Working with the theories of Anna Freud and Edward Bernays, the governing elite sought to actively repress the dangerous currents lurking beneath ordinary American life. As the narrator explains: “Those in power believed that the only way to make democracy work and create a stable society was to repress the savage barbarism that lurked just under the surface of normal American life.”

[01:00:19](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=3619s) Combat Neurosis in the US Army and the Psychiatric Experiment

The turning point that demonstrated the fragility of the American psyche occurred on the battlefields of World War II. As front-line engagements intensified, the United States Army was confronted with an unprecedented wave of psychological casualties. Forty-nine percent of all soldiers evacuated from combat zones were sent back not for physical wounds, but because they had suffered severe mental breakdowns.

Desperate to treat and rehabilitate these men, the military turned to psychoanalysis, secretly recording treatment sessions on film using hidden cameras. In these encounters, military psychiatrists probed deep into the men's private emotions:

* A hospitalized soldier breaking down over symptoms of "nostalgia" (homesickness) triggered when he received a photograph of his sweetheart shortly before entering combat: "She has been the one person that gave me a sense of importance." * The realization that this was the first institutional attempt to listen to the private anxieties, fears, and internal conflicts of ordinary working-class American men. * A network of European refugee analysts teaming up with American military doctors to oversee the psychiatric rehabilitation effort across military hospitals.

Martin Erdheim, an analyst who treated soldiers during the war, recalled the profound revelation of traveling by train between military installations across the country: “After my years in the Army, I knew exactly what everybody was doing in the little towns, because I saw so many people who came from there, and I understood their aspirations, their disappointments, and so forth, so it was as if somebody invited me to a privileged tour into the inner soul of America.”

[01:03:07](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=3787s) The Primacy of the Irrational and the Drive for Social Engineering

By examining the breakdown of soldiers through a psychoanalytic lens, military analysts concluded that shell shock was rarely caused by combat stress alone. Instead, the terror of battle was merely the trigger that unleashed deeply buried, repressed childhood conflicts and aggressive instincts that the men had locked away because they were too terrifying to face. For the psychoanalytic community, this military crisis provided undeniable clinical confirmation of Freud’s darker thesis: underneath the facade of everyday rationality, human beings are dominated by primitive, volatile drives.

Martin Erdheim reflects candidly on what the wartime psychiatric wards revealed about the broader American character: “World War II was a major shattering experience, because I discovered the enormous role of the irrational in the lives of most people, that the ratio between the irrational and the rational in America is very much in favor of the irrational, that there's much greater unhappiness, much more suffering, much more a sad country than one would imagine it from the advertisements, a much more problematic country.”

This insight troubled government planners and social scientists in the aftermath of Allied victory. The widespread complicity of ordinary Germans in the atrocities of the Holocaust served as a terrifying demonstration of how easily mass irrationality could poison social structures. Historian Ellen Herman observes: “Planners and policymakers had been convinced by their experiences during World War II that human beings could act very irrationally because of this sort of teeming and raw and unpredictable emotionality, the kind of chaos that lived at the base of human personality could in fact infect the society's social institutions to such a point that the society itself would become sick.” To insulate American democracy against similar collapse, the postwar state concluded that citizens needed to be psychologically engineered to internalize democratic norms, and psychoanalysis promised the scientific means to achieve it.

[01:06:18](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=3978s) Anna Freud and Ego Psychology

In the aftermath of the Second World War, psychoanalysts became convinced that democracy left to itself was incapable of producing stable citizens; instead, their techniques were needed to reshape the human mind into a vital supporter of the democratic system. While Sigmund Freud had originally conceived of psychoanalysis as a way for individuals to understand their unconscious instincts, his youngest daughter, Anna Freud, took the discipline in a radically different direction. Having fled Vienna for London with her father before the war, she assumed leadership of the international psychoanalytic movement after his death. To those around her, including her nephew, she was an austere, uncompromising figure dedicated entirely to institutionalizing her father's legacy. As her nephew recalled: “At the center of the Freud movement stood Tante Anna because she managed to work herself into that position, she was recognized as that and not just because she was a daughter—she worked, she worked on that; she was rather forbidding, he was not to me a warm person, not an aunt you could kiss or put your arms around, not at all, and her whole life rotated around the spreading of psychoanalysis.”

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Anna Freud's Ego Psychology Model accDescr: Diagram showing how social conformity strengthens the conscious ego to control unconscious drives.

subgraph External["External Environment"] A["Family & School Intervention"] --> B["Strict Social Conformity"] end

subgraph Psyche["Mental Balance"] B --> C["Conscious Ego Strengthened"] C --> D["Dangerous Unconscious Drives Controlled"] B -.->|"Failure to Conform"| E["Weak Ego & Uncontrolled Instincts"] end ```

Anna Freud’s conviction that individuals could be actively taught to control their primitive impulses grew out of her work with children, particularly those of American heiress Dorothy Burlingham. Burlingham had left a troubled marriage in the 1920s to bring her children to Vienna, where they exhibited severe anxiety and aggressive behavior. Rather than merely examining internal fantasies, Anna Freud believed she could alleviate their suffering by directly restructuring their immediate environment—interviewing parents, advising schools, and altering their social reality. From these sessions, she formulated ego psychology: if children were taught to strictly adhere to societal norms and rules, their conscious ego would be reinforced against the destructive urges of the unconscious. Conversely, any deviation from normative behavior was viewed as a dangerous weakening of the ego. When analyzing Dorothy Burlingham's son, analysts focused heavy efforts on deterring signs of homosexuality. As his son later explained: “In my father's case they were concerned that he would be a homosexual, and so a lot of their efforts went into preventing or trying to stop my father from becoming a homosexual. Why did they want to stop him? Because they felt it was abnormal, it wasn't a normal way to develop; they wanted to have develop along lines that society recognized to be normal, because if they didn't, then you're going to be under the control of forces that you don't understand, that you're not even aware of.”

- Dorothy Burlingham fled to Vienna in the 1920s with her children to seek psychoanalytic treatment from Anna Freud. - The analysis was deemed an outward success when the Burlingham children returned to the United States in the 1930s, marrying and settling down in middle-class suburban communities. - Anna Freud's clinical template treated social conformity as a direct clinical mechanism for strengthening the conscious ego against the id.

---

[01:10:58](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=4258s) The National Mental Health Act and Postwar Mass Adjustment

The suburban conformity of the Burlingham family soon served as the blueprint for an unprecedented national program aimed at managing the psychological life of the American public. In 1946, President Harry S. Truman signed the National Mental Health Act into law, a legislative milestone prompted by the alarming military draft statistics of World War II, which revealed that millions of inductees suffered from severe, previously undetected emotional instability and neuroses. Directing the vast new project, Dr. Robert H. Felix warned of the acute lack of psychiatric resources needed to address the crisis: “A primary objective of the National Mental Health program is to increase our fund of scientific knowledge about mental health and about mental illness; we're not doing this, why? Because there are all too few skilled mental health workers.”

To resolve this shortfall, brothers Karl and Will Menninger—the latter having led wartime psychiatric testing programs—undertook the training of hundreds of psychiatrists at their clinic in Kansas. The Menningers believed Anna Freud’s methods could be scaled up from child analysis to the adult general population, transforming the psychiatrist into a public guardian whose task was to instruct ordinary citizens in the discipline of their inner impulses. A contemporary psychoanalyst described the sweeping optimism that defined this mission: “They said psychoanalytic thinking could make for the betterment of society because you could change the way the mind functioned, and you could take the ways in which people did hurtful things to themselves and others and alter them by enlarging their understanding, and this was the vision psychoanalysis brought, that you could really change people, that you could really change people and we could change them almost in limitless ways.”

By the late 1940s, psychological guidance centers had spread across hundreds of American towns, alongside widespread initiatives in marriage counseling and home visits by psychiatric social workers. Archival educational films from the era sternly reminded citizens that uncontrolled emotional outbursts caused warped personalities, advising individuals to regulate their passions to achieve pleasant, socially agreeable temperaments. Commentators noted that the ultimate ambition was to produce a properly adjusted person whose rational ego retained command over dark passions, while never questioning whether the social order itself was flawed. As an analyst observed of the movement's uncritical acceptance of the status quo: “They just felt that the road to happiness was in adapting to the external world in which they lived, that people could be uncrippled from their own neurotic conflicts and impulses, that they would not engage in self-destructive behavior, that they would in fact adapt to the reality about them; they never questioned the reality, they never questioned that it might itself be a source of evil or something to which you could not adapt without compromise or without suffering or without exploiting yourself in some way.”

- The 1946 National Mental Health Act framed psychiatric instability as an urgent issue of national security and public policy. - Karl and Will Menninger oversaw the mass expansion of psychiatric training to meet federal demands. - Guidance centers and family counselors evaluated domestic life to ensure individuals conformed to standard nuclear family models to keep inner instinctual conflicts subdued.

---

[01:16:30](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=4590s) Ernest Dichter and the Rise of Motivational Research

Having established a powerful role in government and social services, psychoanalysis prepared to make an equally transformative entry into post-war corporate capitalism. Sigmund Freud’s nephew, Edward Bernays, had earlier demonstrated to commercial clients that products could be successfully marketed by appealing to irrational unconscious impulses. In the late 1940s, a new generation of European émigré analysts sought to systematize and expand these concepts into corporate management and consumer goods.

This commercial application was pioneered by Austrian psychoanalyst Ernest Dichter, who had operated his consulting rooms directly adjacent to Sigmund Freud’s practice in Vienna before immigrating to the United States. Establishing the Institute for Motivational Research in a stone mansion north of New York City, Dichter set out to investigate the hidden motives behind consumer decisions, applying psychoanalytic principles to the everyday behavior of the American shopping public.

[01:17:33](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=4653s) Ernest Dichter, Motivation Research, and the Birth of the Focus Group

In the post-war United States, consumer market research was fundamentally transformed by the ideas of psychoanalysis. Dr. Ernest Dichter, an Austrian-born psychoanalyst who brought Freudian theory directly into commerce, rejected straightforward polling methods. He explained his rationale directly: “We don't go out and ask directly, ‘Why do you buy? Why don't you?’ What we try to do instead is to understand the total personality, the self-image of the customer.” Like other psychoanalysts steeped in Freudian doctrine, Dichter operated on the premise that ordinary American citizens were fundamentally irrational beings whose true reasons for purchasing goods were buried beneath conscious awareness in unconscious desires, sexual urges, psychological impulses, and status anxieties. Because people were either too embarrassed or simply unable to verbalize these hidden motivations, Dichter realized that traditional questionnaires were useless.

To extract the "secret self" of the American consumer, Dichter applied the clinical setting to commerce by developing group therapy sessions centered entirely around products. In a room built directly above his garage, Dichter installed a movie projector to display advertisements and invite spontaneous audience reactions. He invited consumers—such as typical American housewives—to use products, react aloud, and freely associate with one another while being closely observed and analyzed. This revolutionary setup marked the historic invention of the focus group, establishing a structured mechanism to mine the unconscious psychological wants of the public.

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: The Focus Group Feedback Loop accDescr: Ernest Dichter's methodology of applying psychoanalysis to uncover hidden consumer desires. subgraph Clinical["Psychoanalytic Method"] A["Free Association Sessions"] --> B["Observation Above Garage"] B --> C["Uncovering Repressed Desires"] end subgraph Market["Commercial Application"] C --> D["Product Modification & Symbolic Reframing"] D --> E["Emotional Release & Increased Consumption"] end ```

- Dichter utilized modern social sciences to bypass direct queries and explore the customer's total personality and self-image. - Unconscious motivations uncovered in these sessions encompassed sexual urges, social status, and a subconscious need for recognition. - The upstairs garage room served as the prototype for the modern consumer focus group, complete with free association, observational tracking, and product testing.

---

[01:20:11](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=4811s) The Betty Crocker Egg and the "Strategy of Desire"

Dichter’s most celebrated breakthrough came during a study for Betty Crocker foods in the early 1950s. Food manufacturers had developed a line of instant convenience products, but despite prior market research indicating that homemakers wanted such conveniences, the products failed on supermarket shelves. The most glaring failure was the Betty Crocker instant cake mix. Conducting focus groups where housewives free-associated about the mix, Dichter identified an acute emotional obstacle: profound unconscious guilt. Housewives felt that using a fully prepared, effortless mix compromised their domestic role. Dichter realized that to drive sales, the emotional barrier of guilt had to be dissolved by restoring a sense of personal contribution and participation.

His solution was deceptively simple: Betty Crocker altered the instructions so the consumer had to add an egg. As Dichter argued, cracking and beating a fresh egg into the batter served as an unconscious, biological symbol of the housewife offering a part of herself as a gift to her husband and family. The alteration removed the psychological guilt, and sales immediately soared. Dichter’s success prompted corporate America and Madison Avenue agencies to hire psychoanalysts in droves, colloquially dubbing them the “depth boys.” These analysts promised that tapping into hidden drives could yield millions in profits, giving rise to iconic campaigns such as Esso’s “Put a tiger in your tank” and the market research behind the Barbie doll. For Dichter, however, this was not mere salesmanship; it was social engineering. Echoing Anna Freud’s theories, he believed consumer goods served therapeutic functions by shoring up fragile egos, resolving inner frustrations, and establishing a stable society through what he designated the "Strategy of Desire." Reflecting on this philosophy, a commentator observed: “Ernest believed that that would then improve the whole of our society and become the best society on this planet.”

- The initial Betty Crocker instant cake mix only required adding water, triggering housewives' unconscious guilt over cutting domestic corners. - Adding a fresh egg resolved the guilt barrier by introducing symbolic participation and emotional labor. - Advertisers and corporations rapidly hired psychoanalysts ("depth boys") to engineer mass marketing campaigns based on instinctual drives.

---

[01:24:18](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=5058s) The Psychoanalytic Elite and Democratic Control

By the early 1950s, psychoanalysis had become a dominant cultural, political, and commercial force in American society. Psychoanalysts enjoyed immense prestige and wealth, occupying luxurious consulting suites overlooking New York’s Central Park. Prominent writers like Arthur Miller and Tennessee Williams, as well as high-ranking federal politicians from Washington, filled extensive waiting lists seeking therapy to comprehend human irrationality. Recalling that heady era, an analyst remarked: “We had waiting lists because there were so many patients that wanted to be analyzed, so it gave us a little bit of a swellhead.”

This widespread cultural authority fostered an influential new elite across politics, business, and social planning. United by the Freudian conviction that the masses were ruled by dangerous, irrational impulses, this elite believed that a free-market democracy could survive only if mass irrationality was actively managed and steered via psychological techniques. They viewed their patronizing intervention as essential rather than anti-democratic. As one commentator explained: “They actually believed that this elite was necessary because individual citizens were not capable, if left alone, of being democratic citizens.” In their view, manipulating unconscious desires was a patriotic necessity that maintained economic prosperity, social cohesion, and the preservation of democracy against mob instinct.

---

[01:26:15](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=5175s) Shadows in the Dynasty: The Burlingham Children

While her doctrines reached their pinnacle of influence across the Atlantic, Anna Freud remained based in England alongside her lifelong companion, Dorothy Burlingham. Outwardly, they enjoyed an idyllic existence, acquiring a weekend cottage on the Suffolk coast where Burlingham’s visiting children and grandchildren spent their summers. Beneath this tranquil exterior, however, the psychoanalytic project was unraveling within their own household. Dorothy’s adult children, Bob and Mabbie Burlingham—both of whom had been analyzed as children by Anna Freud in Vienna during the 1930s—were suffering catastrophic psychological collapses. Both experienced broken marriages, Bob fell into severe alcoholism, and Mabbie was plagued by crippling anxiety.

Their summer visits were not leisurely family vacations, but tense, covert attempts at remedial analysis under Anna Freud. The visible decline of the Burlingham siblings represented an embarrassing threat to the psychoanalytic establishment. As Bob and Mabbie’s offspring noted, the family was painfully aware of the contradiction: in psychoanalytic circles, the children were celebrated as the original guinea pigs and the living proof of psychoanalysis's redemptive power. The family kept these breakdowns strictly hidden from the public eye. Anna Freud had grown so powerful, self-assured, and politically untouchable that questioning her therapeutic authority was impossible. As one family member reflected on her unyielding posture: “She was a bit too righteous; what she did was always the thing, and she would never, to my knowledge, acknowledge that she could make a mistake or be wrong.”

[01:28:51](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=5331s) Edward Bernays, the Cold War, and the Weaponization of Fear

In 1953, the geopolitical landscape shifted dramatically when the Soviet Union successfully detonated its first hydrogen bomb. A deep fear of nuclear annihilation and communist infiltration seized the United States. Rather than succumbing to panic, authorities struggled to find ways to soothe an anxious populace, organizing civic committees and distributing public information films that urged citizens to remain calm in the face of radioactive fallout, warning against the irrational tendency to dwell disproportionately on secondary hazards.

Amid this crisis, political leaders turned to Anna Freud's cousin, Edward Bernays, then operating from New York as one of the nation's preeminent public relations pioneers. Having established the field during the 1920s, Bernays acted as a counselor to major corporations and high-level politicians, including President Dwight D. Eisenhower. Guided by his uncle Sigmund Freud’s theory that humanity is governed by primitive, irrational forces, Bernays took an unconventional view: instead of attempting to quiet public anxiety about communism, leadership should deliberately stimulate and harness that fear, turning raw terror into an effective Cold War weapon.

His daughter, Anne Bernays, explained his core philosophy of public management:

> “What my father understood about groups is that they are manipulable, they're malleable, and that you can tap into their deepest desires or their deepest fears and use that to your own purposes.”

She added:

> “I don't think he felt that all those public out there had reliable judgment, that they very easily might vote for the wrong man or want the wrong thing, so that they had to be guided from above.”

[01:31:16](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=5476s) United Fruit, Jacobo Árbenz, and Fabricating a Communist Threat

One of Bernays’s most influential clients was the United Fruit Company, a massive corporate empire that owned sweeping banana plantations across Guatemala. For decades, the company maintained an iron grip over the nation by working with compliant local dictators, cementing Guatemala's reputation as a classic "banana republic." However, this arrangement collapsed after Colonel Jacobo Árbenz was elected president in 1950. Promising to end foreign corporate domination, Árbenz announced in 1953 that the state would expropriate uncultivated United Fruit land to distribute to the peasantry. While wildly popular among Guatemalans, the policy threatened United Fruit's commercial empire, prompting the company to enlist Bernays to orchestrate Árbenz's downfall.

United Fruit faced a public relations dilemma: Árbenz was an elected democratic socialist without ties to Moscow, and fighting an agrarian reform program looked like naked corporate greed. Bernays completely shifted the narrative, transforming a private commercial dispute into an urgent matter of national security and Cold War defense. He set out to convince the American public that a dangerous Soviet outpost was establishing itself on the doorstep of the United States.

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Bernays Guatemala PR Campaign Flow accDescr: Diagram showing how corporate interest was converted into Cold War panic via media manipulation.

subgraph Corporate["Corporate Crisis"] A["Jacobo Árbenz Expropriates Land (1953)"] --> B["United Fruit Hires Edward Bernays"] end

subgraph Manipulation["Information Warfare"] B --> C["Press junkets with staged riots"] B --> D["Middle America Information Bureau"] end

subgraph Outcome["Public Perception & Action"] C --> E["Frame reform as Soviet threat"] D --> E E --> F["Eisenhower & CIA authorize Operation PBSUCCESS"] end ```

To engineer this perception, Bernays organized all-expenses-paid junkets to Guatemala for influential American journalists who had little background in Central American affairs. Bernays curated their itinerary, introducing them to hand-picked politicians who insisted that Árbenz was a Kremlin puppet. During the press visit, a violent anti-American demonstration erupted in Guatemala City—an event widely suspected by United Fruit employees to have been secretly engineered by Bernays himself. Bernays also created the Middle America Information Bureau, a front organization that flooded news outlets with press releases claiming Moscow planned to use Guatemala as a military bridgehead against America.

Journalist and author Larry Tye noted how profoundly this altered American consciousness:

> “What was profoundly new in terms of what Bernays did is he took this menace to our backyard in Guatemala. For the first time we saw Reds a couple hundred miles from New Orleans, who Eddie Bernays had us believing were a true threat to us, that it was going to be a Soviet outpost in our backyard.”

- 1950: Colonel Jacobo Árbenz is democratically elected President of Guatemala. - 1953: The Guatemalan government passes land reform measures expropriating uncultivated United Fruit acreage. - The Middle America Information Bureau acted as a disguised corporate clearinghouse generating anti-Árbenz headlines across the US press.

[01:34:20](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=5660s) The CIA Coup and the Engineering of Consent

Bernays’s disinformation campaign was not an isolated public relations effort; it ran in direct coordination with a covert intelligence plot. President Eisenhower gave secret orders to the Central Intelligence Agency to remove the Árbenz government. Working alongside United Fruit, the CIA organized, armed, and financed an insurgent force led by exiled Colonel Carlos Castillo Armas. Heading the covert operation was CIA officer E. Howard Hunt, who later gained notoriety as one of the Watergate burglars. Hunt described the deliberate psychological terror employed to paralyze the state:

> “What we wanted to do was have a terror campaign, to terrify Árbenz particularly and terrify his troops, much as the German Stuka bombers terrified the population of Holland, Belgium, and Poland at the onset of World War II, and just rendered everybody paralyzed.”

While CIA-piloted planes bombed Guatemala City, Bernays sustained his domestic media blitz, framing the assault as an indigenous popular revolution by freedom-loving Guatemalans overthrowing Soviet tyranny. On June 27, 1954, Árbenz resigned and fled the country, allowing Castillo Armas to install an authoritarian regime.

Months later, Vice President Richard Nixon traveled to Guatemala on a solidarity visit staged by United Fruit's public relations apparatus. Posing before stacks of alleged Marxist literature ostensibly discovered inside the presidential palace, Nixon addressed the cameras:

> “This is the first time in the history of the world that the communist government has been overthrown by the people, and for that we congratulate you and the people of Guatemala for the support they have given, and we are sure that under your leadership, supported by the people whom I have met by the hundreds on my visit to Guatemala, that Guatemala is going to enter a new era in which there will be prosperity for the people together with liberty for the people.”

The episode illustrated Bernays's celebrated concept of the "engineering of consent." Bernays operated on the conviction that corporate capital and American democracy were intrinsically aligned, and that an irrational public could not be persuaded through honest debate. Instead, public sentiment had to be covertly shaped by an enlightened elite using subconscious fear. Reflecting on this mindset, his daughter Anne Bernays observed:

> “If you don't leave it up to the people themselves, but force them to choose what you want them to choose, however subtly, then it's not democracy anymore; it's something else, it's being told what to do, it's that old authoritarian thing.”

[01:38:40](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=5920s) The Turn Toward CIA Mind Control and Brainwashing

The success of Bernays’s psychological campaigns deepened the conviction within the American national security establishment that ordinary human emotions and perceptions could—and should—be engineered. This logic took hold most aggressively inside the Central Intelligence Agency.

Obsessed by intelligence reports suggesting that the Soviet Union and China were developing radical psychiatric and pharmacological methods to alter memories, rewrite personalities, and produce entirely compliant citizens—a process that came to be known as "brainwashing"—the CIA concluded it had to develop identical capabilities. Agency scientists came to view human psychology not as an autonomous, sacred identity, but as a vulnerable, malleable mechanism that could be disassembled and rebuilt at will to serve the interests of the state.

An observer summarized the prevailing scientific consensus shaping the agency's clandestine research programs:

> “The image of the human being that was being built up at that particular time was that there was a great deal of vulnerability in every human being, and that that vulnerability could be manipulated to program somebody to be something that I wanted them to be and they didn't want to be, that you could manipulate people in such a way that they could be automatons.”

[01:39:52](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=5992s) The CIA and Dr. Ewen Cameron's Mind-Control Experiments

In the late 1950s, the CIA channeled millions of dollars into university psychology departments across the United States, secretly financing research into how the fundamental inner drives of human beings could be manipulated, dismantled, and controlled. The most notorious of these ventures was conducted by Dr. Ewen Cameron, then head of the American Psychiatric Association, at the Allan Memorial Institute, a hospital clinic in Montreal. Cameron shared the prevailing psychiatric assumption that human beings harbored inherently dangerous, destabilizing forces that threatened civilization. However, he went far beyond conventional containment: he believed psychiatry should step directly into the halls of power, stationing psychiatrists in parliaments to supervise and direct political affairs through their rational, scientific understanding of human welfare.

Rather than relying on patient psychoanalysis to uncover repressed trauma, Cameron sought to obliterate past memories entirely. At Allan Memorial, he placed patients into a drug-induced stupor in what was known as the "Sleep room," subjecting them to mega-doses of LSD and repeated courses of electroconvulsive therapy (ECT) delivered multiple times a day over long periods. His goal was "depatterning"—burning away a patient's neuroses and past identity until they were reduced to a primitive biological slate. Once a subject's memory was wiped blank, Cameron attempted to reprogram them through a technique he dubbed "psychic driving," running looped recorded messages through speakers placed beneath their pillows to imprint entirely new behavioral patterns.

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Dr. Ewen Cameron's Depatterning and Reprogramming Method accDescr: Flowchart illustrating Cameron's attempted psychic driving process and its actual disastrous failure. subgraph Wipe["Stage 1: Depatterning"] A["Patient with Neuroses"] --> B["Sleep Room, Mega-Dose LSD & Massive Daily ECT"] B --> C["Total Memory Erasure / Tabula Rasa"] end subgraph Reprogram["Stage 2: Psychic Driving"] C --> D["Continuous Audio Tapes Under Pillow"] D --> E["Attempted Positive Reconditioning"] end subgraph Outcome["Actual Result"] E --> F["Severe Amnesia & Helplessness"] F --> G["Patients repeating: 'I am at ease with myself'"] end ```

The human cost of these experiments was devastating, leaving subjects entirely stripped of their pasts without any genuine cure. One former patient recalled the permanent void left by the treatments: “I don't remember any of that they shipped me up to what they call the Sleep room and they gave me all of these electro convulsive shock treatments and mega doses of drugs and LSD and all of that and I have no memory of any of that nothing in the in of of that time in the Allan Memorial or any of my life previous to that all gone white.” Ultimately, Cameron’s grand vision of psychological reconstruction ended in complete failure, yielding only ruined individuals afflicted with severe amnesia who could do little more than mechanically repeat the taped phrase, "I am at ease with myself." The broader CIA-funded behavioral modification programs collapsed under the same realization: human consciousness resisted such mechanical intervention. Reflecting on this failure, a researcher acknowledged: “We had been really chasing a phantom if you will an illusion that the human mind was more capable of manipulation from the outside by outside factors than it is we found out that the human being is an extremely complex thing there were no Simple Solutions but you've just got to bear in mind that these were very strange times.”

- Dr. Ewen Cameron served as head of the American Psychiatric Association and operated his research out of the Allan Memorial Institute in Montreal. - Treatments combined massive daily doses of electroconvulsive therapy with heavy sedation and LSD to break the brain down to its barest vegetative functions. - "Psychic driving" relied on continuous tape loops hidden beneath pillows to broadcast pre-scripted phrases into the subconscious of wiped patients. - The CIA-funded efforts failed across the board, demonstrating that the human psyche could not be cleanly overwritten or steered from the outside.

[01:45:13](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=6313s) Anna Freud's Influence in Hollywood and the Tragic Case of Marilyn Monroe

Having ascended to significant cultural and institutional influence through their claim to govern internal human aggression, psychoanalysts in the United States soon faced a catastrophic public failure. In Los Angeles, the film industry had fallen under the spell of Freudian doctrine, guided heavily by the prestige of Anna Freud. Leading directors, studio executives, and actors regularly sought analysis. Anna Freud’s closest collaborator and friend, Dr. Ralph Greenson, became the most prominent and sought-after analyst in Hollywood. In 1960, Marilyn Monroe—deeply depressed and struggling with severe addictions to alcohol and prescription drugs—placed herself under Greenson’s care.

Greenson approached Monroe’s treatment through the prism of Anna Freud’s ego psychology: the belief that the ego could be bolstered against destructive internal impulses if the individual were taught to assimilate into a normal, socially conventional family environment. Greenson took this theory to an unprecedented personal extreme. He had Monroe purchase a residence close to his own, furnished and decorated to mirror his house, and integrated her directly into his domestic life. Greenson, his wife, and their daughter functioned as a surrogate family, casting Greenson in the role of an idealized father figure who could model societal conformity. A fellow actor and friend recalled questioning Greenson during an evening dog walk after seeing Monroe at his dinner table, to which Greenson explained that Monroe had arrived with no personal baseline: “The point is just this child has no no frame of reference she in other words she doesn't know where she what the goal is.”

Analysts believed that immersing Monroe in this fabricated family unit would supply the psychological scaffolding her damaged ego lacked. As one observer explained of the strategy: “They were strengthening the person they were strengthening the mind they were strengthening the agent that controls inner life against adversity against insufficiency against too much frustration so that Monroe would no longer be a helpless person looking for love she'd have enough love.” Despite Greenson’s radical intervention, Monroe’s psychological deterioration continued unabated. On August 5, 1962, she died of a drug overdose in her home. Her suicide sent shockwaves through the psychoanalytic establishment, rattling Anna Freud and prompting prominent cultural figures to question whether psychoanalysis was genuinely healing suffering individuals or acting as an oppressive instrument designed to enforce social conformity.

- Ralph Greenson was Anna Freud's primary confidant and the most influential psychoanalyst treating the Hollywood elite in Los Angeles. - Monroe's therapeutic regimen extended beyond the clinic into full domestic immersion with Greenson’s family to supply an artificial "frame of reference." - Marilyn Monroe died by suicide on August 5, 1962, exposing the limits of ego psychology's ability to subdue internal turmoil through enforced normality.

[01:48:56](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=6536s) The Backlash: Arthur Miller, Vance Packard, and Herbert Marcuse

Monroe's death catalyzed an intellectual revolt against the therapeutic consensus in American society. Among the most vocal critics was playwright Arthur Miller, Monroe's former husband, who challenged the core assumption that negative emotion and existential distress were diseases requiring technical eradication. Miller argued that by Pathologizing suffering, psychoanalysis robbed humanity of its deepest moral insights in exchange for artificial tranquility: “My argument with so much psychoanalysis is the preconception that suffering is a mistake or a sign of weakness or a sign even of illness when in fact possibly the greatest truths we know have come out of people's suffering that the problem is not to undo suffering or to wipe it off the face of the Earth but to make it inform Our Lives instead of trying to cure ourselves of it constantly and avoid it and avoid anything but that lobotomized sense of what they call happiness.” He warned that the therapeutic profession had allied itself with a power-hungry culture obsessed with domesticating and regulating human beings rather than liberating them.

Simultaneously, critics attacked corporate America's weaponization of psychoanalytic theory to control consumer behavior. Vance Packard’s best-selling exposé, *The Hidden Persuaders*, revealed how corporate advertisers used psychoanalytic techniques to bypass rational thought, using subliminal messaging and targeting unconscious anxieties to turn citizens into pliant consumers. By stoking perpetual psychological dissatisfaction, businesses sustained mass production lines and locked the public into an artificial cycle of planned obsolescence.

The philosophical critique reached its apex with Herbert Marcuse, a prominent social theorist and philosopher trained in psychoanalysis. Marcuse argued that the corporate and psychiatric establishment had vulgarized Freudian insights into a mechanism that produced deep psychological alienation and systemic waste. Denouncing the social order, Marcuse stated: “This is a childish application of psychoanalysis which does not take at all into consideration the very real political systematic waste of resources of technology and of the productive process for example planned obsolescence for example the production of innumerable Brands and gadgets who are in the last analysis all the same the production of innumerable different marks of automobiles and this Prosperity at the same time consciously or unconsciously leads to a kind of schizophrenic existence I believe that in this Society an incredible Quantum of aggressiveness and destructiveness is accumulated.” Rather than pacifying destructive impulses, Marcuse warned, the artificial prosperity and psychological manipulation of modern consumer capitalism were generating unprecedented reserves of repressed aggression beneath the surface of American life.

- Vance Packard’s *The Hidden Persuaders* argued that market researchers used psychoanalysis to turn Americans into emotional puppets servicing planned obsolescence. - Critics pointed out that commercial techniques—including subliminal projection—aimed to manipulate unconscious drives to sell indistinguishable consumer goods. - Herbert Marcuse warned that the superficial affluence and mass consumerism engineered by applied psychology was breeding a dangerous accumulation of latent destructiveness.

[01:51:51](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=6711s) Herbert Marcuse and the Indictment of Conformity

Herbert Marcuse pushed the critique of Freudian psychoanalysis far beyond the claim that it was merely being exploited for commercial manipulation. He attacked its foundational premise: the belief that human nature is innately destructive and requires suppression. For Marcuse, human beings possess powerful emotional and instinctual drives, but these drives are not inherently brutal, violent, or wicked. Rather, it is society itself that renders them dangerous by continually repressing, thwarting, and contorting them. By devoting themselves to conditioning patients to conform and adapt to an affluent post-war order, Anna Freud and the ego psychologists were not healing individuals—they were intensifying their repression and making them more volatile.

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Freudian Orthodoxy versus Marcuse's Critical Theory accDescr: Chart contrasting Freud's model of instinctual repression with Marcuse's reversal that society is the corrupting force. subgraph FreudModel["Freudian Orthodoxy (Anna Freud)"] F1["Innate drives: violent, animalistic"] --> F2["Societal containment & conformity"] F2 --> F3["Preserved social order"] end subgraph MarcuseModel["Marcuse's Radical Critique"] M1["Innate drives: benign & creative"] --> M2["Repressive, corrupt social system"] M2 --> M3["Distorted, violent human behavior"] end ```

The societal framework that post-war analysts demanded individuals adapt to was itself sick and corrupting. By treating neurosis as a personal failing rather than a structural symptom, psychoanalysts had inverted the true origin of social pathology. Marcuse insisted that accommodating oneself to such an order was not a sign of psychological health, but complicity with institutionalized oppression. As Marcuse's ideas spread among the New Left, one commentator summarized the radical shift: “In other words, he switched the source of evil from inward conflict to the society itself, that the sickness of society lay at the society level, not at the sickness of human beings in it, and if people did not challenge that, then they were in fact submitting to evil.”

[01:53:22](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=6802s) Martin Luther King Jr. on the Necessity of Being Maladjusted

This psychological counter-rebellion found powerful expression in the civil rights movement, notably when Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. seized upon the central term of the psychoanalytic establishment: "maladjusted." While post-war psychologists held up adjustment as the ultimate measure of emotional maturity and a hedge against neurosis, King inverted the term, proclaiming that to be well-adjusted to an immoral social architecture was itself a moral failure.

Addressing his audience, Dr. King drew a sharp line between psychological health and moral surrender: “Modern psychology has a word that is probably used more than any other word in psychology; it is the word 'maladjusted'—it is the ringing cry of modern child psychology: maladjusted.” He declared that refusing to harmonize with systemic injustice was an urgent civic duty:

> “Now, of course, we all want to live the well-adjusted life in order to avoid neurotic and schizophrenic personalities, but as I move toward my conclusion, I would like to say to you today, in a very honest manner, that there are some things in our society and some things in our world which I’m proud to be maladjusted, and I call upon all men of good will to be maladjusted to these things until the good society is realized.” > > — *Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.*

- King declared he would never adjust himself to racial segregation and discrimination. - He refused to adjust to religious bigotry. - He refused to adjust to economic injustice that deprives the many of basic necessities to provide luxuries for the few, leaving millions trapped in poverty amid surrounding affluence.

[01:54:45](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=6885s) The Domestic Tragedies at 20 Maresfield Gardens

The political dominance of orthodox Freudian psychoanalysis began to crumble under mounting criticism that it had served as an instrument of state and corporate pacification. At the same time, the private sanctum of the Freud family was consumed by devastating personal tragedy. Anna Freud and her lifelong companion, Dorothy Burlingham, continued living and practicing together at 20 Maresfield Gardens in London—Sigmund Freud’s final home. Burlingham’s children, who had been analyzed intensely by Anna Freud since childhood to mold them into model human beings, faced deep psychological wreckage as adults.

In 1970, Dorothy’s son Bob died of alcoholism. Three years later, in 1973, his sister Mabbie returned to London seeking further analysis with Anna Freud. While staying at the family home, she took an overdose of sleeping pills and died by suicide inside Sigmund Freud’s house. Interviewees reflected on the dark symbolism of her death, noting that while suicide is always personal, ending her life in Freud's own house was an unmistakable indictment of the analytic regime that had governed her existence. As one commentator remarked: “Although it would seem to be a very pointed act, obviously suicide is a very politicized act, and to do it in Sigmund Freud’s own house is certainly different from doing it in Riverdale back in New York.”

[01:56:11](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=6971s) The Promise and Peril of the Liberated Self

The decline of the Freudian dynasty paved the way for an anti-Freudian counter-revolution that promised to build a better society by liberating the individual ego from all societal constraints. In America, the post-war conformism engineered by Edward Bernays and Anna Freud was challenged by a movement asserting that human desires were intrinsically good and ought to be set free.

Yet this triumph of liberation produced an ironic and unintended consequence. Rather than creating autonomous citizens immune to authority, the collapse of restraint birthed an isolated, self-absorbed, and insatiable individual. Corporations and political strategists swiftly realized that this new self could be controlled and commodified far more easily than the disciplined subject of the 1950s. Instead of repressing hidden impulses to preserve social order, power structures learned to manipulate the public by indulging their infinite desires.

- The 1950s orthodoxy insisted on suppressing instinctual drives to guarantee the stability of mass democracy. - The emergent movement argued that the uninhibited expression of the self would naturally produce a healthy, benevolent culture. - The outcome was an era dominated by consumer narcissism, where business and politics maintained leverage by promising continuous personal self-fulfillment.

[01:59:17](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=7157s) Bioenergetics and the Rebellion of Renegade Analysts

In cramped therapy rooms across New York City during the 1950s, a dissident fringe of therapists began rejecting the quiet, detached intellectualism of traditional psychoanalysis. Pioneers of body psychotherapy and bioenergetics, such as Alexander Lowen, instructed patients to physically discharge long-buried emotions through yelling, sobbing, kicking, and screaming. Rather than treating outbursts as neurotic symptoms to be contained, these therapists viewed visceral catharsis as the only route to psychological recovery.

Demonstrating the technique with vigorous physical gestures, an older analyst explained: “What goes on here is the liberation of feeling—in other words, feelings, not just memories, that have been suppressed; for example, screaming, crying, anger. You get a person really angry, and they're going to let it out: 'No, no, I could kill you!'” He paused to catch his breath, remarking with self-deprecating humor: “I’m an old man, listen, I can’t get all the strength into this that young people would get if they have those feelings. That wasn't bad.”

Contrasting this raw physicality with the restrained ethos of orthodox analysis, the therapist highlighted Sigmund Freud’s emotional detachment: “In Freud’s work, you see, they were afraid of the feeling; what they wanted was contained people, very proper, doing the right thing and living a proper life—that's what they wanted, but not an intense emotional life.” When the interviewer noted that Freud was an intellect, the therapist retorted: “Freud—I was an intellect too, I know, but I’m also more than that now.”

[02:01:41](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=7301s) Wilhelm Reich, the Libido, and the Orgone Cloudbuster

The intellectual father of this somatic rebellion was Wilhelm Reich, a former protégé of Freud from 1920s Vienna who had become an exile living near the Canadian border in Rangeley, Maine. Reich directly attacked Freud’s premise that the core of humanity was a savage, ungovernable inferno of violent animal instincts. He argued instead that the primal human impulse was pure libidinal, sexual energy, and that aggression and cruelty were simply the distorted byproducts of societal suppression. Reich maintained that neurosis was rooted in orgastic impotence—the inability to experience full, uninhibited sexual release.

```mermaid flowchart LR accTitle: Wilhelm Reich's Theory of Neurosis and Health accDescr: Flow diagram showing how Reich believed blocked libidinal energy creates neurosis, while free orgastic discharge creates health. subgraph PathA["Societal Repression"] direction TB A1["Libido / Sexual Energy"] --> A2["Suppression of Impulse"] A2 --> A3["Neurosis & Violence"] end subgraph PathB["Reichian Liberation"] direction TB B1["Libido / Sexual Energy"] --> B2["Uninhibited Orgastic Release"] B2 --> B3["Psychological Health & Harmony"] end ```

This focus on sexual liberation brought Reich into conflict with Anna Freud. Reich's daughter, Lore Reich Rubin, recounted the personal and ideological friction between them:

> “My father thought that you should liberate the libido and have freedom, and he developed the theory rather early that neuroses were due to lack of good orgasm or any orgasm, and that was—Anna Freud, you know, was a virgin; I mean, this is very important because she never had a sexual relation with a man, and here was this man preaching that the way to health was through orgasm, and here was this woman who had been analyzed by her father because she was masturbating, so here’s this woman who’s opposed to sexuality really, and here’s this man who’s preaching sexual freedom—I mean, that was bound to be a clash, wasn’t there?” > > — *Lore Reich Rubin*

- At the 1934 Lucerne Congress of the International Psychoanalytical Association, Anna Freud orchestrated Reich’s expulsion from the psychoanalytic movement, effectively derailing his career. - In her interview, Lore Reich Rubin remarked on exposing Anna Freud's maneuvers: when asked if she was seeking revenge, she quipped, “You might say so—or wronging a right... no, righting a wrong. You better cut that one out—isn't that called a Freudian slip? Yes, it is.” - Following his exile to the United States, Reich established his Orgonon research center in Maine, where his theories grew increasingly eccentric. - Convinced that libidinal energy was a physical cosmic force called "orgone," Reich constructed mechanical apparatuses—including a multi-barreled metal "cloudbuster"—claiming he could draw orgone energy from the atmosphere and manipulate weather patterns.

[02:04:40](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=7480s) The Fall and Rebirth of Wilhelm Reich's Ideas

In the 1950s, psychoanalyst Wilhelm Reich strayed into increasingly bizarre territory, claiming that his "cloudbuster" rain gun could not only produce rain but also shoot down UFOs that threatened the future of the world. In 1956, federal authorities arrested him for selling an "orgone energy accumulator" device he claimed could cure cancer. Treated as a madman, Reich was imprisoned, and by order of the court, all his books and research papers were gathered and burned. A year later, Reich died in prison. To the orthodox Freudian psychoanalysts, it appeared as though their most dangerous rival and intellectual challenger had been permanently removed from the scene.

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Wilhelm Reich's Fall and Influence Flow accDescr: Chart showing Wilhelm Reich's arrest and the unexpected resurgence of his anti-authoritarian ideas. subgraph Repression ["1950s Federal Crackdown"] A["Wilhelm Reich claims orgone device cures cancer"] --> B["Arrested by federal authorities (1956)"] B --> C["Books & papers burned; dies in prison (1957)"] end subgraph Resurgence ["Late 1960s Revival"] C -.-> D["Freudians believe the Reichian threat is gone"] D --> E["Counterculture rejects corporate psychological control"] E --> F["Reich's ideas reborn in human potential movement"] end ```

The Freudians failed to foresee that their dominant influence over American institutions was on the verge of being dismantled. By the late 1950s, Freud’s daughter Anna and nephew Edward Bernays had helped embed psychoanalysis deep into American capitalism. Advertising agencies routinely employed psychoanalysts, using focus groups and free association to unearth consumers' hidden unconscious desires and link them to consumer goods. Yet in the early 1960s, a younger generation began to revolt against this psychological manipulation, creating an opening for a dramatic resurgence of Reich's anti-repressive philosophy across the Western world.

- In 1956, Wilhelm Reich was arrested by the federal government for selling unapproved orgone medical devices. - Reich died in a federal penitentiary in 1957 after courts ordered his published works burned. - American advertising agencies in the late 1950s heavily relied on psychoanalytic focus groups to exploit unconscious desires to sell products. - The prevailing corporate doctrine asserted that "the consumer is King" whose whims make or break manufacturers.

---

[02:06:42](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=7602s) The New Left, Herbert Marcuse, and "One-Dimensional Man"

By the mid-1960s, a burgeoning student movement on university campuses across the United States turned its fury on Corporate America. Activists argued that corporations used psychological techniques to condition consumers into docile conformity. One activist recalled the alienation of having tastes dictated from above: “Somebody else said this year you should be wearing powder pink shirts with matching powder pink buck shoes, and I said, 'Why? That... that's not who I am; that's who somebody else is.'” Protesters saw consumerism not merely as a system of profit, but as an insidious instrument of social pacification that kept the public distracted while the U.S. government prosecuted an imperialist, violent war in Vietnam.

```mermaid flowchart LR accTitle: Marcuse's Critique of Corporate Control accDescr: Herbert Marcuse's formulation of corporate and Freudian psychological domination resulting in One-Dimensional Man. subgraph Manipulation ["Psychological Conditioning"] M1["Freudian unconscious drives"] --> M2["Advertising & focus groups"] M2 --> M3["Mass-produced objects"] end subgraph Outcome ["Social Result"] M3 --> O1["'One-Dimensional Man'"] O1 --> O2["Docile public allowing Vietnam War"] end ```

The intellectual guide for this campus revolt was radical philosopher Herbert Marcuse. Marcuse had studied psychoanalysis and condemned the orthodox Freudians for functioning as corrupt enforcers for the ruling class. By narrowing the expression of human identity and feeling strictly to mass-produced consumer goods, Marcuse argued that capitalism manufactured what he termed "One-Dimensional Man"—an emotionally conformist, utterly repressed subject. As Herbert Marcuse observed:

> “It was one of the most striking phenomena to see to what extent the ruling power structure could manipulate, manage, and control not only the consciousness, but also the subconscious and unconscious of the individuals, and this took place on a psychological basis by the controls and the manipulation of the unconscious primary drives which Freud stipulated.”

- Students viewed consumer culture as domestic brainwashing designed to manufacture consent for the Vietnam War. - Herbert Marcuse argued that mainstream psychoanalysts served as functional agents of corporate state control. - Marcuse’s thesis of *One-Dimensional Man* asserted that corporate society suppressed genuine human individuality by channeling all desires into commercial goods.

---

[02:09:26](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=7766s) "The Policeman Inside Our Heads" and the Pivot to the Self

Operating under Marcuse’s critique, the radical student movement adopted the defining slogan: "There is a policeman inside all our heads; he must be destroyed." Radicals concluded that this internal oppressor had to be extirpated by bringing down the capitalist state and the corporations that had implanted it. Militant splinter groups like the Weatherman abandoned non-violence, initiating bombings against corporate headquarters that produced weaponry for Vietnam and consumer goods for domestic psychological subjugation. One female activist defended the turn toward militancy:

> “We want to live a life that isn't based on materialistic values, and yet the whole system of government and the economy of America is based on profit, on personal greed and selfishness, so that in order to be human, in order to love each other and be equal with each other and not place each other in roles, we have to destroy the kind of government that keeps us from asserting our positive values of life.”

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Shift from Militancy to Personal Transformation accDescr: The New Left moves from armed confrontation to internal liberation following state violence. subgraph Conflict ["Direct Confrontation (1968-1970)"] C1["Aim: Overthrow state to destroy the inner policeman"] --> C2["Militancy & Weatherman bombings"] C2 --> C3["State crackdown: Chicago 1968 & Kent State 1970"] end subgraph Retreat ["Internal Turn (Early 1970s)"] C3 --> R1["Left realizes it is heavily outgunned"] R1 --> R2["'The personal became political'"] R2 --> R3["Shift: Purge corporate controls from within the self"] end ```

The response from the American state was crushing and immediate. At the 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago, police and the National Guard brutally beat demonstrators in the streets. The crackdowns culminated eighteen months later in the shooting deaths of four students by the National Guard at Kent State University. Facing ruthless state violence, the student movement collapsed. A former activist reflected on the defeat: “We had met the force of the state; it was much bigger and stronger and more powerful than we realized.” Because they could not defeat the state militarily, activists revised their strategy: instead of overthrowing external political structures, one had to alter consciousness from within. "The personal became political," resting on the belief that if enough individuals freed their minds from corporate programming, society would spontaneously transform.

- Militant anti-war groups targeted corporations producing both consumer goods and war matériel. - The 1968 Chicago Democratic National Convention marked the onset of violent state repression against the student movement. - Four student protesters were killed by the Ohio National Guard at Kent State University in May 1970. - Defeated activists abandoned revolutionary politics, reasoning that self-transformation had to precede societal change.

---

[02:12:47](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=7967s) Fritz Perls, the Esalen Institute, and the Hot Seat

Seeking systematic methods to strip away societal conditioning, the disaffected counterculture turned back to Wilhelm Reich. Following Reich’s death, a small network of psychotherapists kept his theories alive, searching for practices that could liberate people's repressed instincts. Their epicenter was the Esalen Institute, situated at an isolated former motel along the rugged cliffs of Big Sur, California. The intellectual figurehead of Esalen was Fritz Perls, a psychoanalyst who had been personally trained by Reich and who pioneered Gestalt therapy and group encounter techniques designed to shatter neuroses through public confrontation.

| Esalen Encounter Stage | Method | Intended Psychological Outcome | |:--- |:--- |:--- | | **Taking the "Hot Seat"** | Participant sits before Fritz Perls and the group to face their neuroses | Exposing repressed, "dangerous" inner emotions | | **Self-Enactment / Dialogue** | Personifying the inner demon or conflict on an empty chair | Externalizing societal taboos and self-censorship | | **Embodied Catharsis** | Expressing visceral rage, screaming, and physical actions | Discarding false social conditioning to achieve individual autonomy |

Perls seated participants on the "hot seat" directly facing him, directing them to act out and personify the suppressed parts of their psyches. In dramatic encounter sessions, individuals externalized their inner "demons," screaming, sobbing, and releasing raw, aggressive energy they had long held back out of fear of social rejection. As one participant reflected on the hot seat experience, the process was about “taking ownership of who you are and how you act and how you feel, your whole being in the world—in other words, giving you autonomy, owning your freedom.” For the defeated American left, Perls and Esalen offered an intoxicating new path forward: bypassing mass political struggle entirely to build an authentic, liberated self capable of defying social control.

- The Esalen Institute was established on the Big Sur coast of California as the hub of the Human Potential Movement. - Gestalt therapy founder Fritz Perls drew heavily on Reichian ideas of breaking through societal inhibitions. - The "hot seat" required participants to perform intense, uninhibited emotional confrontations in front of an audience. - Countercultural activists came to view emotional catharsis and personal liberation as an alternative form of radical revolution.

[02:16:54](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=8214s) The Expansion of Esalen and the Racial Encounter Experiment

In the late 1960s and early 1970s, thousands of people flocked to the Esalen Institute in Big Sur, California. What had begun only a few years prior as an obscure fringe retreat center suddenly became the epicenter of the human potential movement, a rapidly growing nationwide wave of personal transformation. Within seven or eight years, approximately two hundred similar centers opened across America, almost all looking to Esalen for philosophical and methodological leadership. Attendees expressed intense euphoria, describing feelings of profound personal liberation. For Esalen’s leaders, personal growth and broader political transformation were inherently inseparable. Believing their psychological techniques could mend societal fractures, they decided to tackle the nation's most pressing social problem: racism.

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Esalen's Expansion and Encounter Groups accDescr: Chart showing how Esalen expanded its reach into social conflict resolution through racial encounter groups. subgraph Growth ["Movement Expansion"] A["Esalen Institute"] --> B["200 Human Potential Centers Across US"] B --> C["Personal Transformation Linked to Social Change"] end subgraph Intervention ["Social Application"] C --> D["Racial Confrontation Workshops"] D --> E{"Black & White Radicals Clash"} E -->|Stripped Collective Identity| F["Failure: Black Radicals Reject Individualization"] end ```

Esalen organized encounter groups bringing together black and white radicals. The premise was that participants would unmask and release the internalized racist feelings imposed on them by society; by openly venting these prejudices rather than repressing them, they would supposedly transcend hostility and encounter one another as authentic, liberated human beings. The workshops were christened “racial confrontation as transcendental experience,” but they immediately devolved into ferocious hostility. An Esalen organizer remembered:

> “We thought that we wanted to get that kind of black white confrontation so you could really get down to see what was between the two races not by backing off and trying to be polite but by going right into the belly of the Beast of this Beast of of racial Prejudice and these were extremely dramatic these were the toughest workshops ever convened at Esalen Institute.”

In archival footage, black participants angrily excoriated white liberals for their systemic dominance, hypocrisy, and hidden voyeurism, accusing them of controlling the police, politicians, the economy, and the Vietnam War while pretending to be enlightened comrades. Black participants called this process “peeping somebody”—piercing directly through their sanctimonious posturing. Ultimately, the encounter groups proved to be a disaster. The black radicals recognized that turning them into autonomous, self-absorbed individuals stripped them of their collective identity as Black people, which was the single foundation of their power and political solidarity against structural oppression.

- Within seven to eight years, about 200 centers inspired by Esalen sprang up across the United States. - The encounter workshop series was officially called “racial confrontation as transcendental experience.” - Black radicals rejected the therapy because collective racial solidarity, rather than individualized personal liberation, was their primary weapon for civil rights.

---

[02:20:16](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=8416s) Encounter Groups and the Dissolution of the Immaculate Heart Convent

Following the breakdown of the racial workshops, the human potential movement turned toward an institution governed entirely by rigid, deeply internalized external rules: the Roman Catholic Church. In Los Angeles, the Convent of the Immaculate Heart—one of the largest seminaries and Catholic educational institutions in the United States—was eager to modernize and agreed to participate in an extensive psychological experiment led by radical psychotherapists. Over weekend encounter sessions involving hundreds of Immaculate Heart nuns, facilitators urged the women to abandon their trademark restraint, telling them they no longer needed to maintain downcast eyes, play the self-denying role of the traditional nun, or treat prudence as an absolute virtue. Instead, they were told they were good, worthy individuals who deserved to discover and express who they truly were.

The workshops triggered an immediate psychological and cultural upheaval inside the convent. Initially, the nuns engaged in minor rebellions—sneaking sodas, running through orchards stealing oranges, and venting the frustration of balancing vows of service with personal self-actualization. One nun reflected on the emotional turbulence, noting she felt like a hypocrite and wanted people to respect her for who she was rather than the habit she wore. The nuns soon held a vote to abandon their traditional religious habits in favor of secular civilian clothes.

However, the encounter methods triggered far more disruptive impulses than the therapists had anticipated. As one facilitator noted:

> “One of the things we unleashed was sexual energy the kind of thing that the church had been very good at restraining was no longer to be restrained.”

Latent sexuality erupted across the community. One nun embraced her newfound liberation by seducing a classmate and subsequently seducing the reserved older Mistress of Novices during an errand to the store, leaning over in the garage to give her a passionate kiss on the lips. The institutional fallout was immediate and catastrophic: within a single year, approximately 300 nuns—representing more than half the convent—formally petitioned the Vatican to be released from their holy vows. Six months later, the convent shut down entirely. A small faction remained together as radical lesbian nuns, while the vast majority abandoned the religious life altogether; as one former leader put it, they ceased to be nuns and simply became individual persons.

- The experiment took place at the Convent of the Immaculate Heart in Los Angeles, one of America's largest Catholic communities. - Encounter workshops engaged several hundred nuns simultaneously. - Within one year, roughly 300 nuns asked the Vatican to release them from their vows. - The convent officially closed six months later, with some remnants forming a radical lesbian collective and the rest entering secular society.

---

[02:23:29](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=8609s) The Threat to Corporate America and Daniel Yankelovich’s Findings

By the end of the 1960s, encounter culture and the doctrine of self-exploration had escaped the confines of fringe institutes and established a widespread alternative counterculture. This emerging worldview rested entirely on nurturing the autonomous self outside the confines of corrupt corporate and capitalist institutions. Adherents insisted they merely wanted the freedom to discover, express, and live as their true selves. This cultural turn quickly alarmed Corporate America, as these newly transformed individuals failed to behave like predictable, obedient consumers.

The life insurance industry felt the impact first and most acutely, discovering that graduating college students were suddenly refusing to purchase life insurance policies. Seeking an explanation, industry executives commissioned Daniel Yankelovich, the foremost market researcher and social scientist in America who had a background in psychoanalysis. Yankelovich recognized that life insurance had historically depended on the traditional Protestant work ethic—an ethos that demanded sacrificing present desires and income for the long-term future and familial obligation. The new youth culture, by contrast, lived entirely in the experiential present.

```mermaid flowchart LR accTitle: Shift in Consumer Mindset accDescr: Diagram illustrating the shift from Protestant ethic consumers to expressive self consumers. subgraph OldModel ["Traditional Consumer Model"] A["Protestant Ethic"] --> B["Self-Sacrifice & Delayed Gratification"] B --> C["Conformist Purchases (e.g., Life Insurance)"] end subgraph NewModel ["The Expressive Self Model"] D["Human Potential Movement"] --> E["Present-Oriented Self-Discovery"] E --> F["Individuality & Identity Products"] end ```

Corporate leaders had assumed this reluctance was an outgrowth of anti-war political radicalism and ideological hostility to capitalism. Yankelovich’s research showed that this political veneer was secondary:

> “The conventional interpretation the dominant interpretation was that it had to do with political radicalism you know it was clear to us that that was a mask a cover the core of it had to do with self-expressiveness that this preoccupation with the self and the inner self that was what was so important to people the ability to be self-expressive.”

- Daniel Yankelovich was brought in specifically because life insurance sales had dropped drastically among university graduates. - Life insurance had historically relied upon the Protestant ethic of duty, deferred gratification, and self-denial. - Yankelovich demonstrated that political demonstrations and radical rhetoric were merely outward covers for an underlying, consuming obsession with personal self-expression.

---

[02:25:39](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=8739s) Conforming to the Non-Conformists: The New Expressive Consumer

Yankelovich began systematically tracking the behavior and demographic expansion of these expressive selves. He informed corporate clients that these Americans were still consumers, but they flatly rejected mass-produced items designed to signal conventional social status or lock them into traditional class hierarchies. Instead, they demanded products that functioned as authentic extensions of their inner identity and marked their distinct uniqueness against conformist society. The predicament was that American corporations did not manufacture goods tailored for individual non-conformity.

Products had always possessed an underlying emotional value, but consumers now used market purchases to declare personal identity. Whether buying an imported European compact car, a specialized high-fidelity music stereo system, casual clothing, or health and relaxation products, consumers spent money to telegraph their private authenticity to the outside world. Yankelovich explained the phenomenon:

> “These become ways in which people can expend their money in order to say to the world who they are.”

Mainstream manufacturers remained utterly bewildered by what was happening across the market. Major advertising firms set up specialized “operating groups” to crack the psychological code of this emerging demographic. The head of one prominent advertising agency issued an internal memo demanding that his creative staff adapt immediately, instructing them that they had to conform to the new non-conformists by listening to the music of Bob Dylan and frequenting radical theater.

Advertising firms struggled to gather reliable data because the most self-expressive individuals refused to sit in conventional corporate focus groups. Deprived of direct market research, agency creatives were left guessing on their own, churning out offbeat, psychedelic marketing pitches—such as commercials for malted wheat breakfast cereals featuring dancing characters and claiming the product was "way out of sight"—in an awkward bid to monetize countercultural rebellion.

- Yankelovich identified new expressive status symbols, notably small European automobiles, specialized music sound systems, and alternative casual clothing. - Advertising agencies established dedicated "operating groups" to analyze countercultural purchasing psychology. - One ad agency director explicitly circulated a memo stating staff must "conform... to the new non-conformists" and listen to Bob Dylan to understand the new consumer. - Creative directors struggled because self-actualizing consumers routinely boycotted or ignored conventional corporate focus groups.

[02:27:41](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=8861s) The Crisis of Mass Production and Werner Erhard's est

American consumer manufacturing faced a structural crisis in the 1970s. The traditional industrial model relied on mass production, which was profitable only when turning out vast volumes of uniform goods for a conformist society that shared a limited range of desires. However, the rise of an expressive individual self threatened this entire apparatus, because individuals who sought self-expression demanded variety rather than standardization. This threat escalated dramatically when an entrepreneur named Werner Erhard developed a technique to mass-produce this new, self-directed individual on an unprecedented scale through Erhard Seminars Training, commonly known as est.

Erhard gathered hundreds of people into hotel ballrooms for grueling weekend sessions designed to teach them how to discover their authentic selves. The format was rapidly emulated by imitators, including groups like Exegesis in Britain. Although Erhard drew heavily on the human potential movement pioneered at centers like the Esalen Institute, he rejected their foundational belief in an innate, benevolent core self. Erhard argued that believing in a fixed internal essence was simply another arbitrary limitation on personal liberty; in reality, there was no fixed human nature, which meant a person possessed the radical freedom to invent themselves entirely anew.

The training sessions were intense, confrontational, and deliberately destabilizing. Trainees were bound by signed agreements forbidding them to walk out, granting instructors total authority to use whatever harsh psychological pressures they deemed necessary to dismantle social conditioning. Inside the rooms, trainers harangued and bullied attendees, forcing them through physical and emotional ordeals to strip away their socially constructed identities. As one observer explained: “The thesis of the human potential movement was that there was something really good down in there and if you took these layers off what you were going to wind up with was a kernel a something that was innately self-expressive that was the true self that was going to be a wonderful thing in actuality you found people who'd gone to the last layer and took off the last layer and found that what was left was nothing.”

[02:30:28](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=9028s) The Power of Nothingness and the Duty to Self

Where classical existentialism saw the realization of life’s ultimate emptiness as an endpoint, Erhard turned that void into an instrument of personal liberation. est pushed participants past the realization that life was empty and meaningless into the realization that it was *empty and meaningless* that it was empty and meaningless. By stripping away every layer of social expectation, past baggage, and self-imposed rule, participants were reduced to absolute zero. From this blank slate, individuals were told they possessed total creative sovereignty to construct whatever identity and reality they chose.

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: The est Deconstruction Process accDescr: Diagram illustrating Werner Erhard's est methodology from stripping social conditioning down to nothingness, then reconstructing the self. subgraph Deconstruction ["Deconstruction Phase"] A["Socially Constructed Identity"] --> B["Intense Weekend Seminars"] B --> C["Peeling Back Layers"] C --> D["The Void: Meaningless and Empty"] end subgraph Reconstruction ["Reconstruction Phase"] D --> E["The Power of Nothingness"] E --> F["Radical Self-Invention"] F --> G["Duty to the Self Above Society"] end ```

This psychological pivot decoupled personal fulfillment from communal responsibility. Social concerns were cast aside as external baggage; the only thing that mattered was individual self-actualization. Graduates walked away believing that selfishness was no longer a vice, but an ethical obligation. As one commentator observed: “What Erhard did was to say that only the individual matters that there is no societal concern that you living a fulfilled life is all you need be concerned about.” Another echoed: “est people came out of those trainings feeling that it wasn't selfish to think about yourself it was your highest duty.” Celebrities and public figures embraced the movement; pop singer John Denver publicly championed the seminars, explaining: “The training is two weekends, and it was quite an incredible experience in my life, I'll forever be grateful for the experience, I got a great deal out of it.”

- Erhard Seminars Training (est) conducted high-pressure two-weekend programs that attracted hundreds of thousands of Americans in the 1970s. - The training reframed existential emptiness not as despair, but as an unconstrained foundation from which individuals could freely invent their lives. - The ethos explicitly subordinated collective and societal obligations to personal fulfillment and self-centered growth.

[02:33:08](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=9188s) From Revolution to Self-Fulfillment: Jerry Rubin and the Yippies

As est and personal transformation swept mainstream culture, the political rebellion that had originally birthed the counterculture collapsed. The radical movement of the late 1960s had operated on the conviction that personal liberation and political rebellion were inseparable weapons to overturn the power of the state. However, the emerging self-actualization philosophy argued that happiness could be achieved entirely within the boundaries of the self, rendering societal reform irrelevant.

A prominent symbol of this retreat was Jerry Rubin, the former militant leader of the Youth International Party (the Yippies) who had spearheaded the confrontation at the 1968 Chicago Democratic National Convention. By the late 1970s, Rubin had undergone est training, renounced his previous revolutionary stance, and refocused on his personal lifestyle. Rubin reflected candidly on this transition: “I was willing to die and I and I had a martyr complex in a sense I think we all did and I've given up that ideal of sacrifice um and I'm not as um I'm not as overwhelmingly moved by injustice as I was and now we reincarnated ourselves from within.”

Rubin’s transformation reflected a broader migration from collective activism into an insular self-absorption. Fellow Yippie founder Stew Albert watched his former comrade's ideological drift with a mixture of amusement and dismay. Albert observed: “Basically the politics were lost and and and totally replaced by this lifestyle and and then the desire to become deeper and deeper into the self by now a grandiose sense of the self and and my uh good friend and one of the original Yippie founders Jerry Rubin definitely moved in that direction and and I think he was buying into beginning to buy into the notion that he could be happy and fully self-developed on his own.” When challenged that Rubin’s inward turn looked like “socialism in one person,” Albert dryly corrected the premise: “Although that of course is capitalism that's that's the whole joke.”

[02:35:40](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=9340s) The Spread of the 'Me' Decade and the Capitalist Opportunity

Throughout the 1970s, the inward preoccupation expanded from fringe countercultural circles into the American mainstream. Television broadcasts, self-help books, and pop psychologists continuously told ordinary citizens that their primary duty was to shed the past and live for themselves. Figures like Wayne Dyer became ubiquitous media fixtures, preaching everyday self-actualization with affirmations such as: “You ask the question how do you get self-actualized you take this day and you say when I shave every morning I look in that mirror I say to myself I really say this I say nobody is going to ruin this day for you Wayne Dyer nobody.”

Demographers and market researchers tracking the culture were startled by the speed of this psychological shift. In 1970, individuals who prioritized inward self-expression and personal growth made up an estimated 3 to 5 percent of the total population; by 1980, that worldview had expanded to encompass up to 80 percent of the American public. People credited this new mindset with unburdening them from past guilt and helping them build better daily lives. Yet this widespread desire for self-expression posed an immediate practical question: how, exactly, was one supposed to express oneself?

American business leaders quickly realized that this cultural sea change was not a threat to capitalism, but a massive commercial frontier. If millions of consumers insisted on cultivating and expressing an individualized identity, corporations could step in to supply the goods, services, and lifestyles required for that self-expression. To do so, businesses needed to penetrate consumers' minds to decode what these newly self-directed individuals wanted and how to sell it to them.

[02:37:16](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=9436s) Stanford Research Institute and Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs

The breakthrough tool to quantify and exploit these new consumer desires came not from the advertising agencies of Madison Avenue, but from the Stanford Research Institute (SRI) in Menlo Park, California. SRI was one of the nation’s preeminent scientific and corporate consulting institutions, having done pioneer work on computing and defense contracts, including early research for the Department of Defense on what would later become the Strategic Defense Initiative ("Star Wars"). In 1978, a multidisciplinary group of economists and psychologists at SRI launched a project to read, measure, and cater to this unpredictable consumer market.

```mermaid flowchart LR accTitle: SRI Adaptation of Maslow's Model accDescr: Flowchart illustrating how SRI took Abraham Maslow's hierarchy of needs and turned it into market segmentation. subgraph Psychology ["Humanistic Psychology"] M1["Hierarchy of Needs"] --> M2["Self-Actualization Peak"] end subgraph MarketScience ["SRI Commercial Application"] M2 --> S1["Psychological Questionnaire"] S1 --> S2["Values & Desires Categorization"] S2 --> S3["Targeted Product Segmentation"] end ```

To categorize this new population, SRI turned to the psychological frameworks formulated within the human potential movement, specifically Abraham Maslow’s hierarchy of needs. Observing human potential practices at Esalen, Maslow had proposed that human beings advance through developmental stages, culminating at the pinnacle in "self-actualization"—a state where an individual becomes fully autonomous, inwardly directed, and independent of societal conditioning. The SRI team recognized that Maslow’s psychological stages could replace traditional social-class classifications as a superior method for segmenting consumers.

SRI developed an extensive survey containing hundreds of deep, probing questions about values, emotional drives, and self-perception to test how the public aligned with Maslow's categories. One of the SRI researchers summarized the industrial necessity behind the project: “We were basically telling manufacturers if you're really going to satisfy not just the basic needs but individuated wants whims and desires of of more highly developed human beings you're going to have to segment you're going to have to individuate.”

- SRI operated on the corporate tenet that "what gets measured gets done," seeking a rigorous quantitative instrument to map inner personal values. - Abraham Maslow's concept of self-actualization was transformed from a humanistic psychological goal into a blueprint for psychographic market research. - Large-scale surveying was outsourced to professional polling agencies to systematically map the emotional profiles and consumption motivations of the modern expressive individual.

[02:39:48](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=9588s) The Birth of VALS: Mapping Inner-Directed Lifestyles

When market researchers at the Stanford Research Institute (SRI) mailed out their comprehensive questionnaires, the public response defied all standard market research conventions. Typically, survey administrators had to dispatch multiple reminders over six weeks followed by phone calls to secure decent return rates. With this project, SRI sent a single postcard and achieved an astounding 86 percent return rate. Respondents were so enraptured by the experience of examining their inner lives that several attached notes asking whether SRI had additional questionnaires they could complete. The survey had invited them to articulate deeply personal questions they had never before considered: what they felt inside, what truly motivated them, and what gave their lives meaning.

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: The VALS Typology and Market Translation accDescr: Flowchart showing how Maslow's hierarchy led to the VALS categories and lifestyle marketing. subgraph Psychology ["Maslow's Hierarchy of Needs"] A["Traditional Needs (Status, Money)"] --> B["Self-Actualization"] end subgraph VALS ["SRI's VALS System"] B --> C["Inner-Directed Types"] C --> D["I-Am-Me's (Inventing Standards)"] C --> E["Experientials (Growth via Activity)"] end subgraph Application ["Commercial Application"] D & E --> F["Lifestyle Marketing"] F --> G["Predictive Consumer Choices"] end ```

When computer analyses mapped the responses, researchers discovered clear underlying patterns that corresponded directly to Abraham Maslow’s hierarchy of needs. At the summit of this hierarchy sat a rapidly expanding cohort that cut entirely across traditional socioeconomic divisions, labeled by SRI as the "inner-directeds." Unlike older generations, these individuals did not define themselves by their social position, occupation, or inherited status, but by their autonomous personal choices. Crucially, SRI realized that while these individuals believed their self-expression was uniquely personal and boundless, it actually coalesced into distinct, identifiable patterns of behavior.

SRI synthesized these behavioral clusters under the newly minted term "lifestyles," creating the Values and Lifestyles system, known as VALS. At the leading edge of this cultural shift were three inner-directed subcategories for whom internal fulfillment superseded conventional wealth or prestige: - **I-Am-Me’s**: Exemplified by individuals like Rob, who rejected inherited traditions to forge his own standards—even reinventing his surname as "Rob Knous." - **Experientials**: Represented by figures like Jody, who pursued personal transformation and inner growth through direct engagement, outdoor activities, and hands-on hobbies using gear and simple possessions that carried premium price tags. - **The Ambivalent Participant**: Exemplified by an independent bookseller who frankly observed that while he operated as a businessman selling books, “it doesn't necessarily mean that I believe in capitalism, it just happens to be what I'm doing now.”

---

[02:42:36](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=9756s) Lifestyle Marketing and the Power of Predictive Values

To make the VALS system commercially operational, SRI distilled the survey into a streamlined diagnostic questionnaire featuring thirty key questions. This concise instrument allowed researchers to immediately classify any respondent into one of roughly a dozen distinct lifestyle groups. For corporate clients, this offered an unprecedented strategic breakthrough. Businesses were no longer forced to gauge their audience solely by static demographic variables such as chronological age, gender, geographic location, or gross income. Instead, they could uncover the psychological currents and core values that drove consumer decisions.

By deciphering the specific value orientation of each consumer category, manufacturers and advertising agencies could design and position products to serve as tangible emblems of self-expression. Corporate strategists could now forecast with remarkable precision what style of house an individual would buy, what car they would drive, and which goods they would view as an authentic extension of their identity. If an emerging product matched the internal self-image of a VALS cluster, that group would reliably embrace it.

As one researcher explained the shift away from old-style behavioral tracking: > “Most of marketing was looking at people's actions and trying to figure out what to do, but what we were doing is we were trying to look more into people's underlying values so that we could predict what is their lifestyle, what kind of house do they live in, what kind of car do they drive.”

This predictive capability transformed the corporate marketplace, establishing the era of lifestyle marketing. Yet the architects of VALS soon realized that their model possessed an even more consequential utility: it could forecast not only the products that self-actualizing consumers would purchase on store shelves, but also the political leaders they would choose to install in public office.

---

[02:44:07](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=9847s) Reagan, Thatcher, and the Unexpected Rise of Conservative Individualism

In 1980, Ronald Reagan launched his campaign for the United States presidency by offering an explicit endorsement of the new individualism, positioning his platform as a direct repudiation of fifty years of federal regulatory oversight and centralized state intervention. When Reagan's speechwriters crafted an address built around dismantling the power of judges, federal bureaucrats, and Washington planners, Reagan selected the title "Let the People Rule"—framing his campaign as a crusade to wrest sovereignty back from a distant political establishment and return autonomy to the individual citizen.

Reagan took this message directly to voters on the campaign trail, declaring: > “I would like to take the lead in taking government off the backs of the American people and turning you loose to do what I know you can do so well.”

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Political Alignment of the Inner-Directed Voter accDescr: Diagram showing how conservative rhetoric matched the psychology of inner-directed voters. subgraph Rhetoric ["New Right Political Rhetoric"] R1["Ronald Reagan: 'Get government off your backs'"] R2["Margaret Thatcher: Free the individual"] end subgraph Psychology ["VALS Inner-Directed Cohort"] P1["Value personal autonomy"] P2["Resent institutional constraints"] P3["Cut across traditional class lines"] end subgraph Outcome ["Political Shift"] Rhetoric --> Psychology Psychology --> E["Decisive electoral victories in US and UK"] end ```

The strategy appeared deeply reckless to orthodox political observers. Moderate Republicans warned that running against established governance was electoral suicide, President Jimmy Carter dismissed the rhetoric as ridiculous, and the national press corps remained openly skeptical. However, early polling in the critical New Hampshire primary revealed strong, widespread support. Traditional pollsters were baffled by this eclectic mosaic of voters, as Reagan’s coalition failed to match standard demographic metrics of age, gender, or social class.

The researchers at SRI, who were monitoring the political landscape in both the United States and Great Britain, recognized what conventional analysts had missed: - Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan were employing language centered on individual liberty, self-reliance, and autonomy that resonated deeply with the self-actualizing, "inner-directed" demographic at the apex of the VALS hierarchy. - Established political scientists dismissed SRI's hypothesis, arguing that because inner-directeds were socially conscious and progressive, they would never cast ballots for conservative Republicans or Tories. - When SRI conducted direct voter surveys correlating psychological categories with voting intentions, the results vindicated the VALS framework: inner-directeds overwhelmingly intended to back Reagan and Thatcher. - Because these voters were invisible to classic demographic polling—residing across every socioeconomic strata—only value-oriented diagnostic questions could detect their decisive shift to the political right.

One of the project’s researchers reflected on the disbelief of his peers: > “A lot of our colleagues said, ‘That's absolutely ridiculous, because inner-directeds are very socially aware, very socially concerned, they'll never vote conservative or they'll never vote for the Republicans.’ But we said, ‘If Thatcher and Reagan continue to appeal to them in this way, they really will.’”

---

[02:48:21](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=10101s) The New Economy and "Unpeeling the Onion"

When Ronald Reagan was inaugurated in early 1981, he inherited a profound national economic crisis marked by severe, protracted inflation and the structural decline of traditional heavy industry, which had left millions of industrial workers unemployed. Rather than deploying the federal government to intervene, subsidize, or provide direct relief as every postwar administration had done before him, Reagan reiterated his foundational philosophy during his inaugural address:

> “In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem; government is the problem.”

The revival of the American economy would not emerge from public works, centralized industrial policy, or traditional New Deal-style intervention. Instead, the engine of recovery proved to be the burgeoning consumer appetite of the self-actualizing individuals categorized by VALS. Their demands for self-expression, identity-affirming goods, and differentiated services formed the bedrock of what economists soon termed the "new economy."

To cater to this psychological consumer base, corporate market researchers refined deep-probing interview methods designed to strip away conventional conversational barriers. In product focus groups—such as sessions evaluating consumer attitudes toward V8 vegetable juice—interviewers bypassed surface-level responses about health and taste by relentlessly repeating a sequence of probing queries: - Researchers asked participants: "What do you want? What do you really want? What do you want that for?" - This iterative interrogation pressured subjects to drop their rehearsed public defenses and reveal their innermost emotional needs. - Market researchers explicitly compared this interview strategy to "unpeeling the onion," methodically stripping back an individual's protective social layers until their primary internal motivations were laid bare for corporate exploitation.

[02:50:03](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=10203s) VALS, Focus Groups, and the Commodification of the Rebel Self

Following the invention of the VALS (Values and Lifestyles) segmentation model, a massive industry of psychological market research expanded rapidly across corporate America. To delve beneath surface behaviors and beliefs into the core of the self, researchers repurposed the focus group. Originally developed by Freudian psychoanalysts in the 1950s, the early focus group had been designed for a modest goal: uncovering ways to persuade consumers to purchase a limited lineup of standardized, mass-produced items. Now, marketers retooled the technique to probe the interior emotional lives of distinct lifestyle demographics, using those psychological findings to design entire product lines that offered people a vehicle to express their personal uniqueness.

Paradoxically, the countercultural generation that had spent the late 1960s rebelling against corporate conformity ended up wholeheartedly embracing consumerism. Buying goods became the primary mechanism through which they asserted their own identity. Capitalism responded by validating their philosophy, telling them that the self was infinite and malleable, and manufacturing products—from designer Gloria Vanderbilt jeans in denim, silk, and cotton to personal computers and boutique restaurant experiences—marketed as tools for personal self-realization. Identity was no longer something forged through social struggle or collective action; it was something purchased off a shelf.

Sociologist Robert Bellah observed how this shift fundamentally inverted the ethos of the protest era: “So the notion that you could buy an identity replaced the original movement notion that you were perfectly free to create an identity and you were perfectly free to change the world and make the world anything you wanted it to be.” Activist Peter Coyote similarly recalled the seduction of this commercial turn: “What capitalism managed to do that was brilliant was to actually create products that people like me would be interested in, that people like Jerry Rubin would be interested in.”

- Focus groups shifted from selling identical mass goods to eliciting personal sentiments for bespoke product creation. - Activists who once viewed consumerism as an agent of social regimentation adopted it as an engine for self-actualization. - Products transformed into lifestyle badges symbolizing hipness, coolness, and moral values.

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Evolution of Consumer Identity accDescr: Diagram showing the shift from 1950s mass consumption to 1980s lifestyle identity branding. subgraph MassEra["1950s Mass Consumption"] A["Freudian Focus Groups"] --> B["Mass-Produced Goods"] B --> C["Conformist Consumer"] end subgraph IdentityEra["1980s Lifestyle Segmentation"] D["VALS Research"] --> E["Computerized Short-Run Production"] E --> F["Lifestyle Branding & Goods"] F --> G["Self-Expressive Individual"] end MassEra -.->|"Transformed into"| IdentityEra ```

---

[02:52:27](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=10347s) Flexible Production and the Triumph of the Self-Indulgent Consumer

This explosion of personalized consumer demand aligned seamlessly with a technological revolution on the factory floor. Computerized manufacturing eliminated the rigid economies of scale that had defined early twentieth-century assembly lines, allowing corporations to run small, flexible batches of specialized goods at low cost. The specter of overproduction that had haunted American business since the Industrial Revolution—the constant dread that supply would eventually outpace domestic demand and saturate the market—vanished entirely. With the emergence of the self-expressive consumer, human appetite ceased to be finite.

Because consumers were no longer buying products merely to satisfy physical needs, but rather to construct and continually update their personal identities, demand became limitless. Sociologists and market analysts noted that economies entered an era of boundless horizons, sparking a sustained economic boom that revitalized American capitalism. Yet this liberation carried a profound catch: while individuals believed they were casting off social constraints, they had actually surrendered their autonomy to corporate product designers. Rebellious individualism had ceased to be a threat to the established economic order; instead, it had become corporate capitalism’s most lucrative engine.

Robert Bellah reflected on the ideological consequence of viewing human purpose strictly through consumption: “Indeed the ultimate ending point of that logic is that there is no society, there is only a bunch of individual people making individual choices to promote their own individual well-being.”

- Computerized manufacturing ended the structural threat of overproduction by enabling cost-effective short-run production. - Market models transitioned from filling finite material needs to servicing infinite, evolving identity demands. - The psychological crusade for personal liberation ended up tethering individual self-worth directly to commercial brands.

---

[02:55:15](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=10515s) Part Four Introduction: The Left Embraces the Politics of the Self

The overarching story of modern democratic society has been the ascendance of the self—the conviction that satisfying individual yearnings and subjective feelings is life's ultimate goal. In earlier decades, corporate leaders deployed Freudian insights to map the unconscious mind and satisfy it with consumer goods. The concluding chapter of this trajectory examines how this commercial framework migrated directly into the political realm, transforming governance in Britain and the United States.

Faced with long stretches in the political wilderness during the 1980s, center-left parties—the Democrats under Bill Clinton and the Labour Party under Tony Blair—sought a way back into power by adopting the psychological marketing toolkits of private industry. Eager to connect with a fragmented, self-absorbed electorate, political strategists believed they were forging an enlightened, hyper-responsive model of democracy that listened to citizens’ innermost emotional needs. However, the politicians failed to grasp that these psychological mechanisms were never invented to liberate the populace; they were engineered from the beginning to manage and pacify mass electorates.

As the narrator summarizes regarding the political pivot: “They believed that they were creating a new and better form of democracy, one that truly responded to the inner feelings of individuals.”

- Left-of-center parties in the US and UK abandoned traditional collective appeals to adopt corporate consumer research. - Political polling and strategy were retooled to treat voters as self-interested consumers rather than collective civic actors. - Techniques initially devised for corporate social control were mistaken by political reformers for instruments of democratic empowerment.

---

[02:57:21](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=10641s) Edward Bernays and the Birth of Unconscious Consumer Desire

The intellectual foundation of this consumerist democracy reaches back to 1920s America and Sigmund Freud’s nephew, Edward Bernays. A founding pioneer of modern public relations, Bernays took his uncle’s psychoanalytic theories—specifically the notion that human behavior is propelled by hidden, irrational sexual and aggressive drives—and operationalized them for corporate clients. Bernays instructed businesses that they could dramatically expand sales if they stopped presenting merchandise merely as utilitarian items addressing physical needs, and instead framed them as emotional symbols tied to hidden psychological desires.

Under Bernays’s strategy, everyday commodities like soap or flour were transformed into psychological totems promising sexual attractiveness, social esteem, and relief from anxiety. By the 1980s, Bernays’s early doctrine had matured into a sophisticated corporate research infrastructure anchored by the focus group, where facilitators encouraged participants to vent their neuroses and longings just as patients would on an analyst's couch. Approaching his centennial, Bernays remained a revered patriarch within the marketing community, unabashedly candid about using prestige and psychological manipulation to sway public opinion.

Historian Stuart Ewen described the far-reaching influence Bernays exerted over twentieth-century culture: “The powerful people in that world are those people who are capable of reading the public mind and giving the public what it wants in those terms, and Bernays was at the heart of it.” During an interview with Ewen, an aging Bernays bluntly confirmed his manipulative methodology when asked why he insisted on using the honorific title of doctor: “We're dealing with really is the concept that people will believe me more if you call me doctor.”

- Edward Bernays pioneered connecting unconscious Freudian impulses to mass consumer marketing. - Utilitarian goods were repositioned as emotional remedies for hidden social and sexual anxieties. - The focus group emerged as a corporate counterpart to psychoanalysis, mining participant confessions to guide product development.

---

[03:00:14](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=10814s) British Patrician Elites and Class-Based Market Research

While psychological consumer targeting swept through American commerce, Britain remained culturally resistant to pandering to the populace. The British establishment, long characterized by an aristocratic and patrician mindset, operated on the assumption that elites knew what was best for the public. This paternalistic attitude was epitomized by the executives at the BBC. Through the 1960s, BBC programmers openly dismissed light entertainment as mere "groundbait"—sugarcoating designed solely to draw working-class audiences in so they could be exposed to high-minded, serious broadcasts that would elevate their moral and cultural literacy.

British market research mirrored this rigid class structure. Rather than probing psychological states, values, or hidden emotional wounds, British researchers classified the population into strict demographic social grades: A, B, C1, C2, D, and E. Market research footage shows investigators evaluating subjects purely through external class signifiers, such as luggage handling, whether a woman set her own hair, or whether a father held a skilled trade apprenticeship. Polling in both business and politics remained confined to direct, factual questions about functional preferences, treating citizens as predictable components of their socio-economic strata rather than as complex, emotionally driven individuals.

A vintage market researcher captured this diagnostic British mindset while analyzing a family's class status on film: “I think the lady possibly sets her own hair, which is always an indication.” The narrator contrasts this with the emerging American psychological approach: “When people were asked their opinion about both products and politics, they were selected by social class and asked only strictly factual questions about what they thought.”

- British institutions historically maintained a paternalistic distrust of catering directly to mass public appetites. - The BBC used popular programming as "groundbait" to lure viewers into watching highbrow educational content. - Market research in the UK relied on strict demographic grades (A through E) defined by visible class habits and manual trade qualifications rather than interior psychological desires.

[03:01:42](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=10902s) Polling, Elitism, and the Arrival of American Focus Groups

In mid-1970s Britain, the prevailing political establishment viewed direct inquiry into the desires and feelings of the public with profound suspicion. Traditional door-to-door canvassing asked voters who they thought would win and which party they planned to support, but political elites fundamentally rejected the notion that governing meant tailoring policy to popular emotional appetite. To ruling elites, asking people what they personally felt and desired—and then promising to deliver it—threatened the core paternalistic conviction that leaders knew what was objectively best for the country. Observers noted that while political polling had become routine in the United States to gauge the public mood and provide voters with what they wanted rather than what leaders felt they ought to have, in Britain this practice was viewed by the establishment as dangerous demagoguery rather than authentic democracy.

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Shift from Elite Paternalism to Psychological Consumer Research accDescr: Diagram showing how Britain's mid-1970s economic recession forced industry to abandon patrician assumptions and adopt American psychoanalytic focus groups. subgraph Paternalism["Traditional Paternalism"] A["Ruling Elites Decide Best Interests"] --> B["Ignore Consumer & Voter Inner Desires"] end subgraph Crisis["Economic Shock"] C["Mid-1970s Recession & Falling Sales"] end subgraph PsychologicalFocus["Psychological Consumer Research"] D["American Focus Group Leaders"] --> E["Role-playing & Projective Exercises"] E --> F["Uncover Subconscious Emotional Bonds"] end B --> C C --> D ```

This resistance collapsed when economic reality intervened during the mid-1970s recession. With British consumer spending falling precipitously, corporate advertisers warned manufacturing firms that survival required tapping directly into the subconscious psychological impulses driving consumer purchases. British agencies began importing American specialists to lead psychoanalytic focus groups with ordinary British housewives. Rather than seeking a collective consensus, facilitators pushed participants to speak as distinct individuals. In group sessions, housewives were instructed to let their imaginations run completely wild—likened to the free-association thinking that had birthed inventions such as instant coffee—and were assigned to act out the identities of inanimate household products, from kitchen sinks to car seat belts. A participant playing a kitchen sink confessed a deep revulsion toward grease and a visceral need to feel clean, while another, tasked with scrubbing her, described the physical routine of cloth, scouring powder, and copious water, finding an emotional sense of duty and moral satisfaction in the chore.

- When asked about American-style polling that catered to public desire over elite guidance, a political commentator cautioned: “I don't know it's very dangerous ground I think though when polls are used in that way.” - Focus group facilitators told British housewives to discard social conformity: “Everyone is a unique person and even though you're a group of 10 today we don't want a group opinion and we want to know your ideas and your thoughts no matter how crazy it might be please let your imagination run wild because that's how very crazy things like instant coffee got born.”

[03:04:45](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=11085s) Margaret Thatcher and the Ascendance of Market Individualism

A decisive political transformation accompanied this commercial shift with the rise of Margaret Thatcher. Thatcher vehemently repudiated the post-war collectivist consensus and socialist planning, arguing that individuals should not be treated as standardized numbers in a state apparatus. In her political philosophy, individual choice, private property, and the free market were the only moral foundations for a dynamic society. The state was to be recast as the servant of citizens rather than their master. In Thatcher’s vision, the collective needs of the nation were superseded by the diverse wants, choices, and ambitions of millions of private consumers operating within an unregulated marketplace.

With Thatcher’s election in 1979, the marketing and advertising sectors found themselves perfectly aligned with the governing ideology of the state. Market research was no longer merely a commercial technique; it was the mechanism for discovering what British citizens truly wanted so the market could supply it. Focus groups expanded rapidly across commerce, borrowing methodologies directly from psychotherapy. Facilitators handed consumers crayons and blank sheets of paper, asking them to draw subconscious associations. When investigating perceptions of Guinness, researchers discovered that male consumers visualized the rich, dark stout as a voluptuous, feminine presence, comparing the brand's personality to contemporary media figures lounging in bed surrounded by chocolates and magazines like a 1950s starlet.

- Articulating her central doctrine of individualism, Margaret Thatcher declared: “A man's right to work as he will to spend what he earns to own property to have the state as servant and not as Master they are the essence of a free economy and on that freedom all our other freedoms depend.” - Rejecting the socialist ethos of egalitarianism, Thatcher insisted: “We're all unequal no one thank heavens is quite like anyone else however much the Socialists may intend otherwise and we believe that everyone has the right to be unequal but to us every human being is equally important.”

[03:07:12](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=11232s) The New Consumer Tribes and Matthew Freud’s PR Machine

Market researchers quickly identified an emergent social phenomenon among first-time Conservative voters in the 1979 election: an intense desire to escape class identity and assert distinct personal individuality through consumer goods. Rather than identifying as members of the traditional working or middle classes, consumers sought to define their uniqueness through high-status domestic purchases, such as expensive Italian interior decor, deliberately chosen to ensure their homes looked unlike anyone else's in the neighborhood. British manufacturing reoriented its entire production lines to feed this desire for differentiation. Social theorists and market strategists dismantled traditional demographic class categories (A, B, C1, C2, D, E) and replaced them with psychological typologies based on internal needs:

| Psychological Category | Core Motivating Need | |:--- |:--- | | **Mainstreamers** | Security and belonging | | **Aspirers** | Status and esteem of others | | **Succeeders** | Control | | **Reformers** | Self-esteem |

This commercial philosophy swiftly invaded traditional institutions once guarded by an aloof patrician elite, transforming the British press through modern public relations. Long dismissed as a seedy, disreputable trade, PR was remade into a glamorous, high-powered industry led by figures such as Matthew Freud, son of Liberal MP Clement Freud and great-grandson of Sigmund Freud. Freud discovered that celebrity culture could be weaponized to penetrate editorial newspaper columns. In exchange for granting newspapers exclusive access to high-profile celebrities like model Caprice Bourret, PR agencies enforced rigid contractual conditions dictated by corporate clients: journalists were required to explicitly mention brands such as Pizza Hut multiple times in specific paragraphs, display company logos at predetermined sizes, and run staged photos of the celebrity eating the client's stuffed crust pizza.

- Capturing the mood of consumer self-definition, one buyer explained their interior design choices: “We just didn't want it be the same as everybody else we just want to be different.” - Describing the rigid contractual terms forced on journalists, an interviewee noted: “There was no choice about how you would run this article in the press you were effectively told how to run the article in the press by Freuds.”

[03:10:45](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=11445s) Murdoch, the Media War, and the Individual at the Center

Traditional Fleet Street journalists viewed the intrusion of corporate product placement and celebrity management into editorial copy as an outright corruption of their profession. Yet for Margaret Thatcher’s prominent media allies, chief among them Rupert Murdoch, proprietor of *The Sun* and *The Times*, catering shamelessly to mass consumer desires was an egalitarian crusade. Murdoch aggressively defended the populist appeal of his tabloids, framing high-minded journalistic standards as hypocritical snobbery designed to withhold media influence from ordinary people. During public debates, Murdoch lambasted the BBC as an arrogant, elitist institution that secretly deployed sensationalism and scheduling tricks, such as airing provocative episodes of *Star Trek*, simply to lure audiences into solemn patrician programming.

By the close of the 1980s, the combined forces of Thatcherite politics, corporate focus groups, and Rupert Murdoch’s populist media had thoroughly upended British public life. The desires, feelings, and impulses of the private individual had been moved from the periphery of society directly to its center, mirroring the very cultural and economic revolution that Ronald Reagan had simultaneously orchestrated across the Atlantic.

- Rupert Murdoch struck back at paternalistic critics by asserting: “They hate to see someone communicating with the masses they feel that newspapers the written word is not for the masses that should be left to television or perhaps to nobody.” - Criticizing what he perceived as high-minded hypocrisy, Murdoch remarked of his critics: “It was typical piece of slanting and elitism by the BBC who after all in order to get viewers for this program and put on a very sexy episode of Star Trek just which I was watching out in the room there.”

[03:12:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=11520s) The Triumph of Unconscious Desire in Reagan and Thatcher's Politics

In both Britain and the United States, Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan reshaped the social contract by encouraging private enterprise to take over government's traditional role of providing for the public. Under this conservative transformation, citizens were reconditioned to perceive themselves primarily as consumers whose immediate personal desires represented the highest priority. While Thatcher and Reagan celebrated this market dominance as an advanced, liberating form of democracy, their opponents across the political left viewed it as a dangerous capitulation that unleashed the most self-absorbed, avaricious impulses of human nature.

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Ideological Shift in Governance accDescr: Diagram illustrating the shift from collective political mobilization to individual consumer satisfaction.

subgraph LeftWing["Traditional Collective Model"] A["FDR & Post-War Left"] --> B["Collective Identity & Common Good"] B --> C["Regulation, Welfare & Public Institutions"] end

subgraph RightWing["Reagan & Thatcher Consumer Model"] D["Free Market Economic Philosophy"] --> E["Individual as Autonomous Consumer"] E --> F["Appeal to Unconscious Desires & Tax Relief"] end

LeftWing -.->|"Challenged by 1980s individualist turn"| RightWing ```

This market ethos was grounded in a view of human motivation that traced directly back to early twentieth-century Freudian theory and Edward Bernays's techniques of public relations. People were no longer addressed as rational, calculating citizens debating the common good, but as isolated, emotional creatures driven by subconscious appetites. As an interviewee explains: “The assumptions that we are, in terms of our rational minds, we're little corks bobbing around on this great sea of hopes and fears and desires of which we are only dimly aware, and that the role of a marketer, the role of somebody selling something, including a politician, is to appeal to this great swamp of unconscious desire.”

- Thatcher and Reagan established personal satisfaction, happiness, and individual well-being as the primary criteria of political and social judgment. - Politics adopted the commercial assumptions of advertising, treating the voter's emotional and psychological cravings as instincts to be managed and gratified.

---

[03:13:46](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=11626s) The Collective Ideal of the Left: From FDR to Post-War Britain

For five decades, the political left had operated on the opposite principle: that a decent society could only be built if people looked past their narrow emotional anxieties and recognized their collective interests. This philosophy was forged in the catastrophe of the 1930s Great Depression, when Franklin D. Roosevelt famously rallied a paralyzed nation in his inaugural address: “Let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself—nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.” Roosevelt confronted the devastation of the Wall Street Crash by uniting Americans in trade unions, establishing consumer protection groups, and erecting a welfare safety net designed to counterbalance the unregulated excesses of corporate capitalism.

During the 1980s, the inheritors of Roosevelt's New Deal found themselves powerless as Reagan systematically dismantled this communal consciousness. Critics passionately confronted Reagan with the human cost of his cuts, pointing out the misery in Chicago's homeless shelters and the struggles of impoverished mothers whose food assistance had been slashed to finance tax cuts for millionaires and defense spending. Yet Reagan succeeded in recasting selfishness as personal virtue. As one observer reflects on Reagan's political genius: “The worst thing Ronald Reagan did was to make the denial of compassion respectable.” By speaking with warmth and benign reassurance, Reagan told voters that they had earned their money through hard work and had no moral obligation to feel guilty about refusing to support those who supposedly chose not to work.

A parallel collective ethos had brought Clement Attlee’s Labour Party to power in post-war Britain, where the shared sacrifice, comradeship, and mutual suffering of the Second World War inspired the creation of the National Health Service and a comprehensive welfare state. But by the 1980s, that post-war solidarity had collapsed. British voters abandoned Labour in droves, turning whole swaths of the country blue as Margaret Thatcher's Conservatives won sweeping election victories.

---

[03:16:41](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=11801s) Philip Gould and the Crisis of the Labour Party

Confronted with consecutive election defeats throughout the 1980s, modernizers within the Labour Party concluded that the party was facing permanent irrelevance unless it adapted to the new reality of Thatcherite individualism. Chief among them was Philip Gould, an advertising executive and passionate, lifelong Labour supporter. Gould believed that Labour’s upper hierarchy was crippled by an entrenched patrician elitism that held ordinary working-class ambitions in contempt.

Gould recalled having dinner after Labour's disastrous 1983 general election defeat with a senior party figure and his wife, an encounter that crystallized the leadership's deep alienation from the electorate. As Gould recounts: “And his wife said, 'God, these working-class people, these working-class people, they just, you know, we give them education, we give them chances in life, what do they do? They read *The Sun* and they just don't vote for us.'” To Gould, this revealed a fatal chasm between an aloof, moralizing party establishment and ordinary people who simply wanted to improve their material lives. Gould allied himself with a core group of modernizers, centered around Labour's director of communications Peter Mandelson, who were determined to tear down this traditionalism and reconnect with the voters Labour had lost.

- In the 1983 election, Labour suffered one of its worst historical defeats, failing to grasp why former supporters turned to the Conservatives. - Gould identified a pervasive culture of paternalism within Labour that patronized voters rather than understanding their changing values. - The modernizing faction around Mandelson and Gould resolved to transform Labour's political approach from top-down moralizing to voter-centered communication.

---

[03:18:37](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=11917s) The Focus Group and the Rise of the Consumer-Citizen

To understand the minds of these defecting voters, Philip Gould imported commercial market research techniques into British politics, specifically the consumer focus group. He convened sessions across suburban Britain with former Labour supporters who had crossed over to vote for Margaret Thatcher. Participants were instructed to bypass formal party policy debates and instead speak freely about their underlying emotions, personal priorities, and frustrations.

The focus groups uncovered a fundamental psychological transformation in the British electorate. Voters no longer identified as members of a collective working class or trade union; instead, they viewed politics through the lens of individual consumer power, expecting public services to deliver direct value in return for their taxes. Reflecting on these findings, Philip Gould explains: “All this was about getting the Labour Party to understand that people really, really, really had changed, and the Labour Party had not; unless the Labour Party changed, it would not win.”

- Focus group participants demanded that politics function on their own terms, seeing themselves as autonomous individuals entitled to quality in public healthcare and schooling just as they expected quality when shopping at Tesco. - Gould insisted that Labour had to make serious policy concessions to these "new aspirational classes" if it ever hoped to govern again. - The findings provoked fierce internal resistance from Labour traditionalists who regarded tailoring policy to consumer self-interest as a betrayal of socialist values.

---

[03:20:02](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=12002s) The 1992 Election and the Illusion of the Polls

The clash between Gould’s modernizing strategy and Labour’s traditional socialism reached a climax during the preparations for the 1992 general election. Gould warned that Labour could only win if it promised not to raise taxes. However, Shadow Chancellor John Smith flatly rejected the advice, insisting that Labour fight the campaign on its core principles: raising taxes on higher earners to fund better public services and forge a fairer society.

When the election campaign opened, public opinion polls seemed to vindicate Smith and prove Gould wrong. Poll after poll showed Labour consistently ahead, while John Major’s Conservative campaign was widely derided in the media for obsessively hammering on a single theme: that a Labour government would mean crippling tax hikes. Press conferences grew testy, and journalists concluded that the Conservatives were losing control of the race. Labour’s campaign team was convinced of victory, culminating in a triumphant rally introducing Neil Kinnock as the next Prime Minister and John Smith as Chancellor, believing that modern presentation alone was enough to win while preserving old socialist tax policies.

```mermaid flowchart LR accTitle: The 1992 UK Election Polling Illusion accDescr: Comparison of public polling data showing Labour leading versus confidential focus group data showing hidden Conservative support.

subgraph TraditionalPolling["Published Opinion Polls"] P1["Respondents report Labour vote"] P2["Labour consistently 5 points ahead"] P3["Media predicts Conservative defeat"] P1 --> P2 --> P3 end

subgraph FocusGroupReality["Suburban Focus Groups"] F1["Voters harbor private economic anxieties"] F2["Shy Tories embarrassed to admit self-interest"] F3["Gould & Major secretly detect Tory lead"] F1 --> F2 --> F3 end ```

Behind the scenes, Gould was certain that Labour was heading toward defeat. His suburban focus groups revealed a phenomenon that conventional quantitative polling missed entirely: voters who told pollsters they planned to vote Labour were privately intending to vote Conservative to protect their household finances, yet were too embarrassed to admit their self-interest openly. Prime Minister John Major was equally aware of this hidden sentiment, as Conservative focus groups registered the exact same reluctance. When a reporter questioned Major about a poll putting Labour five points ahead, Major dismissively replied: “It's the daily feel out on the streets that matters to you.” Major maintained that on the ground, the street-level mood had been running surprisingly in his favor.

[03:22:55](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=12175s) John Major’s Victory and the Rejection of Modernisers in the Labour Party

The unexpected Conservative victory under John Major in the 1992 UK general election defied public opinion polls and delivered a devastating blow to the Labour Party. Within Labour, a small group of reformers centered around Peter Mandelson and Philip Gould believed that the only path forward was radical change: the party had to overhaul its core policies to survive in modern Britain. However, their arguments were roundly rejected by John Smith, who took over as party leader and opted to preserve traditional party commitments. Dispirited and sidelined, Gould chose to leave Britain to join the 1992 presidential campaign of Arkansas Governor Bill Clinton in the United States.

Gould recalled the intense emotional toll of the British defeat, describing a pervasive climate of exhaustion and demoralization among his colleagues. Transitioning from that bleak atmosphere to the energetic Clinton operation in America proved to be an eye-opening revelation for him. In the Clinton camp, political operatives were already putting into practice the very concepts Gould had struggled to articulate within his own party. In campaign stops across early primary states like New Hampshire, Clinton made direct appeals designed to resonate with middle-class grievances, promising to reclaim their economic standing and restore the American Dream.

Recalling the psychological atmosphere following the defeat in Britain, Philip Gould said: “The 1992 election, during it and afterwards, people felt under great strain and really did feel demoralized and dejected, and then to go from this to the Clinton campaign, it was an extraordinary experience, because here suddenly I found articulated many of the ideas that I'd had, but not fully myself been able to encapsulate or to articulate.”

[03:24:12](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=12252s) Focus Groups, the Forgotten Middle Class, and Reactive Politics

Working inside the Clinton campaign, Gould discovered that American Democrats were heavily utilizing focus groups with suburban swing voters—a method Labour had explored, but with a critical difference. While Labour had hesitated to reshape its core identity, Bill Clinton was fully prepared to tailor his policy platform to match the explicit desires of these swing voters. Foremost among their concerns was an intense hostility toward taxation: voters harbored a fierce conviction that public money should strictly benefit their own families, rather than fund welfare programs for others whom they viewed as non-productive.

To capture this demographic, Clinton’s strategists made targeted tax relief for the suburban middle class a central campaign pillar. The campaign relied on focus groups at every juncture, pre-testing appearances, speeches, phrasing, and policy announcements to guarantee voter approval. Dubbed by Clinton as the “forgotten middle class,” these individuals became the focal point of a new, highly responsive political methodology. Rather than attempting to persuade the electorate to support an established political platform, the campaign gathered psychological data from voters and designed a candidate and rhetoric to mirror those underlying consumer desires.

Robert Reich observed the qualitative shift in American electoral strategy: “What was new was an attempt to use very sophisticated, or pseudo-sophisticated, techniques to plumb the public psychology, to find out precisely what the desires of the individuals were, and then to come up with a candidate, and a platform, and images, and words that exactly responded to those deep desires.”

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Reactive Politics Flowchart accDescr: Diagram illustrating how voter psychological focus groups drove Clinton campaign policy and imagery. subgraph Research["Voter Research"] A["Suburban Swing Voters"] --> B["Focus Groups & Polling"] B --> C["Identify Core Desires:<br/>Tax Relief & Anti-Welfare Sentiments"] end subgraph Campaign["Reactive Campaign Design"] C --> D["Tailor Speeches & Imagery<br/>('Forgotten Middle Class')"] D --> E["Promise Middle-Class Tax Cuts"] E --> F["Focus Group Pre-Testing<br/>for Approval"] end ```

[03:26:25](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=12385s) The Deficit Reality and the Pivot to Traditional Social Policy

Clinton’s core campaign strategists, led by James Carville and George Stephanopoulos, did not view their focus-group-driven pledges as an unprincipled surrender to suburban self-interest. They treated the promised middle-class tax cuts as an unavoidable political price required to regain the White House after twelve years of Republican rule. Once in office, they intended to deliver core Democratic priorities neglected during the Reagan and Bush administrations, notably universal healthcare and expanded aid for the poor. The leadership believed they could balance the budget, fund the middle-class tax cuts, and expand social welfare simultaneously by slashing defense spending in the post–Cold War era and levying higher taxes on the wealthy.

This political confidence collapsed almost immediately after Clinton assumed the presidency in January 1993. The incoming administration was confronted with the reality that the federal deficit was substantially worse than projected. In a White House briefing, Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan informed the administration that the annual deficit hovered near $300 billion. Greenspan warned that issuing additional debt would unsettle financial markets and provoke an economic crisis. Consequently, the administration could not fund both social programs and tax cuts through defense reductions alone; funding tax cuts would necessitate deep reductions in domestic welfare programs.

Confronted with this dilemma, Clinton abandoned the promised middle-class tax cuts and chose to pursue traditional liberal governance. He appealed to collective ideals, advocating for an ambitious agenda centered on public investment, infrastructure, job creation, and universal healthcare. Robert Reich recalled this internal pivot: “At the start of the Clinton Administration, many of us, including I believe President Clinton himself, reverted back to an older tradition, tried to lift the public, to talk about genuine ideals beyond the individual, and that reform agenda being not only universal healthcare and child care, and dealing with widening inequalities in our society and homelessness—many things that many citizens, particularly middle-income citizens, didn't want to deal with.”

[03:29:20](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=12560s) The 1994 Republican Revolution and the Arrival of Dick Morris

The suburban swing voters who had backed Clinton felt cheated when the middle-class tax reductions were dropped in favor of an expansive government agenda. Their resentment crystallized in the 1994 midterm elections. Led by Newt Gingrich, congressional Republicans ran on aggressive pledges to slash taxes, curb federal authority, and dismantle the welfare apparatus. The swing voters who had defected to the Democrats in 1992 shifted their allegiance back to the Republicans, handing them control of both the House of Representatives and the Senate in a historic landslide.

Following the defeat, Clinton’s legislative agenda was paralyzed, his approval ratings fell steeply, and his chances for reelection in 1996 appeared remote. In deep distress, and keeping his actions secret from his official cabinet, Clinton turned to political consultant Dick Morris. Explaining his unexpected summons to the White House, Morris stated: “Clinton was in serious trouble, he had lost the '94 election, he had lost control of Congress, and he hired me to come back and help save him, so he was basically asking me to perform roughly the same role as a life preserver if you're drowning.”

```mermaid flowchart LR accTitle: Shift from Democratic Defeat to Consumer Politics accDescr: Sequence showing how the 1994 midterm defeat prompted Clinton to adopt Dick Morris's consumer politics model. A["1994 Midterm Defeat<br/>(Gingrich's Landslide)"] --> B["Clinton Presidency<br/>Crippled & Vulnerable"] B --> C["Secret Recruitment of<br/>Strategist Dick Morris"] C --> D["Adoption of Consumer-Driven<br/>Marketplace Politics"] ```

[03:31:02](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=12662s) Politics as a Consumer Business and the Neuro-Personality Poll

Morris presented Clinton with a simple prescription: to win reelection, he had to abandon traditional ideology and adapt politics to the modern consumer mindset. Morris argued that suburban swing voters did not organize their lives around party loyalties or civic doctrines; they navigated politics with the same expectations they had as commercial consumers. Political leadership, Morris maintained, should operate just like a modern enterprise—closely tracking the fluctuating preferences, personal desires, and whims of its market base and reshaping the political product to satisfy them.

To execute this strategy, Morris bypassed standard political polling and partnered with the prominent market research firm Penn & Schoen to field what they termed a "neuro-personality poll." Rather than quizzing citizens on standard policy debates, the survey polled hundreds of thousands of voters using detailed psychological questions to identify their underlying personality types, day-to-day habits, and emotional dispositions. The only conventional political inquiry on the survey was aimed at filtering swing voters from committed partisans. Interviewers probed respondents about whether they considered themselves the life of the party, preferred structured lists to spontaneity, how they planned their lives, and where they spent their leisure time.

Reflecting on his guiding philosophy for reshaping the presidency, Dick Morris stated: “I said that I felt the most important thing for him to do was to bring to the political system the same consumer rules philosophy that the business community has, because I think politics needs to be as responsive to the whims and the desires of the marketplace as businesses, and it needs to be as sensitive to the bottom line—profits or votes—as a business is.”

- The neuro-personality poll surveyed hundreds of thousands of voters across the United States to isolate swing voters based on psychological temperaments. - Core diagnostic questions investigated personal character traits, organizational habits, and lifestyle inclinations—such as whether a voter preferred rigid schedules or spontaneous choices.

[03:33:24](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=12804s) Dick Morris, Neuro-Personality Polling, and "Small-b Politics"

To turn Bill Clinton’s political fortunes around, pollsters pushed past standard partisan voting records and began interrogating swing voters about the intimate contours of their private lives: what sports they played, and what they would do with their spouse on a romantic weekend. The goal was to determine whether voters likely to defect possessed distinctive psychological profiles. Through this "neuro-personality" polling, the Clinton team clustered floating voters into hyper-specific lifestyle categories. Subgroups were given consumer-style labels like "pools and patios," or "caps and gowns" (the latter describing urban intellectuals living in university towns). By mirroring commercial product marketing, political strategists sought to identify policies that would make individuals feel more secure in their chosen lifestyles.

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Feedback Loop of Micro-Targeted White House Policy accDescr: Diagram illustrating how consumer-level polling in Denver fed directly into White House announcements and policy sacrifices.

subgraph Research["Denver Polling Engine"] A["Denver Call Center Operators"] -->|"Nightly calls to suburban swing voters"| B["Neuro-Personality Data & Lifestyle Feedback"] end

subgraph Strategy["Political Packaging"] B -->|"Transmitted to Mark Penn & Dick Morris"| C["Micro-Initiatives<br>(V-chips, bus cell phones, hunting trips)"] B -->|"Symbolic sacrificial demands"| D["End of Guaranteed Welfare<br>(Welfare to Work, 1996)"] end

subgraph Policy["Presidential Action"] C -->|"Policy announcements"| E["President Bill Clinton"] D -->|"Signed into law"| E end ```

Dick Morris labeled this strategy "small-b politics": scouring for microscopic details and personal anxieties that traditional politics had historically ignored or considered trivial. The electoral battleground was no longer shaped by sweeping ideological debates, but by mundane, practical questions—whether to wear seat belts, quit smoking, enforce school uniforms, or protect local neighborhoods. The traditional social fabric had fragmented into a collection of isolated individuals pursuing day-to-day security. Getting inside voters' heads revealed that their immediate desires departed radically from what conventional political wisdom had assumed.

- Polling categories like "pools and patios" and "caps and gowns" categorized swing voters by consumer identity rather than socioeconomic class. - The neuro-personality polls probed deep private habits, including leisure pastimes and marital weekends away. - Focus shifted entirely toward offering policies that acted like commercial goods designed to reduce personal anxiety.

[03:35:11](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=12911s) The Cabinet Revolt and the Denver Phone Bank

As the 1996 re-election campaign approached, Clinton revealed Morris’s new platform to a stunned White House. Traditional progressive policies were cast aside in favor of micro-targeted initiatives aimed strictly at swing voters: mandating V-chips inside television sets so parents could block pornography, and putting mobile phones onto school buses to reassure anxious suburban families. Morris even stage-managed the president’s personal life, dispatching Clinton on a hunting trip dressed in the exact Gore-Tex gear favored by a target demographic known as "Big Sky families." The objective was to turn the president into an unblemished psychological mirror of swing-voter aspirations.

This consumer-driven style infuriated liberals within Clinton’s administration, including Robert Reich, who argued that reducing the presidency to soap-like micro-initiatives drained officeholders of any true governing purpose:

> “And I would say, what's the point of getting getting reelected if you have no mandate to do anything when you're reelected? And he'd say, what's the point of having a mandate if you can't get reelected? Isn't the ultimate goal getting reelected?”

Despite these cabinet protests, the strategy succeeded brilliantly. As Clinton’s numbers soared, Dick Morris and pollster Mark Penn assumed de facto control of White House domestic agenda-setting. Penn erected a massive call center in a Denver office block, where hundreds of operators dialed suburban swing voters in areas like Pasadena, California, and Westchester, New York, every evening. Operators tested specific policy iterations line by line to see which government offerings moved the needle. Penn fed these results directly to Clinton, who repeated them publicly. The Denver boiler room dictated domestic policy and even tested foreign interventions, with Penn running polls to determine whether the administration should bomb targets in Bosnia.

- White House initiatives were reduced to focus-group-tested consumer items like bus mobile phones and TV V-chips. - Clinton was dressed in Gore-Tex to deliberately mirror the lifestyle imagery of "Big Sky families." - A dedicated Denver phone bank systematically test-marketed domestic policies and foreign military options directly to suburban households.

[03:38:07](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=13087s) Ending Welfare and the Triumph of Primitive Desires

To prove to skeptical suburban swing voters that he had broken with old Democratic traditions, Morris insisted that Clinton make a major symbolic sacrifice of traditional progressive dogma. In August 1996, Clinton signed the welfare reform bill, bringing an end to the New Deal system of guaranteed federal aid for poor and unemployed citizens. Aid was capped after two years to force recipients into the labor market under the branding slogan of "Welfare to Work," which Clinton described as offering "a hand up, not a hand out." The legislation dismantled the core welfare framework erected sixty years earlier by Franklin D. Roosevelt.

For traditional progressives in the cabinet, this surrender signaled the end of the Rooseveltian ideal: the principle that political leaders ought to educate the public and summon citizens to act collectively for the broader social good, rather than as self-interested consumers. Robert Reich concluded that the polling apparatus had fundamentally degraded the democratic ideal:

> “Dick Morris and the pollsters had won. And by that I mean that the people who ultimately got to the president, shaped the president's mind, were those who viewed the voters as just a collection of individual desires that had to be catered to and pandered to. It suggests that democracy is nothing more and should be nothing more than pandering to these unthought-about, very primitive desires—primitive in the sense that they are not even necessarily conscious, just what people want in in terms of satisfying themselves.”

- Clinton's signature on the 1996 welfare reform dismantled the long-standing welfare protections instituted under Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal. - Cash assistance was restricted after two years to force recipients into employment under the slogan "a hand up, not a hand out." - Democratic governance shifted from mobilizing a collective public to pandering to subconscious individual appetites.

[03:39:45](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=13185s) New Labour, Philip Gould, and the Importation of American Techniques

A parallel transformation occurred in Great Britain. Following Tony Blair’s rise to the leadership of the Labour Party in 1994, a reformist modernizing faction around Peter Mandelson seized total control of the party machinery. Night after night, strategist Philip Gould ran suburban focus groups with swing voters who had historically backed the Conservatives. Gould found these voters felt financially squeezed, hostile to broad tax hikes, focused on neighborhood law and order, and resentful of welfare spending they felt went to the undeserving. Though traditional Labour partisans dismissed these attitudes as raw selfishness, Gould and the party leadership embraced them, arguing that parents merely wanted to do their best for their own families.

```mermaid flowchart LR accTitle: Anglo-American Strategic Exchange accDescr: Flowchart illustrating the direct transmission of political techniques and language from the Clinton-Penn team to Mandelson and Blair.

US["US Democrats (Penn / Morris)"] -->|"Focus groups & telephone testing"| UK["New Labour (Gould / Mandelson)"] US -->|"Slogans: 'Hand up, not a hand out'"| UK UK -->|"12-page nightly memos"| TB["Tony Blair & Gordon Brown"] TB -->|"Target Middle England"| POL["Scrap Clause IV / Freeze Tax Rates"] ```

Gould’s nightly findings became the operational blueprint for New Labour. Blair poured over Gould’s twelve-page memos, tailoring the party’s rhetoric to match the exact findings. Gordon Brown announced that a Labour government would hold primary tax rates unchanged and refuse to increase the basic income tax rate, while Blair overtly courted "Middle England"—those striving to get ahead and consume the good things in life. As one observer noted, the party's platform was effectively dictated by small rooms of eight suburbanites drinking wine and eating Cheerios.

Despite presenting this modernizing agenda as their own homegrown creation, Mandelson’s circle copied the strategy directly from Clinton’s team, lifting focus-group-tested rhetoric down to the exact phrase: insisting the benefit system should offer "a hand up, not just a hand out." American pollsters noted with mixed amusement and irritation that Labour had borrowed their playbook lock, stock, and barrel. To reassure suburban individualists, Blair performed his own symbolic sacrifice: abandoning Clause IV of the Labour Party constitution. For decades, Clause IV had committed Labour to the common ownership of industry to restrain corporate power; in the new era of the self, collective public control gave way to the appeasement of individual market desires.

- Philip Gould's nightly focus groups with suburban ex-Conservative voters directly determined party messaging. - Gordon Brown and Tony Blair committed publicly to freezing income tax rates to reassure middle-class voters. - Labour leadership lifted Clinton's exact rhetoric, including the formulation "a hand up, not just a hand out." - The historic ditching of Clause IV ended Labour's foundational commitment to the public ownership of industry.

[03:43:55](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=13435s) New Labour and the Surrender to Market Forces

In rewriting Clause IV, New Labour fundamentally redefined the citizen’s relationship to the state and the economy. The British electorate no longer viewed themselves as workers exploited by the free market; instead, they saw themselves as sovereign individual consumers who found personal fulfillment and identity in what business delivered to them. The revised Clause IV explicitly promised not to regulate or constrain the free market, but rather to foster its growth. Business leaders lauded this shift, arguing that enterprise was inherently faster, more creative, and far more powerful than government, serving as the ultimate lifeblood of society from which employment and investment flowed. To corporate executives, New Labour stood out as the only political party that truly understood the reality of modern commerce.

Critics, however, saw this embrace as an abdication of the Labour Party's core historical purpose. By operating entirely within the logic of the market rather than through traditional democratic mechanisms, New Labour catered directly to corporate dominance, entrenched interests, and the preservation of the status quo. Without strong, institutional countervailing power to check corporate influence, large corporations continued to exercise immense leverage behind closed doors. As skeptics observed, genuine political pressure to counter big business could never emerge from eight disengaged swing voters sitting in a room sipping wine in Kettering.

- Business was celebrated by its leaders as faster and more creative than government, providing the direct foundation for employment and national investment. - Critics pointed out that by abandoning its adversarial posture, the Labour Party surrendered its duty to act as a counterweight against corporate hegemony.

[03:45:19](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=13519s) The 1997 Victory and the Promise of "Continuous Democracy"

When the 1997 general election results came in, turning a vast swathe of blue Conservative seats red, the mood inside New Labour was ecstatic and deeply vindicated. The architects of Tony Blair’s historic landslide saw the victory not merely as an electoral triumph, but as the dawn of a revolutionary democratic era. By deploying focus groups to understand and fulfill the electorate’s intimate, unvarnished desires, they believed they were directly empowering individuals rather than treating citizens as faceless masses commanded by out-of-touch party ideologues.

Strategist Philip Gould adamantly rejected the notion that focus groups were just cynical marketing instruments. To Gould, qualitative research was a radical conduit for genuine democratic participation, fundamentally shifting sovereignty from political rulers to the public. As Philip Gould declared: “We are the servants, they are the masters now.” In his view, the 1997 landslide marked the definitive end of the paternalistic, elitist governance that had dominated British political life for the preceding century.

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Evolution of Political Focus accDescr: Flowchart illustrating how politics shifted from ideological mass movements to consumer-style continuous democracy.

subgraph Traditional["Traditional Politics"] A["Collective Class Identity"] --> B["Ideological Mandate"] B --> C["Top-Down Governance"] end

subgraph Consumer["Consumerist Democracy"] D["Individual Focus Groups"] --> E["Continuous Sentiment Tracking"] E --> F["Focus-Group Driven Policy"] end

Traditional -.->|"Replaced by New Labour"| Consumer ```

[03:46:32](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=13592s) Edward Bernays, "Democracity," and the Illusion of Control

This vision of a consumer-led democracy was not an original invention of 1990s political strategists; it had been conceived six decades earlier by Sigmund Freud’s nephew, Edward Bernays. At the 1939 New York World's Fair, Bernays orchestrated an elaborate showcase titled "Democracity," presenting a futuristic utopia where the consumer reigned supreme. In this consumerist democracy, the private sector—headlined by corporate giants like Westinghouse, General Motors, and the National Cash Register Company—positioned itself as the true responsive heart of society. The exhibits promised that every human desire, anxiety, and aspiration would be diagnosed and satisfied through the benign efficiency of the free market, unencumbered by political dogma.

Both the American New Democrats under Bill Clinton and New Labour in Britain bought into this model completely, convinced that adopting corporate methods to read consumer demand represented a more responsive democratic order. Yet the historical reality behind Bernays's spectacle was far darker. "Democracity" had been conceived as a calculated piece of corporate propaganda. Privately, Bernays shared his uncle’s pessimistic view of human nature, believing that human beings were fundamentally irrational, governed by volatile, primitive, unconscious urges rather than rational thought. Because Bernays regarded the masses as too dangerous to be entrusted with real control over their lives, he engineered consumerism as an illusion of power—a mechanism to keep the public satisfied with consumer choices while a managerial elite quietly governed behind the scenes.

As critics observed, this framework completely inverted the democratic contract: > “It's not that the people are in charge, but that the people's desires are in charge. The people are not in charge; the people exercise no decision-making power within this environment. So democracy is reduced from something which assumes an active citizenry to something which now increasingly is predicated on the idea of the public as passive consumers—the public as people who, essentially, what you're delivering them are doggy treats.”

[03:49:27](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=13767s) The Quagmire of Focus-Group Governance

The central dilemma for New Labour was that Tony Blair and his inner circle genuinely believed the corporate propaganda. Taking the corporate rhetoric at face value, they sought to govern the country through what Philip Gould termed "continuous democracy." However, the consumer research methods that excelled at marketing commercial commodities led the government straight into a political quagmire. While businesses could engineer a product to satisfy a niche preference, focus groups applied to statecraft produced an incoherent, shifting maze of contradictory impulses.

This paralysis was clearly exposed in policy decisions such as railway funding. Throughout New Labour's first term, focus groups consistently ranked railway improvements as a low priority, and the government faithfully curtailed public investment in response. Soon after, when the railway infrastructure deteriorated, the very same focus groups turned on the government, furiously condemning it for failing to invest sooner. As political observers noted, when politicians merely mirror back the unexamined, short-term whims of the public, coherence collapses:

> “The point about focus group politics is that there isn't one, because people are contradictory and irrational. And so you have a problem in terms of deciding what you're going to do if all you do is actually listen to a mass of individual opinions that are forever fluctuating and don't really have any coherence and, crucially, are not set in context.”

In practice, citizens expressed contradictory desires: they demanded lower taxes while simultaneously expecting superior public services. When asked if they would pay higher taxes for better services, they remained skeptical, doubting that their money would be managed competently. Observers argued that Blair failed to show true leadership—which requires proposing a coherent, values-based vision, asking the public for their trust, and accepting the electoral verdict. By simply regurgitating the public's fragmented anxieties back to them, Blair left voters disoriented and dissatisfied, searching for leaders capable of offering the clarity they could not produce on their own.

[03:51:34](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s&t=13894s) Two Clashing Views of Human Nature

New Labour ultimately found itself trapped by the consumerist paradigm it had adopted. Faced with growing public demands to tackle deep-seated economic inequality and the erosion of social cohesion, the government could only enact a bolder vision by asking citizens to look beyond narrow self-interest. Yet doing so required confronting the dominant Freudian model of humanity—the depiction of individuals as instinct-driven, selfish consumers, an image cultivated by corporations to maximize sales. While individuals in modern consumer democracies believe themselves entirely liberated, in reality, both the electorate and their politicians have become enslaved by short-term desires, forgetting that human nature encompasses far more than irrational appetites.

The documentary concludes by framing this impasse as an irreconcilable conflict between two rival philosophies of democracy and the human mind:

> “Fundamentally, here we have two different views of human nature and of democracy. You have the view that people are irrational, that they are bundles of unconscious emotion—that comes directly out of Freud—and businesses are very able to respond to that; that's what they have honed their skills doing. That's what marketing is really all about: what are the symbols, the music, the images, the words that will appeal to these unconscious feelings? Politics must be more than that. Politics and leadership are about engaging the public in a rational discussion and deliberation about what is best, and treating people with respect in terms of their rational abilities to debate what is best. If it's not that—if it is Freudian, if it is basically a matter of appealing to the same basic unconscious feelings that business appeals to—then why not let business do it? Business can do it better. Business knows how to do it. Business, after all, is in the business of responding to those feelings.”

As these closing reflections fade, Louis Armstrong’s recording of "What a Wonderful World" plays over archival montages of contemporary society, underscoring the melancholy irony of an engineered consumer paradise built upon the suppression of genuine democratic agency.

## Video description Adam Curtis Documentary.

https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Adam_Curtis

[Source](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJ3RzGoQC4s)

中文简报

《自我世纪》(亚当·柯蒂斯纪录片) 西格蒙德·弗洛伊德提出了潜意识与原始本能冲动支配人类行为的革命性理论,而其外甥爱德华·伯内斯则将这一发现转化为现代公共关系与大众控制的工具。伯内斯向美国企业界证明,通过将工业量产商品与大众隐藏的情感及非理性欲望挂钩,可以成功诱导大众消费不必要的产品,从而推动社会由“需求驱动”全面转向“欲望驱动”。这一机制随后被政界精英采纳,演变为通过满足个体浅层欲望来安抚、分化并操控大众的“制造共识”治理模式,进而奠定了现代消费主义文化的基石。 弗洛伊德指出人类内心深处隐藏着危险且不可控的攻击与性冲动,第一次世界大战的爆发更印证了理性外表下原始破坏力的存在,彻底动摇了大众民主关于公民具备理性判断的假设。 爱德华·伯内斯将心理分析概念引入商业领域,开创了公共关系行业,通过“自由火炬”游行等案例将商品塑造为身份与情感的象征,成功促使美国经济向欲望型消费主义转型。 政界与商界精英广泛接纳伯内斯的“制造共识”理念,将大众视作由本能驱动的群体,主张利用心理工程手段满足其欲望以维持社会顺从与秩序稳定。

Reading summary

Adam Curtis's documentary argues that twentieth-century political and corporate elites co-opted Sigmund Freud's theories of unconscious, irrational drives to manage mass democracy. By substituting engineered consumer desires for rational citizenship, elites turned the public into self-absorbed, docile consumers whose private impulses could be harnessed for political stability and corporate profit. Engineering Consumer Desires from Unconscious Drives (14:52) Sigmund Freud posited that human nature is dominated by dangerous, repressed sexual and aggressive instincts—a pessimistic view that imperial rulers and Western elites saw confirmed by the mechanized slaughter of World War I. Freud's American nephew, Edward Bernays, operationalized these concepts for commerce and public control. In the late 1920s, facing industrial overproduction where factories produced goods faster than practical needs required, corporate leaders sought to re-engineer the American mindset. As Lehman Brothers banker Paul Mazur argued, business had to shift culture from needs to desires, training citizens to want new items before old ones were worn out. Bernays demonstrated this technique by tethering products to unconscious emotional urges. For the American Tobacco Company, psychoanalyst Abraham Arden Brill advised Bernays that cigarettes symbolized masculine dominance; Bernays subsequently orchestrated the 1929 Easter Parade "Torches of Freedom" demonstration, reframing female smoking as an emotional assertion of independence. Bernays viewed the public as an irrational, easily manipulated mass, pioneering a governing model where gratifying latent personal cravings kept crowds distracted, passive, and profitable. Postwar Social Engineering and Therapeutic Conformity (56:23) Following World War II and the revelation of Nazi atrocities—which Minister of Propaganda Joseph Goebbels admitted were influenced in part by Bernays's techniques—the American establishment concluded that unchecked mass irrationality threatened democratic survival. The state enlisted Freud's daughter, Anna Freud, whose ego-psychology asserted that individuals could be conditioned to repress volatile instincts and conform to societal norms. In 1946, President Harry S. Truman signed the National Mental Health Act, prompting psychiatric clinics run by figures like Karl and Will Menninger to systematically train counselors to foster social adjustment. Simultaneously, psychoanalyst Ernest Dichter introduced "motivation research" to corporate marketing, utilizing group therapy dynamics to create focus groups that extracted consumers' hidden anxieties and status drives. However, this therapeutic conformity provoked severe backlash. Critics like playwright Arthur Miller accused psychoanalysis of domesticating human beings into an artificial, lobotomized tranquility, while Vance Packard documented advertiser manipulation in *The Hidden Persuaders*. Civil rights leader Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. actively inverted the psychological orthodoxy, urging citizens to remain proudly "maladjusted" to unjust social systems like racial segregation. From Countercultural Liberation to Lifestyle Commodification During the 1960s and 1970s, an anti-Freudian counter-revolution drew inspiration from Wilhelm Reich, Herbert Marcuse, and the human potential movement at the Esalen Institute. Activists sought to eradicate the "policeman inside our heads" and liberate the authentic self. Seminars like Werner Erhard's est deconstructed social duties, asserting that individuals possessed sovereign authority to construct their own identities. Demographer Daniel Yankelovich tracked this inward shift: while expressive individuals seeking self-actualization constituted an estimated 3 to 5 percent of Americans in 1970, that demographic surged to roughly 80 percent by 1980. Rather than undermining capitalism, this quest for personal authenticity presented a massive commercial opportunity. Using the Stanford Research Institute's VALS (Values and Lifestyles) system, marketers segmented consumers by emotional values and self-image rather than simple income demographics. Combined with computerized flexible factory production that eliminated the risk of overproduction, corporations manufactured identity-affirming goods in targeted batches. Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher politically canonized this market individualism, repudiating post-war collectivism in favor of an unregulated economic order driven by personal consumer choice. Focus Groups and Politics as Market Research (211:02) By the 1990s, political governance completely adopted commercial marketing mechanics. In the United States, Bill Clinton's advisor Dick Morris and pollster Mark Penn deployed "neuro-personality polls" and intensive focus groups to capture swing voters in the suburban middle class. Rather than attempting to persuade the electorate with a broader ideological mandate, the administration tailored policies to psychological profiles, introducing micro-targeted initiatives such as television V-chips and mobile phones on school buses. Administration liberals, including Labor Secretary Robert Reich, protested that reducing presidential leadership to consumer-tested initiatives hollowed out governing purpose. A parallel shift reshaped Britain under Tony Blair's New Labour. Modernizers Philip Gould and Peter Mandelson utilized nightly focus groups with swing voters to dictate party policy, leading Blair to scrap traditional socialist commitments like Clause IV and freeze income tax rates. Both administrations embraced a consumer democracy originally previewed in Bernays's 1939 "Democracity" exhibit, where governments operate like responsive businesses servicing the immediate private desires of the electorate. The documentary concludes that modern political leaders have become trapped within the consumerist framework they engineered. By treating citizens strictly as bundles of short-term, self-interested appetites, governments forfeit the ability to summon collective action for structural problems such as systemic inequality and social fragmentation, leaving both politicians and the public captive to an impoverished, purely commercial view of human nature.

精炼阅读摘要

纪录片导演亚当·柯蒂斯(Adam Curtis)指出,20世纪的政商精英系统性地运用了西格蒙德·弗洛伊德关于潜意识与非理性欲望的理论,通过现代公共关系与市场调研手段将大众重塑为受欲望驱动的被动消费者,以此维持社会秩序并最终使民主政治全面商业化。 潜意识操控与消费主义文化的奠基 (0:00) 西格蒙德·弗洛伊德(Sigmund Freud)提出人类深层潜意识中隐藏着危险的性与攻击本能,第一次世界大战的机械化屠杀更在其眼中印证了文明外衣的脆弱与大众的非理性本质。弗洛伊德的美国外甥爱德华·伯内斯(Edward Bernays)率先将这一心理学理论转化为社会控制机制。为打破女性在公共场合吸烟的禁忌,伯内斯在精神分析师亚伯拉罕·布里尔(Abraham Arden Brill)建议下,于纽约复活节游行中将香烟设计为象征挑战男权统治的“自由火炬”,成功激发了女性潜意识中争取独立的情感认同。 一战后美国工业面临生产过剩的系统性危机,雷曼兄弟银行家保罗·马祖尔(Paul Mazur)明确提出,企业必须推动美国文化从“需求”转向“欲望”,使人们在旧物品尚未损耗前就渴望新品。伯内斯通过公关手段将大规模制造的商品与消费者的潜意识欲望相绑定,逐步消解了注重耐用与节俭的传统伦理。到1927年,观察家指出公民的首要身份已被重塑为消费者;伯内斯将大众视作可以精确计算和操纵的集合体,开创了通过满足个人自私欲望来维持大众顺从与社会稳定的现代治理逻辑。 战后心理规训与社会工程的扩张 (56:23) 第二次世界大战的创伤及纳粹集中营惨剧,加深了美英统治精英对公众内心非理性冲动的戒备。美军应征体检暴露出数百万士兵存在此前未察觉的情感障碍与神经症,推动哈里·S·杜鲁门(Harry S. Truman)于1946年签署《国家心理健康法案》(National Mental Health Act)。在安娜·弗洛伊德(Anna Freud)的自我心理学与门宁格(Menninger)兄弟的推广下,精神分析成为指导公众克制内在冲动、适应战后郊区家庭秩序的大规模社会工程;与此同时,欧内斯特·迪希特(Ernest Dichter)开创了结合心理分析的“动机研究”与产品焦点小组,利用潜意识焦虑和性冲动直接刺激商业消费。 这种心理学工具迅速渗透至冷战国家安全领域:伯内斯受雇于联合果品公司(United Fruit Company),将危地马拉阿本斯(Jacobo Árbenz)政府的土地再分配改革包装为苏联对美洲的紧迫威胁,成功制造舆论支持政权更迭;中央情报局(CIA)亦启动项目试图解构并重组人类人格,将个体视为可编程的自动化机器。然而,这一调控范式遭到剧作家阿瑟·米勒(Arthur Miller)与万斯·帕卡德(Vance Packard)等知识分子的批评,马丁·路德·金(Martin Luther King Jr.)更公开宣称,拒绝顺从不公正的社会体制、“保持不适应(maladjusted)”才是公民真正的道德责任。 反叛精神的商业吸纳与无限欲望 (116:11) 20世纪60年代,新左翼运动与反文化思潮发起反弗洛伊德反叛,威尔海姆·赖希(Wilhelm Reich)提倡释放内在能量的思想重获新生,埃萨兰研究所(Esalen Institute)及维尔纳·埃哈德(Werner Erhard)的est培训试图剥离一切社会规训与内在约束。激进分子一度提出“摧毁脑中警察”的口号,但在国家暴力与政治挫折面前,运动迅速从激进社会变革退缩为向内的个人心灵探索。民调专家丹尼尔·扬克洛维奇(Daniel Yankelovich)指出,注重内在自我表达的人群比例在1970年至1980年间从总人口的3%至5%急剧攀升至近80%,“自我十年(Me Decade)”由此成形。 商业界迅速将这种文化转变转化为巨大的商业前沿。斯坦福研究所(SRI)开发出VALS(价值观与生活方式)测评系统,仅凭30个关键问题便能将消费者按核心价值观精准分类,预测其身份表达偏好。与此同时,工厂车间引入计算机化柔性生产技术,以低成本小批量制造替代了刚性流水线。由于消费者购买商品是为了不断构建和重塑个性,市场需求摆脱了物理饱和的限制而变得无穷无尽;个人看似摆脱了传统权威,实则被吸纳进以自恋和即时满足为驱动的新经济增长机器中。 政治的市场化与焦点小组统治 (211:02) 20世纪末,英美两国政治体系彻底采纳了商业营销模式。在英国,玛格丽特·撒切尔(Margaret Thatcher)的自由市场意识形态与鲁珀特·默多克(Rupert Murdoch)的大众媒体击碎了传统的阶级家长制,迫使屡遭败绩的工党进行彻底转型;战略顾问菲利普·古尔德(Philip Gould)与彼得·曼德尔森(Peter Mandelson)将郊区摇摆选民的焦点小组反馈作为政策制定的最高准则。在美国,比尔·克林顿(Bill Clinton)在战略家迪克·莫里斯(Dick Morris)与民调专家马克·佩恩(Mark Penn)协助下,运用“神经人格民调”深入挖掘郊区中产阶级的微观心理诉求,推出了车载电话、防色情芯片(V-chip)等高度定制化的微观政策。 柯蒂斯强调,这种以消费者为导向的治理模式直接呼应了伯内斯在1939年纽约世博会上勾勒的“民主城(Democracity)”蓝图——将自由市场对个体欲望的满足等同于民主的最高形式。罗伯特·赖克(Robert Reich)等内阁成员批评此举抽空了政治的崇高使命,将国家领导人降格为推销肥皂式的公关代理人。政治家不再试图说服大众参与公共事业,而是完全顺从焦点小组测出的自私本能,放弃了动员公民共同承担税收与社会福利的传统集体承诺。 纪录片指出,当代社会陷入了一种不可调和的矛盾:现代消费者虽自认高度自由且摆脱了旧有权威,却深陷由短期欲望主导的心理回路中无法自拔。当新工党等政治力量试图应对深刻的经济不平等与社会解体危机时,却发现自己早已受制于将大众视为自私消费者的理论前提。如何超越弗洛伊德式将人还原为非理性欲望集合体的狭隘模型,重建具备集体责任感与理性自决能力的真正公民民主,成为现代政治尚未解决的核心困境。

Original transcript

[0:00] a new theory about human nature was put [0:02] forward by Sigman [0:03] Freud he had discovered he said [0:06] primitive sexual and aggressive forces [0:08] hidden deep inside the minds of all [0:10] human beings forces which have not [0:13] controlled LED individuals and societies [0:15] to chaos and [0:17] [Music] [0:19] destruction this series is about how [0:21] those in power have used Freud's [0:23] theories to try and control the [0:25] dangerous crowd in an age of mass [0:28] democracy [0:32] at the heart of the story is not just [0:34] Sigman Freud but other members of the [0:36] Freud [0:37] [Music] [0:41] family call this episode is about [0:44] Freud's American nephew Edward [0:47] bernes bernes is almost completely [0:49] unknown today but his influence on the [0:51] 20th century was nearly as great as his [0:54] uncles I turned because bernes was the [0:57] first person to take Freud's ideas about [1:00] human beings and use them to manipulate [1:02] the [1:08] masses he showed American corporations [1:10] for the first time how they could make [1:12] people want things they didn't need by [1:15] linking Mass produce Goods to their [1:16] unconscious [1:19] desires out of this would come a new [1:21] political idea of how to control the [1:25] masses by satisfying people's inner [1:28] selfish desires when made them happy and [1:31] thus [1:32] docile it was the start of the all [1:34] consuming self which has come to [1:37] dominate our world [1:43] [Music] [1:49] [Applause] [1:50] [Music] [1:56] today Freud's ideas about how the human [1:59] mind works have now become an accepted [2:01] part of society as have [2:04] psychoanalysts every year the [2:06] psychotherapist ball is held in a grand [2:08] palace in [2:11] viena this is the Psychotherapy board [2:14] psychotherapists come some Advanced [2:17] patients come or former patients come [2:21] and many other people friends but also [2:25] um um uh people from the vienes society [2:29] who like to go to a nice elegant [2:32] comfortable [2:36] Bo but it was not always [2:39] [Music] [2:41] so 100 years ago Freud's ideas were [2:43] hated by vies Society at that time [2:47] Vienna was the center of a vast Empire [2:49] ruling Central [2:50] [Music] [2:51] Europe and to the powerful nobility at [2:54] the hapsburg court Freud's ideas were [2:56] not only embarrassing but the very idea [2:59] of examining and analyzing one's inner [3:01] feelings was a threat to their absolute [3:06] control you see at that time these [3:08] people had the power and of course you [3:11] just were not allowed to show your [3:13] bloody feelings I mean you just couldn't [3:15] you know I mean you couldn't if you were [3:17] unhappy can you imagine you for instance [3:19] you sit somewhere on the country in a [3:21] castle you are deeply unhappy you are a [3:22] woman I you couldn't go to your maid and [3:25] cry on on her shoulders or you couldn't [3:26] go into the village and and complain you [3:29] know about about your feelings I mean [3:30] you couldn't it was like selling [3:33] yourself to somebody you just [3:35] couldn't you [3:37] know because they had to respect you now [3:41] of course frud you see put that thought [3:44] very much into question because you you [3:47] see to examine yourself you would have [3:50] to to put a lot of other things into [3:52] question your [3:54] Society everything what surrounds you [3:57] and that wasn't a good thing at that [3:58] time why not because [4:02] your self-created Empire to a certain [4:05] extent would have fallen into bits much [4:07] ear already but what frightened the [4:09] rulers of the Empire even more was [4:12] Freud's idea that hidden inside all [4:14] human beings were dangerous instinctual [4:17] drives Freud had devised a method he [4:19] called [4:21] psychoanalysis by analyzing dreams and [4:23] free association he had Unearthed he [4:25] said powerful sexual and aggressive [4:27] forces which were the remnants of our [4:29] animal [4:30] past feelings we repressed because they [4:33] were too [4:34] dangerous Freud devised a method for [4:38] exploring a hidden part of the mind [4:40] which we nowadays call the [4:42] unconscious which a part that is totally [4:45] unknown to our Consciousness that there [4:48] exists a barrier in all our minds which [4:53] prevents these hidden and unwelcomed [4:56] impulses of the unconscious from [4:58] emerging [5:00] good [5:04] night in 1914 the Ostro Hungarian Empire [5:08] led Europe into [5:10] war as the horror mounted Freud saw it [5:12] as terrible evidence of the truth of his [5:15] findings the saddest thing he wrote is [5:18] that this is exactly the way we should [5:20] have expected people to behave from our [5:22] knowledge of [5:24] psychoanalysis governments had unleashed [5:26] the Primitive forces in human beings and [5:29] no one seemed to know how to stop [5:32] [Music] [5:36] them at that time Freud's young nephew [5:39] Edward bernes was working as a press [5:41] agent in [5:42] America his main client was the world [5:45] famous opera singer Caruso who was [5:47] touring the United [5:52] [Music] [5:54] States Bern's parents had immigrated to [5:57] America 20 years before but but he kept [5:59] in touch with his uncle and joined him [6:01] for holidays in the [6:03] Alps but bernes was now about to return [6:06] to Europe for a very different reason on [6:09] the night that Caruso opened in Toledo [6:11] Ohio America announced it was entering [6:14] the war against Germany and [6:17] [Music] [6:19] Austria as a part of the war effort the [6:21] US government set up a Committee on [6:23] Public Information and bernes was [6:26] employed to promote America's War AIMS [6:28] in the Press [6:29] [Music] [6:30] the President woodro Wilson had [6:32] announced that the United States would [6:34] fight not to restore the old Empires but [6:37] to bring democracy to all of [6:39] Europe bernes proved extremely skillful [6:42] in promoting this idea both at home and [6:45] abroad and at the end of the war he was [6:48] asked to accompany the president to the [6:50] Paris peace [6:53] conference then to my [6:56] surprise they asked me to go over with [6:59] with wro Wilson to the priest [7:02] conference and at the age of [7:06] 1926 I was in Paris for the entire time [7:11] of the peace [7:13] conference that was held in the suburb [7:15] of Paris and we worked to make the world [7:21] safe for democracy that was a big [7:27] slogan Wilson's reception Paris [7:30] astounded bernes and the other American [7:33] propagandists their propaganda had [7:35] portrayed Wilson as a liberator of the [7:37] people a man who would create a new [7:39] world in which the individual would be [7:42] free they had made him a hero of the [7:45] masses and as he watched the crowds [7:47] surge around Wilson bernes began to [7:50] wonder whether it would be possible to [7:52] do the same type of mass persuasion but [7:54] in peace [7:56] time when I came back to the United [8:00] States I [8:02] decided that if you could use propaganda [8:06] for war you could certainly use it for [8:10] peace and propaganda got to be a bad [8:14] word because of the Germans using it so [8:18] what I [8:20] did was to try to find some other [8:24] words so we found the word Council on [8:27] Public [8:28] Relation [8:31] bernes returned to New York and set up [8:33] as a public relations Council in a small [8:36] office off Broadway it was the first [8:38] time the term had ever been [8:41] used since the end of the 19th century [8:44] America had become a mass industrial [8:46] society with Millions clustered together [8:48] in the [8:50] cities bernes was determined to find a [8:52] way to manage and alter the way these [8:55] new crowds thought and [8:57] felt to do this he turned to the [8:59] writings of his uncle [9:01] Sigmund while in Paris bernes had sent [9:04] his uncle a gift of some Havana [9:06] cigars in return Freud has sent him a [9:10] copy of his General introduction to [9:12] psychoanalysis ber has read it and the [9:15] picture of hidden irrational forces [9:17] inside human beings fascinated him he [9:21] wondered whether he might make money by [9:23] manipulating the [9:25] unconscious what Eddie got from Freud [9:28] was in indeed this idea that there is a [9:31] lot more going on in human decision [9:33] making not only among individuals but [9:36] even more importantly among groups than [9:39] this idea that information drives [9:42] behavior and so Eddie began to formulate [9:45] this idea that you had to look at things [9:47] that would play to people's irrational [9:50] emotions and you see that moved Eddie [9:52] immediately into a different category [9:54] from other people in his field and most [9:57] government officials and managers of the [9:59] day who thought if you just hit people [10:01] with all this factual information they [10:04] would look at that and say oh of course [10:06] and Eddie knew that was not the way the [10:09] world [10:10] worked Bern set out to experiment with [10:13] the minds of the popular classes his [10:16] most dramatic experiment was to persuade [10:18] women to [10:19] smoke at that time there was a taboo [10:21] against women smoking and one of his [10:23] early clients George Hill the president [10:26] of the American Tobacco Corporation [10:28] asked G to find a way of breaking it he [10:32] said we're losing half of our Market [10:35] because men have invoked a taboo against [10:39] women smoking in [10:43] public can you do anything about that I [10:46] said let me think about [10:48] it and then I said if I your permission [10:51] to see a [10:52] psychoanalyst to find out what [10:55] cigarettes mean to women he said what [10:59] cost so I called up Dr [11:03] Brill AA Brill who is a leading psycho [11:07] analist in New York at that time how [11:10] come you didn't call your uncle why [11:12] didn't you call your uncle cuz he was in [11:15] Vienna AA Bru was one of the first [11:18] psychoanalysts in America and for a [11:21] large fee he told Bernay that cigarettes [11:24] were a symbol of the penis and of male [11:26] sexual [11:27] power he told bernes that if he could [11:30] find a way to connect cigarettes with [11:32] the idea of challenging male power then [11:35] women would smoke because then they [11:37] would have their own [11:40] [Music] [11:42] penises every year New York held an [11:45] Easter Day Parade to which thousands [11:47] came and bernes decided to Stage event [11:51] there he persuaded a group of Rich [11:53] debutants to hide cigarettes under their [11:56] clothes then they should join the par [11:58] parade and at a given signal from him [12:01] they were to light up the cigarettes [12:03] dramatically bernes then informed the [12:05] press that he had heard that a group of [12:07] suffragettes were preparing to protest [12:10] by lighting up what they called torches [12:12] of Freedom he knew this would be an [12:14] outcry and he knew that all of the [12:16] photographers would be there to capture [12:18] this moment and so he was ready with a [12:23] phrase which was torches of freedom and [12:26] so here you have a symbol women young [12:29] women debutants smoking a cigarette in [12:32] public with a phrase that means anybody [12:35] who believes in this kind of equality [12:37] pretty much has to support them in the [12:39] ensuing debate about this because [12:42] torches of [12:44] freedom I mean what's on All American [12:47] coins it's liberty she's holding up the [12:50] torch you see and so all of this is [12:53] there together there's emotion there's [12:55] memory there's a rational phrase even [12:58] though it's using a lot of emotional [12:59] elements it's a it's a phrase that works [13:01] in a rational sense all of this is [13:05] together and so the next day this was [13:08] not just in all of the New York papers [13:11] it was across the United States and [13:12] around the world and from that point [13:15] forward uh the sale of cigarettes to [13:17] women began to rise he had made them [13:20] socially acceptable with a single [13:22] symbolic [13:24] act what bernes had created was the idea [13:27] that if a woman smoked [13:29] it made her more powerful and [13:31] independent an idea that still persists [13:34] today embrace [13:38] me my sweet Andra it made him realize [13:43] that it was possible to persuade people [13:45] to behave irrationally if you link [13:47] products to their emotional desires and [13:50] feelings the idea that smoking actually [13:53] made women Freer was completely [13:55] irrational but it made them feel more [13:57] independent [14:00] it meant that irrelevant objects could [14:02] become powerful emotional symbols of how [14:05] you wanted to be seen by [14:08] others Eddie bernes saw the way to sell [14:12] product was not to sell it to your [14:14] intellect that you ought to buy an [14:17] automobile but that you will feel better [14:20] about it if you have this automobile I [14:23] think he originated that idea that they [14:25] weren't just purchasing something but [14:27] they were in engaging themselves [14:30] emotionally or personally in in the [14:32] product or service there's not you you [14:35] think you need a new piece of clothing [14:38] but you'll feel better with the piece of [14:40] clothing that was his contribution in a [14:43] very real sense we see it all over the [14:45] place today but I think he originated [14:47] the idea of the emotional connect to a [14:49] product or [14:50] [Music] [14:52] service what bernes was doing fascinated [14:55] America's [14:57] corporations they they had come out of [14:59] the war rich and Powerful but they had a [15:01] growing worry the system of mass [15:04] production had flourished during the war [15:06] and now millions of goods were pouring [15:08] off production [15:09] lines what they were frightened of was [15:12] the danger of [15:13] overproduction that there would come a [15:15] point when people had enough goods and [15:17] would simply stop [15:20] buying up until that point the majority [15:22] of products were still sold to the [15:24] masses on the basis of [15:27] need are the Rich had long been used to [15:29] luxury goods for the millions of [15:32] workingclass Americans most products [15:34] were still advertised as [15:36] Necessities Goods like shoes stockings [15:39] even cars were promoted in functional [15:42] terms for their [15:45] durability the aim of the advertisements [15:47] was simply to show people the product's [15:49] Practical virtues nothing [15:52] [Music] [15:57] more [16:00] what the corporations realized they had [16:02] to do was transform the way the majority [16:04] of Americans thought about [16:07] products one leading Wall Street Banker [16:09] Paul merer of layman Brothers was clear [16:12] about what was [16:14] necessary we must shift America he wrote [16:17] from a needs to a desires culture people [16:20] must be trained to desire to want new [16:22] things even before the old have been [16:24] entirely [16:26] consumed we must shape a new mental in [16:29] America man's desires must overshadow [16:32] his [16:34] needs prior to that time there was no [16:37] American Consumer there was the American [16:39] worker and there was American owner and [16:41] they manufactured and they saved and [16:42] they ate what they had to when the [16:45] people shopped for what they needed and [16:47] while the very rich may have bought [16:50] things they didn't need most people did [16:52] not and merer envisioned a break with [16:56] that where you would have things that [16:58] you didn't didn't actually need but you [17:01] wanted as opposed to needed and the man [17:04] who would be at the center of changing [17:06] that mentality for the corporations was [17:08] Edward bernes bernes really is the guy [17:11] within the United States more than [17:13] anybody else who sort of brings to the [17:16] table psychological theory as something [17:20] that is an essential part of how from [17:23] the corporate side of how we are going [17:26] to appeal to the masses effectively and [17:29] the whole sort of merchandising [17:31] establishment and sales and sales [17:34] establishment is ready for Sigman Frey I [17:37] mean they are ready for understanding [17:39] what motivates the human [17:42] mind and so that there's this real [17:45] openness to Bern's techniques being used [17:48] to sell products to the [17:50] masses beginning in the early 20s the [17:53] New York Banks funded the creation of [17:55] chains of department stores Across [17:56] America they were to the outlets for the [17:59] mass-- produced goods and Bern's job was [18:02] to produce the new type of [18:04] customer bernes began to create many of [18:07] the techniques of mass consumer [18:08] persuasion that we now live with he was [18:12] employed by William Randolph Hurst to [18:13] promote his new women's magazines and [18:16] bernes glamorized them by placing [18:18] articles and advertisements that link [18:20] products made by others of his clients [18:22] to famous film stars like claraa B who [18:26] was also his [18:27] client bernes also began the practice of [18:30] product placement in the [18:31] movies and he dressed the Stars at the [18:34] film's premieres with clothes and [18:36] jewelry from other firms he [18:39] represented he was he claimed the first [18:41] person to tell car companies they could [18:43] sell cars as symbols of male [18:46] sexuality he employed psychologists to [18:49] issue reports that said products were [18:51] good for you and then pretended they [18:53] were independent [18:54] studies he organized fashion shows in [18:57] the department stores and paid [18:59] celebrities to repeat the new and [19:01] essential message you bought things not [19:03] just for need but to express your inner [19:05] sense of yourself to [19:07] [Music] [19:10] others there's a psychology of dress [19:13] have you ever thought about it how it [19:15] can express your [19:17] character you all have interesting [19:19] characters but some of them are all [19:21] hidden I wonder why you all want a dress [19:24] always the same with the same hats and [19:27] the same coats [19:28] I'm sure all of you are interesting and [19:31] have wonderful things about you but [19:33] looking at you in the [19:35] street you all look so much the same and [19:39] that's why I'm talking to you about the [19:41] psychology of dress try and express [19:44] yourselves better in your [19:48] dress bring out certain things that you [19:51] think are hidden I wonder if you thought [19:54] of this angle of your [19:57] personality I'd like to ask you some [20:00] questions why do you like shortcat oh [20:03] because there's more to see more to see [20:06] he what what good does that do [20:09] you my [20:11] hands it makes you more attractive [20:15] [Music] [20:18] no in 1927 an American journalist wrote [20:22] A change has come over our democracy it [20:25] is called consumptionism the American [20:28] Citizen's first importance to his [20:29] country is now no longer that of citizen [20:33] but that of [20:35] consumer the growing wave of consumerism [20:38] helped in turn to create a stock market [20:40] boom and yet again Edward bernes became [20:44] involved promoting the novel idea that [20:46] Ordinary People should buy shares [20:49] borrowing money from Banks he also [20:52] represented and yet again Millions [20:54] followed his [20:56] advice he was uniquely knowledgeable [21:00] about how people in large numbers are [21:02] going to react to products and ideas and [21:05] so [21:06] on but in term in political terms if he [21:09] were to go out so I can't imagine that [21:11] he'd get three people stand and [21:13] listen wasn't particularly articulate [21:16] was a kind of funny looking and didn't [21:20] have any sense of reaching out for [21:22] people oneon-one none at all he didn't [21:25] talk about didn't think about people in [21:27] groups of one thought about people in [21:30] groups of [21:33] thousands so I would have nothing to [21:38] doing hello Bernay soon became famous as [21:42] the man who understood the mind of the [21:44] crowd and in 1924 the president [21:47] contacted [21:48] him president kulage was a quiet tacan [21:52] man and had become a national Jer the [21:55] Press portrayed him as a dull humorous [21:57] figure [21:58] Bern's solution was to do exactly the [22:00] same as he had done with products he [22:03] persuaded 34 famous film stars to visit [22:05] the White [22:06] House and for the first time politics [22:09] became involved with public [22:12] relations and I lined up these 34 people [22:18] and I'd say what's your name he'd say Al [22:22] Jon I'd say Mr President Al Jon next St [22:28] every newspaper in the United States had [22:32] a front page [22:34] story president coolage [22:38] entertains actors at White House and the [22:42] times had a headline which said [22:47] president nearly [22:53] laugh and everybody was [22:56] happy [22:58] [Music] [23:00] but while bernes became rich and [23:01] Powerful in America in Vienna his uncle [23:04] was facing [23:05] disaster like much of Europe Vienna was [23:07] suffering an economic crisis and massive [23:09] inflation which wiped out all of Freud's [23:13] savings facing bankruptcy he wrote to [23:15] his nephew for [23:17] help bernes responded by arranging for [23:19] Freud's Works to be published for the [23:21] first time in America and began to send [23:24] his uncle precious dollars which Freud [23:27] kept secretly in a foreign bank [23:31] account he was Freud's agent if you will [23:34] to get his books published well of [23:36] course once the books were being [23:37] published Eddie couldn't help himself [23:39] but uh promote these books see that [23:43] everybody read them make them [23:46] controversial emphasize the fact that do [23:48] you know what fright says about sex and [23:50] what he says cigarettes are a symbol of [23:52] and so on and so forth how do you [23:53] suppose all those stories got out [23:55] certainly the academics weren't [23:57] spreading these around the country Eddie [23:58] Burnes was then when Freud became [24:01] accepted well then of course to go to to [24:05] a client and say well Uncle sigy see [24:07] then that had some cache but notice [24:09] there first Eddie created uncle sigy in [24:12] the US made him acceptable secondly and [24:16] thirdly then capitalized on Uncle sigy [24:20] typical Bern's performance bernes also [24:23] suggested that Freud promote himself in [24:25] the United States he proposed his uncle [24:27] an article for cosmopolitan a magazine [24:30] that Bern is represented entitled a [24:32] woman's mental place in the home Freud [24:35] was Furious such an idea he said was [24:38] Unthinkable it was vulgar and anyway he [24:41] hated [24:43] America Freud was now becoming [24:45] increasingly pessimistic about human [24:47] beings in the mid-20s he retreated in [24:50] the Summers to the Alps sometimes [24:52] staying in an old hotel the p meritz in [24:55] beus Garden it is now our [24:59] ruin Freud began to write about group [25:02] Behavior about how easily the [25:04] unconscious aggressive forces in human [25:06] beings could be triggered when they were [25:08] in [25:10] crowds Freud believed he had [25:12] underestimated the aggressive instincts [25:14] in human beings they were far more [25:16] dangerous than he had originally [25:19] thought after World War One F was [25:24] basically a pessimist he felt that man [25:29] is an Impossible [25:31] Creature and very very sadistic and [25:36] and uh [25:38] bad [25:40] species and did not believe that man can [25:44] be improved man is a ferocious animal [25:48] the most ferocious animal the [25:52] exist they enjoy torturing and and [25:57] killing and he didn't like [26:02] men the publication of Freud's Works in [26:05] America had an extraordinary effect on [26:07] journalists and intellectuals in the [26:09] 1920s what fascinated and frightened [26:12] them was the picture fry painted of [26:14] submerged dangerous forces luring just [26:17] under the surface of modern [26:19] society forces that could erupt easily [26:22] to produce the frenzied mob which had [26:23] the power to destroy even governments it [26:26] was this they belied had happened in [26:29] Russia to many this meant that one of [26:32] the guiding principles of mass democracy [26:34] was wrong the belief that human beings [26:37] could be trusted to make decisions on a [26:39] rational [26:40] basis the leading political writer [26:42] Walter Lipman argued that if human [26:45] beings were in reality driven by [26:47] unconscious irrational forces then it [26:49] was necessary to rethink [26:52] democracy what was needed was a new [26:54] Elite who could manage what he called [26:56] the bewildered [26:58] heard this would be done through [27:00] psychological techniques that would [27:02] control the unconscious feelings of the [27:06] masses so here you have Walter Litman [27:09] probably the most influential political [27:11] thinker in the United States who is [27:14] essentially saying that the basic [27:16] mechanism of the mass mind is unreason [27:19] is irrationality is animality he [27:22] believes that the mob in the street [27:24] which is how he sees Ordinary People Are [27:27] People were driven not by their minds [27:29] but by their spinal cords the notion of [27:31] kind of animal drives unconscious [27:34] instinctual drives lurking beneath the [27:37] surface of civilization and so they [27:39] started looking towards psychological [27:42] science as a way of understanding the [27:45] mechanisms by which the popular mind [27:49] works specifically with the goal of [27:53] figuring out how to understand how to [27:55] apply those mechanism to strategies for [27:58] uh social [27:59] control Edward bernes was fascinated by [28:02] litman's arguments and also saw a way to [28:05] promote himself by using [28:08] them in the 1920s he began to write a [28:11] series of books which argued that he had [28:13] developed the very techniques Litman was [28:16] calling [28:17] for by stimulating people's inner [28:19] desires and then sating them with [28:21] consumer products he was creating a new [28:24] way to manage the irrational force of [28:26] the masses [28:28] he called it the engineering of [28:31] consent democracy to my father was a [28:34] wonderful concept but I don't think he [28:37] felt that all those publics out there [28:40] would had reliable judgment uh and that [28:44] that that they could that they very [28:46] easily might vote for the wrong man or [28:49] want the wrong thing so that they had to [28:52] be guided from above uh it's a [28:56] enlightened despotism ISM in a [28:58] sense you appeal to their desires and [29:02] their unrecognized longings that sort of [29:07] thing that you can tap into their [29:11] deepest desires or their deepest fears [29:14] and use that to your own [29:17] purposes and then in 1928 a president [29:20] came to power who agreed with [29:23] bernes President Hoover was the first [29:25] politician to articulate the idea [29:27] that consumerism would become the [29:29] central motor of American [29:31] life after his election he told a group [29:34] of advertisers and public relations men [29:38] you have taken over the job of creating [29:40] desire and have transformed people into [29:43] constantly moving happiness [29:46] machines machines which have become the [29:48] key to economic [29:52] progress what was beginning to emerge in [29:55] the 1920s was a new idea a of how to run [29:58] Mass [29:59] democracy at its heart was the consuming [30:02] self which not only made the economy [30:05] work but was happy and docile and so [30:08] created a stable [30:11] Society both ber and litman's concept of [30:15] managing the masses takes the idea of [30:19] democracy and it turns it into a [30:22] paliative it turns it into uh giving [30:26] people some kind of feel good Med [30:28] medication that will respond to an [30:30] immediate pain or an immediate yearning [30:33] but will not alter the objective [30:35] circumstances one iota I mean democracy [30:38] really the idea of democracy at its [30:41] heart was about changing the relations [30:44] of power that had governed the world for [30:46] so long and Bern's concept of democracy [30:50] was one of maintaining the relations of [30:52] power even if it meant that one needed [30:54] to sort of stimulate the psychological [30:56] life lives of the public and in fact in [31:00] his mind that was what was [31:02] necessary that if you can keep [31:05] stimulating the irrational self then [31:08] leadership can basically go on doing [31:10] what it wants to [31:12] do bernes now became one of the central [31:15] figures in a business Elite that [31:17] dominated American society and politics [31:20] in the [31:21] 1920s he also became extremely rich and [31:24] lived in a suite of rooms in one of New [31:26] York's most expensive hotels where he [31:28] gave frequent parties oh my goodness he [31:31] had a home in the corner Suite of the [31:34] Sher Netherland hotel and he here's this [31:36] wonderful Suite with all these windows [31:38] looking out on Central Park and across [31:40] at the plaza and on the Square and he [31:43] would use this place to hold a Suare the [31:47] mayor would come all the media leaders [31:49] would come the political Leaders The [31:51] Business Leaders the people in the Arts [31:53] I mean it was a who's who people wanted [31:56] to know Eddie bernes because you know he [31:59] himself became a a sort of a famous man [32:02] a sort of a magician who could make [32:04] these things happen he knows everybody [32:06] he knows the mayor and he knows the [32:08] senator and he calls politicians on the [32:12] telephone as if he did get a literally a [32:15] a high or a bang out [32:18] of doing what he did and that's fine but [32:22] it it can be a little hard on the people [32:24] around you especially when you make [32:27] other people feel stupid people who [32:30] worked for him were stupid and children [32:32] were stupid and if people did things in [32:35] a way that he didn't that he wouldn't [32:38] have done them they were stupid that was [32:41] it was a word that he used over and over [32:43] and over dope and [32:45] stupid and the masses they were [32:50] [Music] [32:53] stupid but Bern's power was about to be [32:56] destroyed dramatically and by a type of [32:59] human irrationality he could do nothing [33:01] to [33:02] control at the end of October 1929 [33:05] bernes organized a huge National event [33:07] to celebrate the 50th anniversary of the [33:10] invention of the light bulb president ho [33:13] the leaders of major corporations and [33:15] bankers like John D Rockefeller were all [33:17] summoned by bernes to celebrate the [33:19] power of American [33:21] business but even as they gathered news [33:24] came through that shares on the New York [33:26] Stock exch change were beginning to fall [33:29] [Music] [33:33] catastrophically throughout the 1920s [33:35] speculators had borrowed billions of [33:37] dollars the banks had promoted the idea [33:40] that this was a new era where Market [33:42] crashes were a thing of the [33:43] past but they were wrong what was about [33:46] to happen was the biggest stock market [33:48] crash in [33:50] history investors had panicked and begun [33:52] to sell in a blind Relentless Fury that [33:55] no reassurance by bankers or politicians [33:58] could [34:01] Halt and on the 29th of October [34:04] 1929 the market [34:07] [Music] [34:14] collapsed the effect of the crash on the [34:16] American economy was disastrous faced [34:19] with recession and unemployment millions [34:21] of American workers stopped buying goods [34:23] they didn't need the consumer boom that [34:26] burn had done so much to engineer [34:28] disappeared and he and the profession of [34:31] public relations fell from favor Bern's [34:34] brief moment of power seemed to be [34:37] [Music] [34:45] over the effect of the Wall Street Crash [34:47] on Europe was also catastrophic it [34:50] intensified the growing economic and [34:52] political crisis in the new [34:54] democracies in both Germany and Austria [34:57] there were violent streak battles [34:58] between the armed wings of different [35:00] political [35:02] [Music] [35:05] parties against this backdrop Freud who [35:08] was suffering from cancer at the jaw [35:10] retreated yet again to the [35:13] Alps he wrote a book called civilization [35:16] and its [35:17] discontents it was a powerful attack on [35:19] the idea that civilization was an [35:22] expression of human [35:24] progress instead Freud AR argued [35:27] civilization had actually been [35:29] constructed to control the dangerous [35:31] animal forces inside human [35:34] beings what was implicit in Freud's [35:37] argument was that the ideal of [35:38] individual Freedom which was at the [35:40] heart of democracy was [35:42] impossible human beings could never be [35:45] allowed to truly Express themselves [35:47] because it was too dangerous they must [35:50] always be controlled and would thus [35:53] always be [35:55] discontent [35:59] man doesn't want to be civilized and he [36:03] is [36:04] civilization brings discontent but is [36:08] necessary to survive otherwise he [36:10] couldn't survive so he must be [36:13] discontent because this would be the [36:15] only way to keep him within [36:18] limits but what did Freud think about [36:21] the idea of the equality of [36:23] man he didn't believe in it [36:28] we had 32 parties and Hitler said before [36:33] those parties don't vanish there is no [36:35] Germany that's true you can't have 32 [36:39] parties and so they felt this one person [36:43] will put an end to [36:45] this [36:47] comedy Freud was not alone in his [36:49] pessimism politicians like Adolf Hitler [36:52] emerged from a growing despair in the [36:53] 1920s about [36:55] democracy the Nazis were convinced that [36:58] democracy was dangerous because it [36:59] Unleashed a selfish individualism but [37:02] didn't have the means to control [37:04] it Hitler's party the national [37:06] socialists stood in elections promising [37:09] in their propaganda that they would [37:11] abandon democracy because of the chaos [37:13] and unemployment it led [37:15] [Music] [37:25] to [37:34] in March 1933 the national socialists [37:37] were elected to power in Germany and [37:39] they set out to create a society that [37:42] would control human beings in a [37:43] different [37:45] way one of their first acts was to take [37:47] control of business the planning of [37:50] production would in future be done by [37:51] the state the free market was too [37:54] unstable as the crash in America had [37:56] proved [37:58] workers Leisure Time was also planned by [38:00] the state through a new organization [38:02] called strength through [38:03] Joy one of its mottos was service not [38:09] [Music] [38:12] self but the Nazis did not see this as a [38:15] return to an old form of autocratic [38:18] control it was a new alternative to [38:20] democracy in which the feelings and the [38:22] desires of the masses would still be [38:25] Central but they would be channeled in [38:27] such a way as to bind the nation [38:30] together the chief exponent of this was [38:32] Joseph Geral the minister of [38:35] [Applause] [38:41] [Music] [38:51] propaganda Geral organized huge rallies [38:54] whose function he said was to forge the [38:56] mind of the nation into a Unity of [38:58] thinking feeling and [39:00] desire one of his Inspirations he told [39:03] an American journalist was the writings [39:05] of Freud's nephew Edward [39:09] bernes in his work on crowd psychology [39:12] Freud had described how the frightening [39:14] irrationality inside human beings could [39:16] emerge in such groups the Deep what he [39:19] called libidinal forces of Desire are [39:22] given up to the leader while the [39:24] aggressive instincts are Unleashed on [39:26] those outside the group Freud wrote this [39:29] as a warning but the Nazis were [39:31] deliberately encouraging these forces [39:33] because they believed they could master [39:35] and control [39:42] them [39:43] well was saying that [39:46] masses are bound by by Lial [39:51] forces they love each [39:55] and [39:57] ideas and things do the chap on [40:03] top forces well forces of [40:08] love not [40:10] ha ha ha is delegated to the other's [40:25] outside [40:30] [Music] [40:38] up I could see from afar looking up will [40:43] towards Lindon how those 100,000 of [40:47] people when they passed Hitler they just [40:51] became completely Delirious they began [40:55] to shout [40:56] please tce I will never get out of my [41:00] ears H [41:04] Zed and here I got confirmation how [41:09] those irrational forces uncontrollable [41:13] forces in Germany in the Germans had [41:16] erupted had broken out were running Riot [41:21] where the part marching marching [41:25] on [41:32] [Music] [41:40] [Music] [41:43] and in America too democracy was under [41:45] threat from the force of the angry [41:49] mob the effect of the stock market crash [41:51] had been disastrous there was growing [41:54] violence as an angry population took out [41:56] their frustration on the corporations [41:58] who were seen to have caused this [42:01] disaster then in 1932 a new president [42:05] was elected who was also going to use [42:07] the power of the state to control the [42:09] free [42:10] market but his aim was not to destroy [42:13] democracy but to strengthen it and to do [42:16] this he was going to develop a new way [42:18] of dealing with the [42:20] masses I am prepared under my [42:23] constitutional duty to recommend the [42:26] measures that a stricken nation in the [42:28] midst of a stricken world may require [42:31] but in the event that the National [42:33] Emergency is still critical I shall not [42:37] evade the clear course of Duty that will [42:40] then confront me I shall ask the [42:43] Congress for the one remaining [42:45] instrument to meet the crisis [42:48] fraad executive [42:51] [Music] [42:55] power it was the start of what would [42:57] become known as the New Deal Roosevelt [43:00] assembled a group of young technocrats [43:02] and planners in [43:04] Washington he told them that their job [43:06] was to plan and run giant new industrial [43:08] projects for the good of the [43:10] nation Rosevelt was convinced that the [43:13] stock market crash had shown that lasair [43:15] capitalism could no longer run modern [43:18] industrial economies it had become the [43:20] job of [43:22] government big business was horrified [43:25] but the new deal attracted the [43:27] admiration of the Nazis especially [43:30] Joseph [43:31] [Music] [43:39] [Laughter] [43:55] Geral [44:13] for but although Roosevelt like the [44:16] Nazis was trying to organize Society in [44:18] a different way unlike the nais he [44:21] believed that human beings were rational [44:23] and could be trusted to take an active [44:25] part in [44:27] government Roosevelt believed it was [44:29] possible to explain his policies to [44:31] ordinary Americans and take into account [44:33] their [44:34] opinions to do this he was helped by the [44:36] new ideas of an American social [44:38] scientist called George [44:41] Gallop favorite reading of New Deal [44:44] Washington the survey of US public [44:46] opinion the officers at Princeton New [44:48] Jersey are famed statistici Dr George [44:51] Gallop tells Washington from week to [44:53] week what the nation is [44:54] thinking [44:56] and in New York Fortune Magazine's [44:58] analyst Elmo roer compiles for [45:00] publication a continuous record of the [45:02] nation's approval or disapproval of how [45:04] the country is being [45:06] run gallop and rer rejected Bern's view [45:09] that human beings were at the mercy of [45:11] unconscious forces and so needed to be [45:14] controlled their system of opinion [45:17] polling was based on the idea that [45:18] people could be trusted to know what [45:20] they [45:21] wanted they argued that one could [45:23] measure and predict the opinions and [45:25] behavior of the public if one asked [45:27] strictly factual questions and avoided [45:30] manipulating their [45:34] emotions well how about this one do you [45:37] think frankon D Roosevelt's New Deal has [45:39] been bad for the nation in general no [45:42] that question is loaded it automatically [45:44] suggests an answer well how about this [45:48] is your present feeling toward President [45:51] Roosevelt one of General approval or [45:53] general [45:54] disapproval [45:56] that's [45:57] better prior to Scientific polling the [46:00] view of of of many people was that um [46:04] you couldn't trust public opinion it was [46:06] irrational that uh it was Ill informed [46:09] chaotic unruly and so forth and and so [46:13] that opinion should be dismissed but [46:15] with scientific polling um I think it [46:18] established very clearly that people do [46:21] are rational that they do make good [46:23] decisions and this offers democracy [46:26] a chance to be truly informed by the [46:29] public giving everybody a voice in the [46:32] way the country has run I know my father [46:34] wouldn't necessarily say the voice of [46:36] the public is the voice of God but he he [46:38] did feel very much that the the voice of [46:40] the of the people is is a rational voice [46:43] and should be [46:44] heard what Roosevelt was doing was [46:46] forging a new connection between the [46:48] masses and [46:50] politicians no longer were they [46:52] irrational consumers who were managed by [46:54] sating their desires instead they were [46:56] sensible citizens who could take part in [46:58] the governing of the [47:00] country in 1936 Roosevelt stood for [47:03] re-election he promised further control [47:05] over big business to the corporations it [47:08] was the beginning of a [47:14] dictatorship Roosevelt interferes with [47:16] private Enterprise and he is running the [47:19] country into debt for generations to [47:21] come the way to get recovery is to let [47:24] business alone [47:26] but Roosevelt was triumphantly [47:28] reelected it looks my friends like a [47:32] real Landslide this time so please let [47:37] me let me thank you again and tell you [47:40] that I hope to see you all very soon and [47:42] bid you an affectionate good night faced [47:46] with this business now decided to fight [47:48] back to regain power in [47:51] America at the heart of the battle would [47:53] be Edward bernes and the profession he [47:55] had invented public [47:59] relations following that [48:02] election business people start to get [48:05] together and start to carry on [48:08] discussions primarily in private and [48:10] they start talking to each other about [48:12] the need to sort of carry on uh [48:15] ideological Warfare against the New Deal [48:18] and to sort of reassert the sort of [48:20] connectedness between the idea of [48:23] democracy on the one hand and the idea [48:25] of privately owned business on the other [48:28] and so Under the Umbrella of an [48:30] organization which still exists which is [48:33] called the National Association of [48:35] Manufacturers and whose membership [48:37] included all of the major corporations [48:40] of the United States a campaign is [48:43] launched explicitly designed to create [48:46] emotional attachments between the public [48:49] and big [48:50] business it's Bern's techniques being [48:53] used on a grand scale I mean [49:00] totally the General Motors parade of [49:03] progress traveling the high roads and by [49:06] roads of America bringing to millions of [49:09] Americans in their own hometowns the [49:11] fascinating story behind modern industry [49:15] showing the campaign set out to show [49:17] dramatically that it was business not [49:19] politicians who had created modern [49:21] America better mode of living for all of [49:24] us [49:27] bernes was an adviser to General Motors [49:30] but he was no longer alone the industry [49:32] he had founded now flourished as [49:34] hundreds of public relations advisers [49:36] organized a vast [49:38] campaign they not only used [49:40] advertisements and billboards but [49:41] managed to insinuate their message into [49:43] the editorial pages of the [49:48] newspapers it became a bitter fight in [49:51] response to the campaign the government [49:52] made films that warned of the [49:54] unscrupulous manip ation of the press by [49:57] big business and the central villain was [50:00] the new figure of the public relations [50:04] man they tried to achieve their Ends by [50:07] working entirely behind the scenes [50:09] corrupting and deceiving the public the [50:12] aims of such groups may be either good [50:14] or bad so far as the public interest is [50:16] concerned but their methods are a grave [50:19] danger to democratic [50:21] institutions the films also showed how [50:24] the responsible citizen could monitor [50:25] the Press [50:27] themselves they could create a chart [50:29] that analyzed the reporting for signs of [50:31] hidden [50:32] [Music] [50:34] bias but such Earnest instruction was to [50:36] be no match for the powerful imagination [50:39] of Edward [50:41] [Music] [50:43] bernes he was about to help create a [50:46] vision of the Utopia that free market [50:48] capitalism would build in America if it [50:51] was [50:52] Unleashed some where over the [50:58] [Music] [51:00] rainbow in 1939 New York hosted the [51:03] World's Fair Edward bernes was a central [51:07] adviser he insisted that the theme be [51:10] the link between democracy and American [51:13] [Music] [51:19] Business at the heart of the fair was a [51:22] giant white Dome that bernes named de [51:28] City and the central exhibit was a vast [51:31] working model of America's future [51:33] constructed by the General Motors [51:35] Corporation to my father the World's [51:39] Fair was an [51:40] opportunity to keep the status quo that [51:44] is [51:45] capitalism in a democracy democracy and [51:49] and capitalism that [51:51] marriage right linking like just like [51:54] that [51:56] he did that by manipulating people and [51:59] getting them to think that you couldn't [52:02] have real democracy in anything but a [52:05] capitalist [52:07] society which was capable of doing [52:10] anything of creating these wonderful [52:13] highways of of making you know moving [52:18] pictures inside everybody's house of of [52:21] telephones that didn't need cords of [52:24] sleek Road I mean it was there were it [52:27] was it was it was [52:29] consumerist but at the same time you [52:32] inferred that in a funny way democracy [52:34] and capitalism went [52:37] together the World's Fair was an [52:39] extraordinary success and captured [52:42] America's [52:43] imagination the vision it portrayed was [52:45] of a new form of democracy in which [52:48] business responded to people's innermost [52:51] Desires in a way politicians could never [52:54] do [52:55] but it was a form of democracy that [52:57] depended on treating people not as [52:59] active citizens as Roosevelt did but as [53:02] passive [53:03] consumers because this bernes believed [53:06] was the key to control in a mass [53:09] democracy it's not that the people are [53:12] in charge but that the people's desires [53:14] are in [53:15] charge the people are not in charge the [53:18] people exercise no decision-making power [53:21] within this [53:22] environment so democracy is reduced from [53:26] something which assumes an active [53:28] citizenry to the idea of the public as [53:31] passive [53:32] consumers [53:35] oh driven primarily by instinctual or [53:38] unconscious desires and that if you can [53:41] in fact trigger those needs and desires [53:43] you can get what you want from [53:47] them but this struggle between the two [53:50] views of human beings as to whether they [53:52] were rational or irrational was about to [53:55] be dramatically affected by events in [53:58] Europe events that would also change the [54:00] fortunes of the Freud [54:05] family in March 1938 the Nazis annexed [54:08] Austria it was called the [54:10] anchus Hitler arrived in Vienna to an [54:13] extraordinary outpouring of mass [54:15] agulation but even as he drove through [54:17] the city behind the scenes the Nazis [54:20] were systematically whipping up and [54:22] unleashing the hatred of the crowd [54:24] against the enemies of the new greater [54:27] Germany the Angelus was a kind of [54:31] explosion of terrible hatred against the [54:34] enemies so-called enemies or whatever [54:36] they considered enemies against the Jews [54:39] in in [54:40] in totally and also against a lot of [54:45] adist aans who had opposed the Nazis in [54:50] Austria they said it's legitimate now [54:53] you can do what you want so they did [54:55] stealing robbing and killing I can't say [54:57] it otherwise and human depravity of [55:00] course is [55:02] uh always near very near to to to normal [55:06] behavior it be it can change very [55:17] quickly as the violence and [55:19] assassinations raged in Vienna Freud [55:21] decided he had to leave his aim was to [55:24] go to to Britain but he knew that [55:26] Britain like many countries was refusing [55:28] entry to most Jewish [55:32] refugees but help came from the leading [55:34] psychoanalyst in Britain Ernest Jones he [55:37] was in the same Ice Skating Club as the [55:39] Home Secretary s Samuel hore and Jones [55:42] persuaded hore to issue Freud a British [55:45] work [55:48] permit and in May 1938 Freud his [55:51] daughter Anna and other members of his [55:53] family set off for London [55:55] [Music] [56:02] Freud arrived in London as Britain Was [56:04] preparing for war and he settled with [56:06] his daughter Anna in a house in [56:10] Hamstead but Freud's cancer was now far [56:12] Advanced and in September 1939 just 3 [56:16] weeks after the outbreak of War he [56:23] died the second world war would utterly [56:26] transform the way governments saw [56:28] democracy and the people they [56:32] governed next week's program will show [56:34] how the American government as a result [56:36] of the war became convinced there were [56:39] Savage dangerous forces hidden inside [56:41] all human beings forces that needed to [56:44] be [56:46] controlled the terrible evidence from [56:48] the death camps seemed to show what [56:50] happened when these forces were [56:53] Unleashed and politicians and planners [56:55] in postwar America would come to believe [56:57] that hidden under the surface of their [56:59] own population were the same dangerous [57:04] forces and they would turn to the Freud [57:06] family to help control this enemy [57:11] [Music] [57:15] Within and ever adaptable Edward bernes [57:18] would work not just for the American [57:19] government but the [57:23] CIA and Sigman Freud's daughter Anna [57:26] would also become powerful in the United [57:28] States because she believed that people [57:31] could be taught to control the [57:32] irrational forces within [57:34] them out of this would come vast [57:37] government programs to manage the inner [57:39] psychological life of the [57:43] [Music] [57:53] masses this centry of the self continues [57:56] next Sunday night on BBC 2 same time [57:58] 8:00 tonight the final part of SAS [58:01] [Music] [58:12] [Music] [58:22] next let's say a word about three means [58:26] we all have thoughts which we never knew [58:28] we had they are too uncomfortable too [58:30] incompatible with our adult self to be [58:33] remembered yet they're often disturbing [58:36] rumbling under the surface like lava in [58:38] a [58:40] volcano the dream is the Royal Road to [58:43] these [58:44] thoughts the royal road to the [58:47] unconscious this is the story of how [58:49] Sigman Freud's ideas about the [58:51] unconscious mind were used by those in [58:54] power in postwar America to try and [58:56] control the [58:58] masses politicians and planners came to [59:00] believe that Freud was right to suggest [59:03] that hidden deep within all human beings [59:05] were dangerous and irrational desires [59:07] and [59:08] [Music] [59:11] fears they were convinced that it was [59:13] the unleashing of these instincts that [59:15] had led to the barbarism of Nazi [59:19] Germany to stop it ever happening again [59:22] they set out to find ways to control [59:24] this hidden enemy within the human [59:31] mind at the heart of the story are [59:34] Sigman Freud's daughter [59:36] Anna and his nephew Edward bernes who [59:39] had invented the profession of public [59:42] relations their ideas were used by the [59:44] US government big business and the CIA [59:48] to develop techniques to manage and [59:50] control the minds of the American [59:53] people those in power believed that the [59:55] only way to make democracy work and [59:58] create a stable Society was to repress [60:01] the Savage barbarism that lurp just [60:03] under the surface of normal American [60:05] [Music] [60:17] [Applause] [60:19] Life the Story begins in the middle of [60:21] the fierce fighting the Second World War [60:25] as the fighting intensified the American [60:27] Army was faced by an extraordinary [60:29] number of mental breakdowns among its [60:32] troops 49% of all soldiers evacuated [60:35] from combat were sent back because they [60:37] suffered from mental [60:39] problems in desperation the Army turned [60:42] to the new ideas of [60:44] psychoanalysis they made a film record [60:46] of the experiment using hidden [60:48] cameras it says here on your record that [60:51] you had HIIT and that you had crying [60:53] spell yes sir uh I believe in your [60:55] profession is called [60:57] nostalgia in other words homes yes sir [61:00] mhm it was induced when shortly before [61:03] the [61:04] War I received a picture of my [61:07] sweetheart [61:18] yes I'm sorry I can't continue that's [61:21] all [61:22] right it was the first time that anyone [61:25] had paid such attention to the feelings [61:27] and anxieties of ordinary [61:29] people at the heart of the experiment [61:32] were a number of refugee psychoanalysts [61:34] from Central Europe they worked with [61:36] American psychiatrists to guide and [61:38] shape the project when I first came to [61:41] America I worked in the psychiatric [61:44] service with soldiers trying to [61:47] rehabilitate them and I traveled in the [61:50] train from the east coast to the West [61:53] Coast I I was enormously curious what [61:57] goes on in all of those little towns [62:01] that it rain is passing after my years [62:04] in the Army I knew exactly what [62:06] everybody was doing in the little [62:09] towns because I I saw so many people who [62:13] came from there and I understood their [62:17] aspirations their disappointments and so [62:20] forth so it was as if somebody invit Ed [62:24] me to a privileged tour in the into the [62:29] inner soul of America I'm not doing this [62:32] Liber please believe I I do believe you [62:36] um a display of emotion is sometimes [62:39] very helpful I hope so sir sure it gets [62:42] it off your chest well sir to be [62:45] perfectly honest with you I'm very much [62:47] in love with my sweethe heart she has [62:50] been the one person that gave me a sense [62:54] of [62:55] importance is that through her [62:59] cooperation with me we were able to [63:02] surmount so many [63:04] obstacles take it easy now just talk to [63:07] the psychoanalyst used techniques [63:09] developed by Freud to take the men back [63:11] into their [63:12] past they became convinced that the [63:14] breakdowns were not the direct result of [63:17] fighting the stress of combat had merely [63:19] triggered old childhood [63:22] memories these were memories of the [63:24] men's own violent feelings and desires [63:27] which they had repressed because they [63:28] were too frightening think deeply let's [63:30] go back when was it to the [63:32] psychoanalysts it was overwhelming proof [63:34] of Freud's theory that underneath human [63:36] beings were driven by primitive [63:38] irrational forces you won [63:41] that World War II was a major shattering [63:46] experience because I discovered the [63:49] enormous role of the [63:52] irrational in the lives of most most [63:55] people yeah that I can say that I [63:58] learned it that the the ratio between [64:02] the irrational and the rational in [64:05] America is very much in favor of the [64:09] irrational that there's much greater [64:11] unhappiness much more suffering much [64:17] more a a sad country than one would [64:21] imagine it from from the adversity from [64:24] the advertisements that you get a much [64:26] more problematic [64:30] country victory in the second world war [64:33] was celebrated as a Triumph of [64:35] democracy but in private many policy [64:37] makers were worried about the [64:39] implications of the analysis of the [64:41] soldiers it seemed to show that [64:43] underneath every American were [64:45] irrational violent [64:48] drives what had happened in Germany [64:50] seemed to bear this out the complicity [64:53] of so many ordinary Germans in mass [64:55] killings during the war showed just how [64:57] easily these forces could break through [65:00] and overwhelm [65:03] [Music] [65:05] democracy planners and policy makers had [65:08] been convinced by their experiences [65:11] during World War II that human beings [65:13] could act very irrationally because of [65:16] this sort of teeming and raw and [65:18] unpredictable emotionality um the kind [65:22] of chaos that lived at the at the at the [65:24] base of human personality could uh in [65:28] fact infect the society social [65:31] institutions to such a point that the [65:33] society itself would become sick that's [65:36] what they believe happened in Germany in [65:39] which the irrational the anti-democratic [65:41] went [65:43] wild it was a vision of of human nature [65:46] as incredibly destructive and they were [65:49] terrified that Americans would in fact [65:53] behave [65:54] that way or were capable of Behaving [65:57] that way and they wanted to avoid a [65:58] rerun of that so what is needed is a [66:03] human being that can internalize [66:06] Democratic Values so that they are not [66:09] shaken with the [66:13] storm and psychoanalysis carried in it [66:16] the promise that it can be done it [66:18] opened up new Vistas as to how the inner [66:23] structure of the human being can be [66:25] changed so that he becomes a more [66:31] vital free supporter and maintainer of [66:36] democracy the psychoanalysts were [66:38] convinced they not only understood these [66:40] dangerous forces but they knew how to [66:42] control them too they would use their [66:45] techniques to create Democratic [66:47] individuals because democracy left to [66:49] itself failed to do [66:53] this [66:56] the source of this idea was not only [66:58] Sigman Freud but his youngest daughter [67:01] Anna she had fled with her father to [67:03] London before the outbreak of war and [67:06] after he died Anna Freud became the [67:08] acknowledged leader of the world [67:09] psychoanalytic [67:10] movement she saw her job as to fulfill [67:13] her father's dream of making his ideas [67:16] accepted throughout the [67:19] world at the center of the frud movement [67:22] stood tanaa because she managed to work [67:27] herself into that position she was [67:29] recognized as that and not just because [67:32] she was a [67:34] daughter she worked she worked on that [67:39] she was rather [67:41] forbidding he was not to me a warm [67:44] person not an aunt you could you could [67:47] kiss or put your arms [67:51] around not at all and her whole life [67:56] rotated around the spreading of [68:00] psychoanalysis Freud himself had seen [68:02] the role of psychoanalysis as allowing [68:04] people to understand their unconscious [68:07] drives but Anna Freud believed it was [68:09] possible to teach individuals how to [68:11] control these inner [68:13] forces she had come to believe this [68:15] through analyzing children above all the [68:17] children of her close friend Dorothy [68:21] Burlingham Dorothy Burlingham was an [68:23] American an arys who in the 1920s fled a [68:26] failed marriage and brought her children [68:28] to Anna Freud in [68:30] Vienna they were suffering terrible [68:32] anxieties and aggression but Anna Freud [68:35] was convinced she could free them from [68:37] this by changing the world around [68:40] them she thought that she could come in [68:42] and um into their environment [68:45] essentially because they were children [68:46] you see they didn't have independent [68:48] lives of their own she could go talk to [68:50] the parents or the mother uh she could [68:52] go to the schools she could influence [68:54] their real world the actual external [68:56] world to change their lives and to uh to [68:59] help them and to change them as people I [69:03] think that was uh part of what uh her [69:05] idea was is that she felt that she could [69:08] change [69:10] them from her analysis of the Burlingham [69:12] children Anna Freud developed a theory [69:14] of how to control the inner [69:16] drives it was simple you taught the [69:19] children to conform to the rules of [69:22] society but the this was more than just [69:24] moral [69:26] guidance Anna Freud believed that if [69:29] children like the Burlingham strictly [69:31] followed the rules of accepted social [69:33] conduct then as they grew up the [69:35] conscious part of their mind what was [69:37] called the ego would be greatly [69:39] strengthened in its struggle to control [69:41] the [69:43] unconscious but if children did not [69:46] conform their ego would be weak and they [69:49] would be prey to the dangerous forces of [69:51] the [69:52] unconscious [69:55] in my father's uh case they were [69:57] concerned that he would be a homosexual [69:59] and so a lot of their efforts went into [70:02] uh preventing or trying to stop my [70:05] father from becoming a [70:07] homosexual whether or not he would have [70:09] or did or you know is is you know it's [70:12] unknown to me why did they want to stop [70:15] him because they felt it was abnormal it [70:17] wasn't a uh it wasn't a normal uh way to [70:21] develop they wanted to have [70:24] develop along lines that Society [70:27] recognized to be normal because if they [70:29] didn't then you're going to be under the [70:31] control of forces that you don't [70:33] understand that you're not even aware of [70:36] the analysis seemed to be a great [70:37] success and in the 30s the Burlingham [70:39] children had returned to [70:41] America they settled down to happy [70:43] married lives in the [70:45] suburbs what they didn't realize was [70:47] that their experience was about to [70:49] become a template for a giant social [70:51] experiment to control the inner mental [70:53] life of the American [70:55] [Music] [70:58] population in 1946 President Truman [71:01] signed the national mental health act it [71:04] had been borne directly out of the [71:05] wartime discoveries by psychoanalysts [71:08] that millions of Americans who had been [71:09] drafted suffered hidden anxieties and [71:13] fears the aim of the Act was to deal [71:16] with this invisible threat to [71:20] society shocked by the appalling [71:22] percentage of the emotion Ally unstable [71:24] revealed by the World War II draft [71:26] figures Congress in 1946 passed the [71:29] national mental health act which [71:31] recognized for the first time that [71:33] mental illness was a national [71:36] problem keenly aware of the tremendous [71:39] problems ahead is Dr Robert H Felix [71:42] director of the vast new project a [71:44] primary objective of the national mental [71:46] health program is to increase our fund [71:49] of scientific knowledge about mental [71:51] health and about mental illness we're [71:54] not doing this why because there are all [71:57] too few skilled mental health workers [72:01] two of the principal architects of the [72:03] ACT were the meninger brothers Carl and [72:06] will will had run the wartime [72:08] Psychotherapy experiments and now he and [72:10] his brother began to train hundreds of [72:12] new [72:14] psychiatrists the menas were convinced [72:16] that it would be possible to apply Anna [72:18] Freud's ideas on a wide scale and to [72:22] adults as well as children [72:24] the psychiatrist job would be to teach [72:26] ordinary Americans how to control their [72:28] unconscious drives psychoanalysis could [72:32] be used to make a better [72:34] Society they said psychoanalytic [72:36] thinking could make for the betterment [72:38] of society because you could change the [72:40] way the mind [72:42] functioned and you could take the ways [72:46] in which [72:47] people did hurtful things to themselves [72:50] and others and alter them by enlarging [72:53] ing their understanding and this was the [72:56] vision psychoanalysis brought that you [72:58] could really change people that you [73:00] could really change [73:02] people and we could change them almost [73:05] in Limitless [73:08] ways in the late' 40s a vast project [73:11] began in America to apply the ideas of [73:13] psychoanalysis to the [73:16] masses psychological guidance centers [73:18] were set up in hundreds of [73:20] towns they were staffed by psychiatrists [73:23] who believed it was their job to control [73:25] the hidden forces inside the minds of [73:27] millions of ordinary [73:32] Americans yes I I need something done I [73:36] I need some help [73:39] I mhm did you have any particular [73:42] teachers that you'd like sort I liked [73:45] all my teachers except one I remember [73:48] what was the trouble with this one I [73:50] don't know she just scared me most of [73:52] the time H her at me and I'd run outside [73:54] and [73:56] vomit I hate my brother loathing [74:02] despise at the same time thousands of [74:04] counselors were trained to apply [74:06] psychoanalysis to marriage [74:08] guidance and social workers were sent [74:11] out to visit people's homes and advise [74:13] on the psychological structure of family [74:16] life behind all this was the fundamental [74:19] idea of Anna freuds that if people were [74:22] encouraged to conform to the accepted [74:24] patterns of family and social life then [74:26] their ego would be strengthened they [74:29] would be able to control the dangerous [74:30] forces within [74:35] them when your emotions control your [74:38] actions it affects not only yourself but [74:41] the people around you and if this sort [74:43] of flare up is repeated often it might [74:46] lead to a permanently walked [74:49] personality you can control the fire of [74:52] your emotions so that your personality [74:54] becomes more [74:57] pleasant so we expect that someone who's [75:00] been through that experience to be much [75:01] more insightful much more understanding [75:04] and a much better regulated person and [75:07] what happens to the and regulation [75:08] includes being able to let go as it were [75:10] to enjoy a football game or a soccer [75:13] [Music] [75:17] game a more understanding yes rational [75:21] but also appropriately emotional person [75:24] the regulatory aspects of the human mind [75:27] would really be in charge instead of [75:30] instead of being overwhelmed by our [75:32] passions and by our darker [75:35] impulses that one would be master or [75:37] Mistress of One's Own [75:40] passions they just felt that the road to [75:43] happiness was in adapting to the [75:46] external World in which they lived that [75:49] people could be uncried from their own [75:52] neurotic conflicts and impulses that [75:55] they would not engage in [75:56] self-destructive behavior that they [75:57] would in fact adapt to the reality about [75:59] them they never questioned the [76:03] reality they never questioned that it [76:05] might itself be a source of evil or [76:08] something to which you could not adapt [76:10] without uh without compromise or without [76:13] suffering or without exploiting yourself [76:15] in some way so there was this fit with [76:18] the politics of the day and a balance of [76:22] emotions is [76:25] important to a well-rounded [76:29] personality but it was only the [76:31] beginning of the rise to power of [76:32] psychoanalysis in America psychoanalysts [76:36] were about to move into big business and [76:38] use their techniques not just to create [76:40] model citizens but model [76:42] [Music] [76:44] consumers last week's episode showed how [76:46] Freud's American nephew Edward bernes [76:49] had been the first to convince American [76:51] corporations that they could sell [76:52] products s by connecting them with [76:54] people's unconscious [76:56] feelings but now a group of [76:58] psychoanalysts were going to take what [77:00] bernes had begun and invent a whole [77:02] range of techniques to get inside and [77:05] manage the unconscious mind of the [77:08] consumer they were led by Ernest dictor [77:11] dictor had practi his next door to Freud [77:13] in Vienna but he had come to America and [77:15] set up the institute for motivational [77:17] research in an old mansion north of New [77:21] York this is The Institute for [77:24] motivational research a place devoted to [77:27] the Intriguing business of finding out [77:29] why people behave as they do why they [77:33] buy as they do why they respond to [77:36] advertising as they do and this is Dr [77:39] Ernest dictor we don't go out and ask [77:43] directly uh why do you buy why don't you [77:46] what we try to do instead is to [77:48] understand the total personality the [77:50] self-image of the customer we use all [77:52] the res sources of modern social [77:54] sciences it opens up some stimulating [77:57] psychological techniques for selling any [77:58] new product like the other [78:01] psychoanalysts dictor believed that [78:03] American citizens were fundamentally [78:05] irrational beings they could not be [78:07] trusted their real reasons for buying [78:10] products were rooted in unconscious [78:11] desires and [78:13] feelings and dictor wanted to find ways [78:15] to uncover what he called the secret [78:17] self of the American [78:21] Consumer he was trying to get out of [78:23] people's mind the unconscious [78:26] motivations that they had for purchasing [78:29] uh these could be sexual they could be [78:31] psychological they could be sociological [78:34] they could be a demand for status a [78:36] demand for recognition there were things [78:38] that people couldn't verbalize or [78:40] wouldn't verbalize because they were too [78:42] secret to them they were too much a part [78:44] of their nature and they would they [78:46] would be embarrassed they would be [78:48] embarrassed if they came out and said [78:49] things like this he would inter view [78:53] people but not ask them direct questions [78:58] but let them talk freely like you do in [79:05] psychoanalysis and that was his [79:08] background and so he said why can't we [79:11] have a group therapy session about [79:13] products all right and so dictor built [79:18] this room up above his garage and he [79:21] said we can have psycho analysis [79:23] products they can actually act out and [79:24] verbalize their wants and needs what [79:27] we're going to do is try a couple of [79:29] these uh salad dressings so let's see [79:33] what happens there is our typical [79:36] housewife she doesn't follow the [79:38] instruction and they could be observed [79:41] and watched and other people could [79:43] comment and they could talk about it and [79:45] everybody could join in he was the first [79:48] to do this this was absolutely the first [79:50] thing that was ever done and he had a [79:52] movie Project ctor up there where you [79:54] could show advertisements and things [79:56] like that and people could react to them [79:58] and he invented the whole technique for [80:00] mining the unconscious about the hidden [80:02] psychological wants that people had [80:04] about [80:05] products this became the focus group it [80:11] worked dictor's breakthrough came with a [80:13] focus group study he did for Betty [80:15] Crocker [80:16] foods like many food manufacturers in [80:19] the early 50s they had invented a new [80:21] range of instant convenience [80:23] foods but although consumers had told [80:26] Market researchers they would welcome [80:27] the idea in fact they were refusing to [80:30] buy them the worst problem was the Betty [80:33] Crocker cake mix dictor did a series of [80:36] focus groups where housewives free [80:38] Associated about the cake [80:40] mix he concluded that they felt [80:43] unconscious guilt of the new image being [80:45] promoted of ease and [80:48] convenience in other words he understood [80:51] that the barrier to the consumption of [80:53] the product was the housewives feeling [80:55] of guilt about using it they basically [80:58] on one hand wanted to make it easy for [81:00] themselves but they felt guilty about it [81:02] so what you've got to do in those [81:04] circumstances is remove the barrier the [81:06] barrier being guilt the way you do that [81:09] is to give the housewife a greater sense [81:11] of [81:12] participation and how did you do that by [81:15] adding an [81:18] egg simple as that as simple as that [81:21] dictor told Betty Crocker to put an [81:23] instruction on the packet that the [81:25] housewife should add an egg it would be [81:27] an unconscious symbol he said of the [81:30] housewife mixing in her own eggs as a [81:32] gift to her husband and so would lessen [81:34] the guilt Betty Crocker did it and the [81:37] sales soared my cake is [81:41] ready the consumer may have basic needs [81:44] that the consumer himself or herself [81:47] doesn't fully understand you have to [81:49] know what those needs are in order to [81:52] fully exploit the [81:54] [Applause] [81:57] consumer is it [81:59] wrong to give people what they [82:02] want by taking away their [82:06] defenses [82:08] helping remove their [82:11] defenses it seems so much longer than [82:13] last year it is nearly 4 in longer in [82:16] some [82:17] models [82:21] oh dictor's success led to a rush by [82:24] corporations and advertising agencies to [82:27] employ [82:28] psychoanalysts they became known as the [82:30] depth boys and they promised to show [82:32] companies how to make millions by [82:34] connecting their products with people's [82:36] hidden desires dictor himself became a [82:39] millionaire famous for inventing slogans [82:41] like a tiger in your [82:43] tank even the marketing of the Barbie [82:46] Doll came from a children's focus group [82:49] and so it [82:50] goes but dictor was convinced that this [82:53] was far more than just [82:54] selling like Anna Freud he believed that [82:57] the environment could be used to [82:58] strengthen the human [83:00] personality and products have the power [83:03] both to State inner desires and give [83:05] people a feeling of common identity with [83:07] those around [83:08] them it was a strategy for creating a [83:11] stable society dictor called it the [83:14] strategy of [83:17] desire to understand a stable citizen [83:20] you have to know that Modern Man quite [83:22] often tries to work off his frustrations [83:24] by spending on self gratification modern [83:27] man is eternally ready to fill out his [83:29] self-image but purchasing products which [83:31] complement it if you identify yourself [83:35] with a product it can have a [83:40] therapeutic value it improves your [83:45] self-image and you become a more secure [83:49] person and you have suddenly this [83:53] confidence of going out in the world and [83:56] doing what you want [84:00] successfully hernet believed that that [84:03] would then improve the whole of our [84:07] society and become the best Society on [84:11] this [84:12] [Music] [84:18] planet by the early 50s the ideas of [84:20] psychoanalysis had penetrated deep into [84:23] American [84:24] Life the psychoanalysts themselves [84:27] became rich and Powerful many had [84:29] Consulting rooms overlooking Central [84:31] Park in New [84:33] York politicians and famous writers like [84:36] Arthur Miller and Tennesse Williams [84:37] became their [84:39] patience they were seeking not just help [84:42] but to understand the hidden roots of [84:44] human [84:45] behavior we were sought after Washington [84:48] was interested in what we think you know [84:51] they they important important writers [84:55] important politicians were undergoing [84:59] psychoanalysis it was we had we had [85:02] waiting list because there were so many [85:04] patients that wanted to be [85:07] analyzed so it it gave us a little bit [85:11] of a [85:12] swellhead and as the psychoanalyst ideas [85:15] took hold in America a new Elite began [85:17] to emerge in politics social planning [85:20] and in business [85:22] what linked this Elite was the [85:24] assumption that the masses were [85:25] fundamentally [85:27] irrational to make a free market [85:29] democracy like America work when had to [85:31] use psychological techniques to control [85:34] Mass [85:36] irrationality they actually believed [85:38] that this Elite was necessary because [85:40] individual citizens were not capable if [85:43] left alone of being Democratic citizens [85:47] the elite was necessary in order to [85:49] create the conditions that would produce [85:51] individuals cap capable of behaving as a [85:55] a good consumer and also behaving as a [85:57] democratic citizen they didn't see their [86:00] activities as anti-democratic as [86:02] undermining the capacity of individual [86:05] citizens for democracy quite the [86:07] opposite they understood that they were [86:10] creating uh the conditions for uh [86:12] democracy's survival and [86:15] future the rise of psychoanalysis to [86:17] power in America was an extraordinary [86:20] Triumph for Anna Freud and her to [86:22] promotion of her [86:24] ideas she remained in England living [86:26] with Dorothy [86:27] Burlingham on the surface it was an [86:29] idilic life she and Dorothy had brought [86:32] a weekend Cottage on the suffk coast and [86:35] in the Summers Dorothy's children came [86:37] from America to visit with the [86:40] grandchildren but underneath things were [86:42] going badly wrong both Bob and mby [86:45] Burlingham who Anna Frey had analyzed in [86:47] the 1930s had suffered personal [86:49] breakdowns and their marriages were [86:51] collapsing [86:52] Bob was drinking heavily and mie [86:54] suffered terrible [86:56] anxieties the real reasons for the [86:58] visits to England were yet more analysis [87:00] with Anna [87:02] [Music] [87:04] Freud well the problem was that it [87:06] didn't look very good did it because [87:08] here you have somebody who's having [87:09] nervous breakdowns and uh is is uh [87:12] having alcoholic binges and uh this is [87:15] not exactly doesn't really sit well um [87:19] oh you know from a Humane standpoint OB [87:22] viously this is not desirable you know [87:23] you want to help these people but it [87:25] also had the wider ramifications of [87:28] everybody in in an analysis in analytic [87:30] circles knew that Bob and mby were [87:33] guinea pigs they were the living proof [87:35] that this was a wonderful [87:38] process it was very much swept under the [87:40] rug it really didn't get out I mean [87:43] these people had [87:45] such uh their their power and influence [87:48] was [87:49] such uh that you know you were very [87:53] careful Anna Freud was a very powerful [87:55] person and um you were the [87:58] grandchildren and uh she knew a great [88:00] deal more than you did about what went [88:02] on in your parents' lives and so forth [88:04] it was not something you were going to [88:06] tangle with and you were a product of [88:07] the whole [88:09] situation uh but at the same time we all [88:11] knew that something was really out of [88:18] whack as she Grew Older she became more [88:21] and more important didn't she [88:23] politically and scientifically but she [88:25] didn't know when to stop she was a bit [88:28] too [88:31] righteous what she did was always the [88:35] thing and she would never to my my [88:39] knowledge [88:40] acknowledge that she could make a [88:42] mistake or be [88:45] wrong that is my [88:48] feeling but the power and influence of [88:51] the Freud family in America was about to [88:53] grow even [88:55] more politicians were about to turn to [88:58] Anna Freud's cousin Edward bernes for [89:01] help in a time of [89:03] Crisis he was going to manipulate the [89:05] inner feelings and fears of the masses [89:07] to help America's politicians fight the [89:09] Cold War I don't mean to say and no one [89:12] can say to you that there are no dangers [89:16] of course there are risks if we are not [89:17] Vigilant but we do not have to be [89:20] hysterical in 1953 the Soviet Union [89:23] exploded its first Hydrogen Bomb and the [89:26] fear of nuclear war and communism [89:28] gripped the United [89:30] States those in power became concerned [89:32] about how to reassure the [89:34] population committees were set up and [89:36] public information films made appealing [89:39] for calm in the face of new threats like [89:41] nuclear [89:44] fallout it's the fallacy of devoting 85% [89:47] of one's worrying capacity to an agent [89:49] that constitutes only about 15 % of an [89:53] atomic bomb's destroying potential at [89:55] this point Edward bernes was living in [89:57] New [89:58] York in the 1920s he had invented the [90:01] profession of public relations and was [90:04] now one of the most powerful PR men in [90:06] America he worked for most of the major [90:08] corporations and advised politicians [90:11] including President [90:13] Eisenhower like his Uncle Sigman bernes [90:16] was convinced that human beings were [90:18] driven by irrational [90:20] forces the only way to deal with the [90:22] public was to connect with their [90:24] unconscious desires and [90:27] fears bernes argued that instead of [90:30] trying to reduce people's fear of [90:32] Communism one should actually encourage [90:34] and manipulate the fear but in such a [90:37] way as it became a weapon in the Cold [90:39] War rational argument was [90:42] fruitless what my father understood [90:45] about groups is that they are manipul [90:49] they're [90:50] malleable and that that you can tap into [90:54] their deepest desires or their deepest [90:57] fears and use that to your own [91:02] purposes I don't think he felt that all [91:04] those public out there had reliable [91:07] judgment that they very easily might [91:10] vote for the wrong man or want the wrong [91:12] thing so that they had to be guided from [91:16] above one of Bern's main clients was the [91:19] giant United Fruit Company they own vast [91:22] banana plantations in Guatemala in [91:24] Central America for decades United Fruit [91:27] had controlled the country through [91:28] pliable dictators it was known as a [91:31] Banana [91:33] Republic but in 1950 A young Officer [91:36] Colonel arens was elected [91:38] president he promised to remove United [91:40] fruits control over the country and in [91:43] 1953 he announced the government would [91:45] take over much of their land it was a [91:48] massively popular move but a disaster [91:51] for United fruit and they turned to [91:53] bernes to help get rid of our Ben United [91:56] Fruit brings in bernes and he basically [91:58] understood that what United Fruit [91:59] Company had to do was change this from [92:02] being a popular elected government that [92:04] was doing some things that were good for [92:05] the people there into this being very [92:08] close to the American Shore a threat to [92:11] American democracy that it being at a [92:13] time in the Cold War when Americans [92:15] responded to issues of the Red Scare and [92:17] what communism might do he was trying to [92:20] transform this and brilliantly transform [92:22] it into an issue of a communist threat [92:24] very close to our Shores taking United [92:26] Fruit again as a commercial client out [92:29] of the picture in making it look like a [92:31] question of American democracy American [92:33] values being [92:35] threatened in reality arbenz was a [92:38] Democratic Socialist with no links to [92:40] Moscow but bernes set out to turn him [92:43] into a communist threat to [92:46] America he organized a trip to Guatemala [92:49] for influential American journalists few [92:52] of them knew anything about the country [92:53] or its [92:56] politics bernes arranged for them to be [92:58] entertained and to meet selected [93:00] Guatemalan politicians who told them [93:03] that arens was a communist controlled by [93:06] Moscow during the trip there was also a [93:09] violent anti-American demonstration in [93:11] the [93:12] capital many of those who worked for [93:14] United Fruit were convinced it had been [93:16] organized by bernes [93:20] himself he also created a fake [93:22] Independent News Agency in America [93:25] called the middle American information [93:27] Bureau it bombarded the American Media [93:30] with press releases saying that Moscow [93:32] was planning to use Guatemala as a beach [93:34] head to attack America all of this had [93:37] the desire effect in Guatemala the Jacob [93:40] arb's regime became increasingly [93:42] communistic after its Inauguration in [93:45] 1951 Communists in the Congress and high [93:47] governmental positions controlled major [93:49] committees labor and Farm arm groups and [93:52] propaganda facilities they agitated and [93:55] led in demonstrations against [93:56] neighboring countries and the United [93:58] [Music] [94:00] States what was profoundly new in terms [94:02] of what bernes did is he took this [94:04] menace to our backyard in Guatemala for [94:07] the first time we saw Reds a couple [94:11] hundred miles from uh New Orleans who [94:14] Eddie bernes had us believing were a [94:16] true threat to us that it was going to [94:17] be a Soviet Outpost in our [94:20] backyard but what bernes was doing was [94:22] not just trying to blacken the aren's [94:24] regime he was part of a secret [94:27] plot President Eisenhower had agreed [94:29] that America should topple the aren's [94:31] government but secretly the CIA were [94:35] instructed to organize a [94:37] coup working with the United Fruit [94:40] Company the CIA trained and armed a [94:42] rebel Army and found a new leader for [94:44] the country called Colonel [94:46] armas the CIA agent in charge was Howard [94:49] hunt later one of the Watergate Bur [94:52] what we wanted to do was have a terror [94:55] campaign uh to terrify our bench [94:58] particularly and terrify his his troops [95:01] much as the German Shuka bombers [95:04] terrified the population of of Holland [95:07] Belgium and and Poland at the onset of [95:10] World War II and just rendered everybody [95:14] paralyzed as planes flown by CIA Pilots [95:17] Dro bombs on Guatemala City Edward [95:20] bernes carried on his propaganda [95:22] campaign in the American Press he was [95:24] preparing the American population to see [95:27] this as the liberation of Guatemala by [95:29] Freedom Fighters for [95:33] democracy he totally understood that the [95:36] CP would happen when the public in the [95:38] Press when conditions in the public and [95:41] the Press allowed for CP to happen and [95:42] he created those conditions he was [95:44] totally Savvy in terms of just what he [95:47] was helping create there in terms of [95:48] this overthrow But ultimately he was [95:50] reshaping reality reshaping public [95:52] opinion in a way that's undemocratic and [95:57] manipulative on June the 27th 1954 [96:00] Colonel arens fled the country and armas [96:03] arrived as the new [96:05] leader within months Vice President [96:07] Nixon visited [96:09] Guatemala in an event staged by United [96:11] fruits PR department he was shown piles [96:14] of marxist literature that had been [96:16] found it was said in the presidential [96:20] Palace [96:22] this is the first time in the history of [96:24] the world that the communist government [96:26] has been overthrown by the people and [96:29] for that we congratulate you and the [96:31] people of Guatemala for the support they [96:33] have given and we are sure that under [96:36] your leadership supported by the people [96:38] whom I have met by the hundreds on my [96:40] visit to Guatemala that Guatemala is [96:44] going to enter a new era in which there [96:47] will be prosperity for the people [96:50] together with Liberty for the people [96:53] thank you very much for allowing us to [96:55] see this exhibit of Communism in [96:59] Guatemala good welome and for dinner see [97:02] what mother has for dessert banana [97:04] gingerbread Shortcake just another of [97:06] the many tempting ways in which this [97:08] nutritious fruit can be prepared so now [97:11] that you've seen where bananas come from [97:13] before they reach your table our journey [97:16] to Banana land is ended we hope you [97:18] enjoyed the trip we know you like the [97:22] Banas bernes had manipulated the [97:25] American people but he had done so [97:27] because he like many others at the time [97:30] beli that the interests of business and [97:32] the interests of America were [97:33] indivisible especially when faced with [97:36] the threat of [97:37] Communism but bernes was convinced that [97:40] to explain this rationally to the [97:41] American people was impossible because [97:44] they were not rational instead one had [97:46] to touch on their inner fears and [97:48] manipulate them in the interests of a [97:50] higher Troop truth he called it the [97:53] engineering of [97:55] consent he was doing it for uh the [97:59] American way of life and to which he was [98:02] devoted uh this sincerely devoted and [98:06] yet he felt the people were really [98:09] pretty stupid and that's the Paradox if [98:13] you don't leave it up to the people [98:16] themselves but force them to choose what [98:20] you want them to choose [98:22] however subtly uh then it's not [98:24] democracy [98:28] anymore it's something else it's being [98:31] told what to do it's being it's it's [98:34] it's that old authoritarian [98:38] thing but the idea that it was necessary [98:41] to manipulate the inner feelings of the [98:42] American population in the interests of [98:45] fighting the Cold War now began to take [98:47] root in [98:48] Washington above all in the CIA who were [98:51] going to take it much [98:54] further they were concerned that the [98:56] Soviets were experimenting with [98:57] psychological methods to actually alter [99:00] the memories and feelings of people the [99:02] aim being to produce more controllable [99:04] citizens it was known as [99:10] brainwashing psychologists in the CIA [99:12] were convinced that this really might be [99:14] possible and that they should try to do [99:17] it [99:20] themselves the image of the human being [99:22] that was being built up at that [99:24] particular time was that there was a [99:27] great deal of vulnerability in every [99:30] human being and that that vulnerability [99:33] could be manipulated to program somebody [99:37] to be something that I wanted them to be [99:41] and they didn't want to [99:45] be that you could manipulate people in [99:48] such a way that they could be automatons [99:52] if you will for whatever your own [99:53] purposes [99:54] were this was the image that people [99:57] thought was [99:58] possible in the late 50s the CIA poured [100:01] millions of dollars into the psychology [100:03] Departments of universities Across [100:06] America they were secretly funding [100:08] experiments on how to alter and control [100:11] the inner drives of human [100:13] beings the most notorious of these [100:15] experiments was run by the head of the [100:17] American Psychiatric association Dr Yuan [100:20] Cameron [100:21] like many psychiatrists at that time [100:24] Cameron was convinced that inside human [100:26] beings were dangerous forces which [100:28] threatened [100:29] Society but he believed that it was [100:31] possible not just to control these [100:33] forces but actually remove them he [100:36] thought that Psychiatry should not just [100:39] concentrate on sick people mentally ill [100:41] but should actually go into government [100:44] that politicians should listen to [100:47] psychiatrist psychiatrist should be in [100:49] every Parliament and should direct and [100:52] monitor political activities because [100:55] they knew in IR rational scientific way [101:00] what was good for people Cameron had set [101:03] up a clinic in a hospital in Montreal [101:05] called the Alan Memorial it is now long [101:08] since closed [101:10] down Cameron took patients who suffered [101:12] a wide range of mental problems his [101:15] theory was that these resulted from [101:17] forgotten or oppressed memories but he [101:19] was impatient with the idea of using [101:21] Psychotherapy to uncover them instead he [101:24] would simply wipe them Cameron used [101:27] drugs including LSD and the technique of [101:30] ECT electroconvulsive therapy it was [101:34] conventionally used at that time to [101:35] relieve depression but Cameron was going [101:38] to use it in a new way to produce new [101:42] people he was really using it to try and [101:47] um change the fundamental fun function [101:51] of the individual to um [101:56] alter their past memories their past [101:59] ways of [102:01] Behaving uh and as as I think he he said [102:04] at one point is to just sort of erase [102:08] everything from their past so that you [102:10] then had a slate in which you could [102:13] record new ways of [102:16] Behavior Uh and so he used massive doses [102:21] of shock people receiving several shocks [102:25] a day uh and over a course of course of [102:29] time hundreds of ECT uh treatments so [102:32] that they were just reduced [102:34] to a sort of a very primitive vegetable [102:40] State I don't remember what happened to [102:42] me um I was introduced to Dr Cameron and [102:45] I don't remember Dr Cameron at all I [102:48] don't remember any of that they shipped [102:50] me up to what they call the Sleep room [102:53] and they gave me all of these electro [102:56] convulsive shock treatments and mega [102:58] doses of drugs and LSD and all of that [103:02] and I have no memory of any of that [103:04] nothing in the in of of that time in the [103:07] Ala Memorial or any of my life previous [103:11] to that all gone [103:13] white and then having dep patterned [103:17] somebody or brought them down to where [103:19] basically uh nothing but the essential [103:23] functions of of the body were going on [103:26] in terms of breathing and things of this [103:28] nature then he would begin to feed [103:30] material into these individuals positive [103:33] material such that the brain would be [103:36] programmed in a positive way so that the [103:39] individual would be completely altered [103:41] then he put these tapes under our [103:43] pillows called psychic driving he would [103:46] he would then put back into this empty [103:49] brain um a [103:51] program of whatever sort he decided upon [103:55] uh and the people like myself would wake [103:59] up another person I [104:02] guess in fact Cameron's experiments were [104:05] a complete [104:07] disaster all he managed to produce were [104:09] dozens of individuals with memory loss [104:12] and the ability to repeat the phrase I [104:15] am at ease with [104:17] myself and it was not an isolated case [104:20] almost all the experiments the CIA [104:22] funded were equally [104:25] unsuccessful despite their Ambitions [104:27] American psychologists were beginning to [104:29] find out how difficult it was to [104:31] understand and control the inner [104:33] workings of the human [104:36] mind we had been really chasing a [104:41] phantom if you will an illusion that the [104:44] human mind was more capable of [104:47] manipulation from the [104:49] outside [104:51] by outside factors than it [104:54] is we found out that the human being is [104:58] an extremely complex [105:00] thing there were no Simple [105:06] Solutions but you've just got to bear in [105:09] mind that these were very strange [105:13] times the psychoanalysts had come to [105:15] power in America because of their theory [105:17] that they knew how to control the [105:19] dangerous forces inside human [105:22] beings but now the psychoanalysts were [105:25] about to face a high-profile failure [105:27] that would lead people to begin [105:29] questioning the very basis of their [105:32] ideas it began in [105:36] Hollywood the film industry had become [105:38] fascinated by [105:39] psychoanalysis and Anna Freud was a [105:42] powerful influence on dozens of analysts [105:43] in Los [105:45] Angeles they treated film stars [105:47] directors and Studio [105:49] bosses Anna Freud's closest friend was [105:52] the most sought after of all Ralph [105:58] greenson and in 1960 the most famous [106:01] star in the world turned to greenson for [106:03] help Marilyn Monroe was suffering from [106:06] Despair and had become addicted to [106:08] alcohol and [106:10] drugs well when I walked in to dinner [106:13] here was Marilyn mono I made a picture [106:15] with her got All About Eve this is [106:17] dinner at Ralph greens yes and [106:21] the only thing was [106:22] that Ralph was trying to show her Romy I [106:27] never called him Ralph in my life Romy [106:29] was trying to show [106:31] her that [106:34] uh the way of family life ought really [106:36] to [106:37] be so we were walking the dog after us I [106:40] said what the hell are you doing here I [106:42] said you never asked me to [106:44] dinner and he said you weren't that [106:48] sick and I said oh no he said the point [106:52] is just this child has no no frame of [106:57] reference she in other words she doesn't [106:59] know where she what the goal is what [107:02] greenson did was follow Anna Freud's [107:04] theory if marily Monroe could be taught [107:07] to conform to what Society considered a [107:09] normal pattern of life that would help [107:12] her ego control her inner destructive [107:15] urges but greenson pushed it to an [107:17] extreme he persuaded Monroe to move into [107:20] a house nearby that was decorated like [107:22] his own he then took her into his own [107:25] family life and he his wife and his [107:28] daughter played it being Monroe's own [107:31] family greensen himself would become the [107:34] model of Conformity and so this someone [107:38] whom she regarded as important and uh [107:42] how she [107:43] idealized if he turned out to be a very [107:47] gratifying father figure she her ego [107:50] would benefit from that that was the [107:54] theory his wife and children everyone [107:56] was involved in they were strengthening [107:58] the person they were strengthening the [108:00] mind they were strengthening the agent [108:03] that controls inner life against [108:05] adversity against insufficiency against [108:09] too much [108:12] frustration so that Malo with no longer [108:14] be a helpless person looking for love [108:17] she'd have enough [108:19] love the despite all his efforts [108:21] greenson was unable to help Marilyn [108:24] Monroe on August the 5th 1962 she [108:27] committed suicide in her [108:29] [Music] [108:31] house the suicide shocked many in the [108:34] analytic Community including Anna [108:36] Freud and high-profile figures in [108:39] American Life who had previously been [108:41] enthusiasts for psycho analysis now [108:43] began to question why psychoanalysis had [108:45] become so powerful in [108:47] America was it really because it benefit [108:50] effed [108:51] individuals or had it in fact become a [108:53] form of constraint in the interests of [108:55] social [108:56] order the critics included Monroe's [108:59] ex-husband Arthur [109:01] Miller my argument with so much [109:03] psychoanalysis is the preconception that [109:06] suffering is a mistake or a sign of [109:09] weakness or a sign even of illness when [109:11] in [109:12] fact possibly the greatest truths we [109:15] know have come out of people's suffering [109:18] that the problem is not to un do [109:20] suffering or to wipe it off the face of [109:22] the Earth but to make it inform Our [109:24] Lives instead of trying to cure [109:26] ourselves of it constantly and avoid it [109:29] and avoid anything but that lobotomized [109:32] sense of what they call happiness [109:35] there's too much of a an attempt that [109:36] seems to me to think in terms of [109:38] controlling man rather than freeing him [109:41] of of uh defining him rather than than [109:44] than uh letting him go and uh it's part [109:48] of the whole ideology of this age which [109:50] is power [109:53] mad hey have you heard about the crazy [109:57] new way to send the message today it [110:01] flashed on a screen too quick to see but [110:05] still you get it [110:07] subliminally at the same time an [110:09] onslaught was launched on the way [110:11] psychoanalysis was being used by [110:12] business to control [110:14] people the first blow came with the best [110:17] seller the hidden persuaders written by [110:19] Vance Packard [110:21] it accused psychoanalysts of reducing [110:23] the American people to emotional puppets [110:25] whose only function was to keep the mass [110:27] production lines [110:29] running they did this by manipulating [110:32] people's unconscious desires to create [110:34] longings for ever new brands and [110:37] models they had turned the population [110:39] into unwitting participants in the [110:41] system of planned [110:44] obsolescence the second blow came from [110:46] an influential philosopher and social [110:48] critic Herbert Maru user he had been [110:51] trained in [110:54] psychoanalysis this is a childish uh [110:58] application of [110:59] psychoanalysis which does not take at [111:01] all in consider to consideration the [111:04] very real uh political systematic waste [111:08] of resources of technology and of the [111:11] productive process for example plant [111:14] obsolesence for example the production [111:17] of innumerable Brands and gadgets who [111:20] are uh in the last analysis all the same [111:24] the uh production of uh innumerable [111:28] different marks of automobiles and this [111:32] Prosperity at the same time consciously [111:35] or [111:36] unconsciously leads to a kind of [111:39] schizophrenic [111:42] existence I believe that in this Society [111:44] an incredible Quantum of aggressiveness [111:48] and destructiveness is accumula ated [111:51] precisely because of the empty [111:54] Prosperity which then [111:57] U simply [112:06] erupts you're dead maru's argument was [112:09] not simply that psychoanalysis had been [112:11] used for corrupt purposes it was more [112:14] fundamental maruza said that the very [112:17] idea that you needed to control people [112:19] was wrong [112:21] human beings did have inner emotional [112:23] drives but they were not inherently [112:25] violent or evil it was society that made [112:28] these drives Dangerous by repressing and [112:30] distorting [112:32] them Anna Freud and her followers had [112:34] increased that repression by trying to [112:36] make people conform to [112:38] society in so doing they made people [112:41] more dangerous not [112:43] less maruza challenged that social world [112:47] and he said that's a world that should [112:48] not be adapted to and in fact what the [112:52] individual was adapting to was [112:55] corrupt and evil and corrupting other [112:59] words he switched he switched the source [113:01] of evil from inward [113:05] conflict to the society itself that the [113:08] sickness of society lay at the society [113:11] level not at the sickness of human [113:12] beings in it and if people did not [113:15] challenge that then they were in fact [113:19] submitting [113:20] to [113:22] evil modern psychology has a word that [113:25] is probably used more than any other [113:27] word in [113:28] Psychology it is a word [113:32] maladjusted it is the ringing Cry of [113:34] modern child [113:36] psychology maladjusted now of course we [113:39] all want to live the well adjusted life [113:41] in order to avoid neurotic and [113:44] schizophrenic [113:46] personalities but as I move toward my [113:48] conclusion I would like to say to you [113:51] today in a very honest manner that there [113:55] are some things in our society and some [113:58] things in our [113:59] world which I'm proud to be [114:02] maladjusted and I call upon all men of [114:05] Good Will to be maladjusted to these [114:07] things until the good Society is [114:10] realized I must honestly say to you that [114:13] I never intend to adjust myself through [114:16] racial segregation and discrimination [114:20] I never intend to adjust myself to [114:24] religious [114:25] bigotry I never intend to adjust myself [114:28] to economic conditions that will take [114:31] Necessities from the many to give [114:33] luxuries to the few and leave millions [114:36] of God's children smothering in an [114:38] airtight cage of poverty in the midst of [114:41] an affluent [114:45] society the political influence of the [114:47] Freudian psychoanalyst was over [114:50] instead they were now accused of having [114:52] helped to create a repressive form of [114:55] social [114:58] control Anna Freud and darthy Burlingham [115:01] lived on in Sigman Freud's old house in [115:03] London in 1970 darth's son Bob died of [115:08] alcoholism and in [115:10] 1973 his sister maby returned for yet [115:13] more analysis with Anna [115:15] Freud she went back for more analysis [115:18] she was living in uh in at 20 marville [115:21] Gardens in the Freud house as I guess [115:23] she did when she wasn't with her husband [115:25] and [115:26] uh she committed suicide she took an [115:29] overdose of sleeping [115:31] pills in Freud's own house in Freud's [115:34] own house [115:40] right so I mean OB you know the obvious [115:43] uh there are a lot of implications that [115:45] one can draw from that and I just think [115:47] she she happened to reach the end of the [115:48] Rope there [115:50] although uh it would seem to be a very [115:52] pointed um uh act obviously suicide is a [115:56] very politicized act and to do it uh in [115:59] Sigman fory its own house is uh is um [116:03] certainly different from doing it in [116:05] Riverdale back in New [116:11] York next week's episode will tell the [116:13] story of the rise to power of the [116:15] enemies of the Freud [116:16] family they believe that the way to [116:18] build a better Society was to let the [116:20] self [116:22] free but what they didn't realize was [116:24] that this idea of Liberation would [116:26] provide business and politics with yet [116:29] another way to control the self by [116:31] feeding its infinite [116:35] desires you know not what it means to be [116:41] blue someday you [116:43] realize and pay for all those lies then [116:47] you'll know what it means [116:52] [Applause] [116:54] [Music] [117:09] baby don't settle for anything less than [117:12] you can be make your life a [117:15] masterpiece this is a series about how [117:18] Sigman Freud's ideas about the [117:20] unconscious mind have been used by those [117:22] in power to control the masses in an age [117:25] of [117:27] democracy last week's episode showed how [117:30] Freud's ideas spread throughout America [117:32] in the [117:33] 1950s they were promoted by his daughter [117:35] Anna and by Freud's nephew Edward bernes [117:39] who invented public relations he brought [117:42] Freud's theories Into the Heart of [117:44] advertising and marketing a man like you [117:48] I mean would Ur like [117:51] this what they both believed was that [117:54] underneath all human beings was a hidden [117:57] irrational [117:59] self which needed to be controlled both [118:02] for the good of individuals and the [118:04] stability of [118:08] society but the freuds were about to be [118:10] toppled from Power by opponents who said [118:13] they were wrong about human [118:17] nature the inner self did not need to be [118:20] repressed and controlled it should be [118:22] encouraged to express [118:24] [Music] [118:28] itself out of this would come a new type [118:30] of strong human being and a better [118:33] [Music] [118:37] Society but what in fact emerged from [118:39] this Revolution was the very opposite an [118:42] isolated vulnerable and above all greedy [118:45] self far more open to manipulation by [118:48] both business and politics than anything [118:51] that had gone [118:53] before those in power would now control [118:56] the self not by repressing it but by [118:59] feeding its infinite [119:02] [Music] [119:04] [Applause] [119:17] desires what goes on here is the [119:20] liberation of feeling in other words [119:22] feelings not just memories that have [119:25] been suppressed for example screaming [119:28] crying anger you get a person really [119:31] angry and they're going to let it out no [119:35] no I could kill [119:37] you that's I'm I'm an old man listen I [119:41] can't get all the strength into this [119:42] that young people would get if they have [119:44] those [119:45] feelings that wasn't bad in the 1950s a [119:49] small group of renegade psychoanalysts [119:51] began a new form of therapy they worked [119:54] in small rooms in New York City and [119:56] encouraged their patients to express [119:57] their feelings openly I want help I do I [120:01] want help it was a direct attack on the [120:03] ideas of the Freudian psychoanalysts who [120:06] had become rich and Powerful teaching [120:08] Americans how to control their [120:12] feelings in Freud work you see they they [120:15] were afraid of the feeling [120:21] they lived that what they wanted was [120:23] contain people very proper doing the [120:26] right thing and living a proper life [120:28] that's what they wanted but not a not an [120:31] intense emotional [120:33] life Freud wasn't emotional himself I [120:36] mean he's a he's an intellect [120:40] Freud I was an intellect too I know but [120:42] I also more than that [120:45] now the leader of this group was a man [120:48] hated by Freud and and his family he was [120:50] called Wilhelm Reich Reich lived an [120:53] isolated life in a house he had built [120:55] for himself in remote mountains near the [120:57] Canadian [120:59] border Reich originally had been a [121:01] devoted disciple of freuds in Vienna in [121:03] the [121:05] 1920s but he had challenged Freud over [121:07] the fundamental basis of [121:10] psychoanalysis Freud argued that at [121:12] heart human beings were still driven by [121:14] primitive animal [121:16] instincts the job of society was to [121:19] repress and control these dangerous [121:22] forces Reich believed the complete [121:24] opposite the unconscious forces inside [121:27] the human mind he said were [121:29] good it was their repression by society [121:32] that distorted them that was what made [121:34] people [121:35] [Music] [121:37] dangerous Reich and Freud had two [121:41] fundamentally differing views about what [121:45] was essential human nature at a core [121:50] Freud saw an [121:53] uncontrolled violent [121:57] warlike raging Inferno of emotions re [122:01] said these things are not the way human [122:03] beings are originally destined to be [122:06] they're the result [122:08] of not permitting the original impulse [122:11] to express itself the underlying natural [122:14] impulse Reich argued was the libido [122:17] Sexual Energy If This Were released then [122:20] human beings would [122:22] flourish but this idea brought him into [122:24] direct conflict not only with Sigman [122:26] Freud but Freud's daughter Anna who [122:29] believed that the sexual forces in [122:30] humans were dangerous if not controlled [122:33] my father thought that you should [122:35] Liberate the libido and have freedom and [122:38] he developed the theory rather early [122:41] that Neurosis were due to lack of good [122:44] orgasm or any [122:47] orgasm um and that was Anna Freud you [122:51] know was a virgin I mean this is very [122:54] important because she never had a sexual [122:57] relation with a man and here was this [122:59] man preaching that the way to health was [123:02] through orgasm and here was this woman [123:05] who had been analyzed by her father cuz [123:08] she was [123:09] masturbating so here's this woman who's [123:11] opposed to sexuality really and here's [123:14] this man who who's preaching sexual [123:16] freedom I mean that was by found to be a [123:19] clash wasn't there the conflict came to [123:23] a head at a conference in 1934 in [123:26] Switzerland Anna Freud who had by now [123:28] become the acknowledged leader of the [123:30] psychoanalytic movement forced will hel [123:32] Reich out she destroyed his [123:36] career she got rid of him very [123:39] definitely and I guess part of what I'm [123:41] doing is getting rid of [123:45] her explain well I think that that Anna [123:49] Freud shouldn't get away with what she [123:52] did that it should be known maneuvering [123:55] to get him kicked out of the [123:56] interational psychotic [123:59] Association so you're taking [124:01] Revenge you might say [124:04] so or wronging a right no writing a [124:09] wrong you better cut that one out isn't [124:11] that called a Fran yes it [124:16] is Reich fled to the United States built [124:19] his home and a [124:20] laboratory his ideas became grandio to [124:23] the point of [124:24] madness he was convinced that he had [124:27] discovered the source of libidinal [124:29] energy he called it orgone energy and [124:32] Reich built a giant gun which he said [124:34] could capture this energy from the [124:36] atmosphere and concentrated onto clouds [124:38] to produce [124:40] rain he also said that the gun could be [124:43] used to destroy UFOs which threaten the [124:45] future of the [124:47] world in 1956 Reich was arrested by the [124:51] federal authorities for selling a device [124:53] that he said used orgone energy to cure [124:57] cancer Reich was treated as a Madman he [125:01] was imprisoned and all his books and [125:03] papers burnt on the order of the [125:06] Court a year later Reich died in [125:09] prison to the freudians it seemed as if [125:12] their main threat had been removed [125:17] forever but they were wrong what the [125:20] freudians didn't realize was that their [125:23] influence in American society was also [125:25] about to be challenged and in a way that [125:28] would lead not only to their decline but [125:30] to the dramatic Resurgence of reich's [125:32] ideas in America and throughout the [125:34] capitalist [125:41] world the consumer is King his whim [125:45] makes or unmakes manufacturers hold [125:48] saers and retailers whoever wins his [125:51] confidence wins the game whoever loses [125:54] his confidence is lost by the late 50s [125:58] psychoanalysis had become deeply [126:00] involved in driving consumerism in [126:02] America most advertising companies [126:05] employed psychoanalysts and as last [126:07] week's episode showed they had created [126:09] new ways to understand consumers motives [126:12] above all with the focus group in which [126:14] consumers free Associated their feelings [126:17] about products [126:19] out of this came new ways to market [126:21] products by appealing to the hidden [126:23] unconscious desires of the [126:26] [Applause] [126:28] consumer meability [126:31] steering wheel [126:34] sybol it dreams think the mistress [126:37] something intimate is going [126:42] on but in the early 60s a new generation [126:45] emerged who attacked this they accused [126:48] American Business of using psychological [126:50] techniques to manipulate people's [126:53] feelings and turn them into ideal [126:58] consumers advertising was manipulation [127:00] it was a way to get you to do something [127:03] that didn't come out of you it came out [127:07] of somebody else somebody else said this [127:10] year you should be wearing powder pink [127:12] shirts with matching powder pink Buck [127:16] shoes and I said [127:19] why that that's not who I am that's who [127:22] somebody else is they wanted you to be [127:24] somebody who would buy their stuff this [127:27] whole feeling of being somebody else's [127:30] tool um I don't want to be that I don't [127:33] want to be somebody else's man I want to [127:36] be me this campus [127:39] is in the mid-60s a protest movement [127:42] began on America's [127:44] campuses one of the students main [127:46] targets was Corporate America [127:49] they accused the corporations of [127:50] brainwashing the American public [127:53] consumerism was not just a way of making [127:55] money it had become the means of keeping [127:58] the masses dos while allowing the [128:00] government to pursue a violent and [128:02] illegal war in [128:04] Vietnam the students Mentor was a famous [128:07] radical philosopher called Herbert [128:09] maruza maruza had studied psychoanalysis [128:12] and was a fierce critic of the [128:14] freudians they had he said helped to [128:17] create a world in which people were [128:18] reduced to expressing their feelings and [128:20] identities through mass-produced objects [128:24] it resulted in what he called [128:25] one-dimensional man conformist and [128:29] repressed the psychoanalysts have become [128:31] the corrupt agents of those who ruled [128:34] America it was uh one of the most [128:36] striking phenomena to see to what extent [128:40] the ruling uh Power structure structure [128:44] could manipulate manage and control not [128:47] only the Consciousness but also the [128:50] subconscious and unconscious of the uh [128:54] individuals and this it took place on a [128:57] psychological basis by the controls and [129:01] the [129:02] manipulation of the unconscious primary [129:05] drives which frud [129:08] stipulated think about it dear American [129:10] people out there you hear you're all [129:13] brainwashed kitties you're all [129:15] brainwashed that's why your here they're [129:16] saying right now kill the bum like look [129:18] you're in the living room you know [129:19] you're saying kill [129:22] [Music] [129:24] [Applause] [129:26] me following the logic of maru's [129:28] argument the new student left set out to [129:31] attack this system of social [129:33] control it was summed up in the slogan [129:36] there is a policeman inside all our [129:38] heads he must be [129:40] destroyed and that policeman was going [129:42] to be destroyed by overthrowing the [129:44] state and the corporations that had put [129:46] him there one group the weatherman began [129:49] a series of bomb attacks on companies [129:51] that they said both controlled people's [129:53] minds through consumer products and made [129:55] the weapons being used in [129:58] Vietnam there's no way to be committed [130:00] to nonviolence in the middle of the most [130:02] violent society that history's ever [130:04] created I'm not committed to [130:05] non-violence in any [130:09] way we want to live a life that isn't [130:13] based on materialistic values and yet [130:15] the whole system of government and the [130:17] economy of America America is based on [130:19] profit on personal greed and selfishness [130:21] so that in order to be human in order to [130:24] love each other and be equal with each [130:26] other and not Place each other in roles [130:29] we have to destroy the kind of [130:31] government that keeps us from asserting [130:34] our positive values of [130:36] life but the American state fought back [130:40] violently at the Democratic Convention [130:42] in Chicago in 1968 the police and the [130:45] National Guard were Unleashed to attack [130:47] thousands of demonstrators [130:50] it was the start of a phase of Ruthless [130:51] repression of the new left in America it [130:54] culminated in the killing of four [130:56] students at Kent State University 18 [130:58] months [130:59] [Music] [131:01] later in the face of this the left began [131:03] to fall [131:04] [Music] [131:07] apart we had met the force of the state [131:10] it was much bigger and stronger and more [131:13] powerful than we realized and at that [131:16] point what seemed to happen was that [131:19] there was a a change in [131:22] tactics confronted by this violent [131:25] repression many on the new Left began to [131:27] turn to a new idea if it was impossible [131:30] to get the policeman out of one's head [131:32] by overthrowing the state instead one [131:35] should find a way of getting inside [131:36] one's own mind and removing the controls [131:39] implanted there by the state and the [131:41] corporations out of this would come a [131:43] new self and thus a new [131:47] Society [131:48] [Music] [131:51] people who had been politically active [131:53] were persuaded that if they could change [131:56] themselves and be healthy individuals [131:59] and if a movement grew up just aimed at [132:01] people changing themselves then at some [132:04] point all that positive change going on [132:08] well you could say Quantity would become [132:10] quality and there would be a sort of a [132:12] spontaneous transformation of society [132:15] but polit but political activism was not [132:18] required it's about making a new you [132:22] that if enough people changed the way [132:24] they were that the society would change [132:27] so the personal became political yes the [132:30] personal became [132:32] political without changing the personal [132:36] you didn't stand a chance of changing [132:37] the political coming up against the [132:40] state power of the United [132:43] States was not an option I they [132:47] outgunned us [132:50] and to produce the new self they turned [132:52] to the ideas and techniques of Wilhelm [132:55] [Music] [132:57] Reich since his death a small group of [133:00] psychotherapists have been developing [133:02] techniques based on reich's [133:03] ideas their aim was to invent ways that [133:06] would allow individuals to free [133:08] themselves from the controls implanted [133:10] in their minds by [133:12] Society their Center was a tiny old [133:15] Motel on the remote coast of California [133:18] it was called The eselin [133:20] Institute the dominant figure at Elin [133:23] was a psychoanalyst called Fritz pearls [133:26] pearls had been trained by Reich and had [133:28] developed a form of group encounter in [133:30] which he pushed individuals to publicly [133:32] Express the feelings inside them that [133:35] Society had said were dangerous and [133:37] should be [133:39] repressed it's a basic fear of that [133:42] thing inside me like a little demon in [133:44] there it doesn't come out very [133:46] often it's really hard hard to get it [133:51] out now put the thing inside you on that [133:55] chair talk to it pearls used to call [133:57] this getting on the hot seat in front of [133:59] a group this if this were the hot seat [134:02] and you were pearls and you would uh [134:04] guide me into this process of uh self- [134:09] enactment [134:12] self-revelation um of staying present to [134:15] all the parts of yourself and noticing [134:19] it and then taking ownership of [134:22] this as the demon yeah yes I can come [134:26] out I can come right out of him and I [134:30] can push him [134:32] aside you see you push I can push you [134:36] aside yeah be the demons with each one [134:39] of us I can make you all [134:43] cry I can't make you all feel terrible [134:49] maybe even [134:50] forever I [134:52] can [134:54] make the mouth this mouth here do things [134:58] and say things I can almost destroy [135:00] anyone each one of [135:02] you if I get [135:06] out there isn't one of you that I would [135:11] spare not even you yeah how do you feel [135:16] now I feel better I I mean [135:20] I I feel very honest yeah and you notice [135:24] the increase of power in other words [135:27] taking ownership of who you are and how [135:30] you [135:31] act and how you feel your whole being in [135:35] the world in other words giving you [135:38] autonomy owning your [135:40] freedom I'm [135:43] frightening when I have my power I am [135:46] frightening see I frighten you with my [135:49] power I frighten you with my [135:53] power now where do you feel your power [135:56] in your [135:57] hands your [135:59] muscles where [136:04] else wake [136:08] up I want to do for me [136:12] godam okay okay [136:15] okay stop it you it was not phony [136:19] movement that's what I wanted to do and [136:21] I did [136:22] it what pearls and others working at [136:25] esselin believed was that they were [136:27] creating ways that allowed individuals [136:29] to express their true inner [136:32] selves I want them to apply it for [136:35] me out of this they believed would come [136:38] new autonomous beings free of social [136:41] condition to the left defeated in the [136:44] wake of Chicago it was an enormously [136:46] attractive idea these techniques could [136:49] be used to unleash a new powerful self [136:52] strong enough to overthrow the old [136:54] [Music] [137:00] order in the late 60s and early '70s [137:03] thousands flocked to [137:05] eselin only a few years before it had [137:07] been an obscure Fringe Institute now it [137:10] became the center of a national movement [137:12] for personal [137:13] transformation the human potential [137:16] movement [137:19] so it became magnetic people wanted to [137:21] join this stream of expiration within 7 [137:25] or8 years there were about 200 of these [137:27] centers in America uh looking uh mainly [137:30] to eln for the leadership I feel so [137:33] liberated really it's [137:36] fantastic and it took on a big political [137:39] agenda you could not separate personal [137:42] transformation from social [137:44] transformation the two go together as [137:47] the movement grew the leaders of esen [137:49] decided to try and use their techniques [137:51] to solve social [137:53] problems they began with racism they [137:56] organized an encounter group for white [137:58] and black radicals both groups would be [138:00] encouraged to express their inner racist [138:03] feelings which had been instilled in [138:04] them by Society by doing this they would [138:07] transcend those feelings and encounter [138:09] each other as [138:11] individuals I started a series of [138:13] encounters called um racial [138:15] confrontation as transcend Al experience [138:19] we thought that we wanted to get that [138:20] kind of black white confrontation so you [138:22] could really get down to see what was [138:24] between the two races not by backing off [138:26] and trying to be polite but by going [138:28] right into the belly of the Beast of [138:30] this Beast of of racial Prejudice and [138:34] these were extremely dramatic these were [138:36] the toughest workshops ever convened at [138:39] eln Institute I'm looking at you w you [138:42] got clothes on you got shoes on you're [138:45] just so sure looking at me H you got the [138:47] goddamn police in the neighborhood [138:49] really they're not my police you got a [138:51] governor you got a mayor oh really you [138:53] got the president you got ambassadors [138:56] you can vote too you got Debs in Vietnam [138:58] that's the benefits of slave labor you [139:01] got build and skyscrapers that you [139:03] dominate and control economically and [139:05] politically and tell me that it's not [139:08] yours it's yours too then the blacks all [139:11] got together and attack the whites and [139:14] they just let us have it what they call [139:16] it was peeping somebody [139:18] peeping somebody means uh peeping into [139:20] their secrets into their phoniness and [139:23] so forth like uh the white liberal oh [139:26] they really really got on to the white [139:27] liberal you know so don't give me no [139:29] [ __ ] about I'm free you're a goddamn Li [139:32] you white pink son of a [ __ ] you yeah I [139:34] want to know what you came down here for [139:35] you want a black Buck huh yep tell the [139:38] truth you looking for a stud that's all [139:41] you huh what did you come here for you [139:44] sitting there with your legs all Gap [139:46] wide open showing your draws now what' [139:48] you come here for the black white [139:50] encounter groups were a disaster the [139:52] black radicals saw it as an Insidious [139:54] attempt to destroy their power realiz by [139:57] trying to turn them into liberated [139:59] individuals eselin was removing the one [140:01] thing that gave them power and [140:03] confidence in their struggle Against [140:04] Racism their Collective identity is [140:07] Blackson for my reason for your reason [140:10] take this your reason for being here is [140:12] different from my [140:13] reason so the human potential movement [140:16] turned to another social group group who [140:18] they believed would benefit from [140:19] personal [140:22] transformation nuns and this time they [140:25] were more [140:27] successful the convent of the Immaculate [140:29] Heart in Los Angeles was one of the [140:31] largest seminaries in [140:33] America a group of radical [140:35] psychotherapists approached the convent [140:38] they wanted to try out their techniques [140:39] for personal Liberation on individuals [140:42] whose identities were defined by a [140:44] series of external rules which they had [140:46] deeply internalized [140:48] the convent anxious to appear modern [140:50] agreed to the [140:53] experiment and we did weekend encounter [140:55] workshops uh for several hundred [140:58] Immaculate Heart nuns nuns who were [141:01] reserved and they tended to be more [141:03] reserved than other normal people were [141:06] told don't be so reserved let it all out [141:09] you're a good person you can afford to [141:11] be who you really are you don't need to [141:14] play the role of a none you don't need [141:16] to keep downcast eyes and uh Prudence is [141:19] an oversold virtue you're trying to um [141:22] assert yourself trying to find out who [141:24] you are who you're becoming at the same [141:27] time you're trying to live a life of [141:29] dedication of service and you're trying [141:31] to make all these things fit into who [141:33] you are and you're just you know it's [141:35] just it's such a turmoil at times that [141:36] you just you you just blow a gasket and [141:39] do silly crazy things you running around [141:42] the Orchard and stealing oranges and [141:44] taking Cokes out of the refrigerator and [141:46] crazy czy things I felt like I was being [141:48] a hypocrite and I wanted people to [141:50] respect me for what I was not for what I [141:52] was wearing and so I'm glad for the [141:54] change you feel frightened but you'll go [141:57] on oh yeah I'm scared to death but but [142:00] it's worth it the experiment began to [142:02] transform the convent the nuns voted to [142:05] discard their habits in favor of [142:07] ordinary [142:07] clothes but the psychotherapists found [142:10] they had awoken other Sol solid one of [142:13] the things we unleashed was Sexual [142:15] Energy the kind of thing that the church [142:18] had been very good at restraining was no [142:21] longer to be restrained one sister who [142:23] was a member of the community she got [142:26] the idea that she could be Freer than [142:28] she had been before and she seduced one [142:31] of her classmates and then seduced uh [142:34] the Mistress of novices who was an older [142:37] woman very reserved and her program of [142:40] freeing this older woman was sexual she [142:45] drove her to the store and when they [142:46] drove back um and drove into the garage [142:49] she leaned over and gave her a big kiss [142:52] on the lips and thereafter sister who [142:54] had perhaps Never Been Kissed before was [142:57] ready for [142:59] more the effect of the experiment on the [143:01] convent was [143:02] cataclysmic within a year 300 nuns more [143:06] than half the convent petitioned the [143:08] Vatican to be released from their vows [143:10] and 6 months later the convent closed [143:12] its [143:13] doors all that was left was a small [143:16] group of nuns [143:17] but they had become radical lesbian nuns [143:20] the rest gave up the religious life they [143:23] gave up being nuns they did yeah they [143:26] became [143:27] [Music] [143:29] persons by the late 60s the idea of [143:32] self- exloration was spreading rapidly [143:34] in America encounter groups became the [143:37] center of what was seen as a radical [143:39] alternative culture based on the [143:41] development of the self free of a [143:43] corrupt capitalist [143:45] culture we just want the freedom to to [143:48] be ourselves and that's for love for [143:51] experience positive way of life we don't [143:54] we don't say uh that you're wrong we [143:56] just want to be free to to be what we [143:58] want to be or what we find ourselves to [144:00] be as we continue to search ourselves [144:03] and it was beginning to have a serious [144:05] effect on Corporate America because [144:08] these new selves were not behaving as [144:09] predictable [144:11] consumers the life insurance industry in [144:14] particular was concerned that fewer and [144:16] fewer college students were buying life [144:17] insurance when they left [144:19] University they asked Daniel Yankovich [144:22] America's leading Market researcher to [144:24] investigate he had studied [144:27] psychoanalysis the life insurance [144:30] business more than any other business at [144:32] the time was built on the Protestant [144:34] ethic you only bought life insurance if [144:38] you were a person who sacrificed for the [144:41] future if you lived in the present you [144:45] had no need for life insurance so they [144:47] had some sense that maybe the sort of [144:50] core values of the Protestant ethic were [144:54] being challenged by some of these uh new [144:56] values that were beginning to appear and [144:59] I was really astonished at what I found [145:03] the conventional interpretation the [145:05] dominant interpretation was that it had [145:07] to do with political [145:09] radicalism you know it was clear to us [145:12] that that was a mask a cover the core of [145:16] it had to do with self-expressiveness [145:21] that this preoccupation with the self [145:24] and the inner self that was what was so [145:26] important to people the ability to be [145:30] self-expressive wow what a [145:33] feeling 300 miles [145:37] go Yankovic began to track the growth [145:40] and behavior of these new expressive [145:43] selves what he told the corporations was [145:46] that these new beings were consumers but [145:48] they no longer wanted anything that [145:50] would place them within the narrow [145:52] strata of American society instead what [145:55] they wanted were products that would [145:57] Express their [145:58] individuality their difference in a [146:00] conformist world the very things that us [146:03] corporations did not [146:06] make products have always had an [146:09] emotional meaning what was new was [146:14] individuality the idea that this product [146:18] expresses me and uh whether it was a [146:22] small European [146:24] car the particular music [146:28] system relaxation your presentation of [146:31] self your [146:33] clothing for immediate energy from our [146:36] muscles and [146:38] relx these become ways in which people [146:41] can expend their money in order to say [146:44] to the world who they are [146:49] but the manufacturers they had no idea [146:52] of what was going on really in the uh [146:55] with consumers and in the Market at like [146:58] major advertising companies set up what [147:00] they called operating groups to try and [147:03] work out how to appeal to these new [147:05] individuals the head of one agency sent [147:07] a memo to all staff we must conform he [147:11] told them to the new [147:13] non-conformists we must listen to the [147:15] music of Bobby Dylan and go to the [147:17] theater more but the problem was few of [147:21] the self-expressive individuals would [147:23] take part in focus groups the [147:25] advertisers were left to their own [147:27] devices there's a new cereal that tastes [147:30] So Right makes you dance it's a way out [147:34] of sight it's tasty little squares of [147:37] malted wheat it's crispy and it's [147:39] crunchy and a [147:41] t faster though that's what I'm saying [147:43] use a folk rock with more rock than Folk [147:47] and there was an even more serious [147:49] problem to make products for people who [147:51] wanted to express themselves would mean [147:53] creating variety but the systems of mass [147:56] production that had been developed in [147:58] America were only profitable if they [148:00] made large numbers of the same objects [148:03] this had fitted perfectly with the [148:05] limited range of desires of a conformist [148:08] Society the expressive self threatened [148:11] this whole system of [148:13] manufacturer and the threat was about to [148:15] grow rapidly [148:21] go because an entrepreneur had invented [148:24] a way of mass producing this new [148:26] independent [148:31] cell he was called wner AAR some of the [148:35] stuff that we traditionally think of as [148:38] being in your mind is actually in the [148:40] world was you're moving to that [148:43] too aard had invented a system called [148:45] EST aard seminar training hundreds of [148:49] people came for weekend sessions to be [148:51] taught how to be themselves and EST was [148:54] soon copied by other groups like [148:56] exeresis in [148:58] Britain many of ahad's techniques came [149:01] from the human potential movement but he [149:03] criticized the movement for not having [149:05] gone far enough their idea that there [149:08] was a central core inside all human [149:10] beings was he said just another [149:12] limitation on human [149:14] freedom in reality there was no fix self [149:18] which meant that you could be anything [149:19] that you wanted to [149:21] be the thesis of the human potential [149:24] movement was that there was something [149:26] really good down in there and if you [149:28] took these layers off what you were [149:31] going to wind up with was a kernel a [149:33] something that was innately [149:37] self-expressive that was the true self [149:40] that was going to be a wonderful thing [149:42] in actuality you found people who' gone [149:46] to the last layer and took off the last [149:49] layer and found that what was left was [149:52] nothing all right [149:54] push move do it the S sessions were [149:57] intense and often brutal the [150:00] participants signed contracts agreeing [150:01] not to leave and to allow the trainers [150:03] to do anything they thought necessary to [150:05] break down their socially constructed [150:07] identities get sandwiched in there for a [150:11] whn if I push harder than you do I'm [150:14] going to squash you so you better push [150:16] fast now hard do it that's it do it [150:19] again push good good good again [150:28] Yes the real point to the S training was [150:32] to go down through layer after layer [150:35] after layer after layer until you got to [150:39] the last layer and peeled it off where [150:42] the recognition was that it it's really [150:48] all meaningless and [151:05] empty now that's existentialism end [151:08] point s when a step further in that [151:13] people began to recognize that it was [151:14] not only meaningless and empty [151:16] but it was empty and meaningless that it [151:18] was empty and [151:19] meaningless and in that there's an [151:21] enormous Freedom all the constrictions [151:25] all of the rules you've placed on [151:29] yourself are [151:31] gone and what you're left with is [151:34] nothing and nothing is an [151:36] extraordinarily powerful place to stand [151:39] because it is only from nothing that you [151:41] can [151:42] create and from this nothing people were [151:45] able to invent a life and allowing them [151:48] to create [151:51] themselves invent themselves invent [151:53] themselves you can be what you want to [151:55] be I want you to start to make that [151:58] sound and on that sound create and [152:02] people the world the way you want to [152:05] create [152:07] it what aart did was to say that only [152:11] the individual [152:13] matters that there is no societal [152:17] concern that you living a fulfilled life [152:21] is all you need be concerned about s [152:25] people came out of those trainings [152:26] feeling that it wasn't selfish to think [152:29] about yourself it was your highest Duty [152:32] so kiss me and smile for me tell me that [152:38] you wait for me hold me like you never [152:44] let me go the training is uh is two [152:47] weekends MH and uh it was quite an [152:49] incredible experience in my life I'll [152:51] forever be grateful for the experience I [152:53] got a great deal out of it we really [152:55] want to know who we are there are things [152:57] going on we learn more and more about [152:59] ourselves all the time and to really [153:01] find out what it make what it is that [153:02] makes us tick and how we are discovering [153:05] the [153:08] sound es became hugely successful [153:11] singers film stars and hundreds of [153:13] thousands of ordinary Americans [153:15] underwent the training in the [153:18] 1970s but in the process the political [153:20] idea that had begun the movement for [153:22] personal transformation began to [153:25] disappear the original Vision had been [153:28] that through discovering and expressing [153:30] the a new culture would be born one that [153:33] would challenge the power of the [153:36] [Music] [153:38] state we will not let them separate our [153:41] culture from our politics we are a [153:44] people we are all together [153:47] together but what was now emerging was [153:50] the idea that people could be happy [153:52] simply within themselves and that [153:54] changing Society was [153:57] irrelevant one of the proponents of this [153:59] was Jerry Rubin in 1968 Rubin as leader [154:03] of the yippies had led the march on [154:05] Chicago but now he had undergone s [154:09] training I was willing to die and I and [154:12] I had a martyr complex in a sense I [154:14] think we all did and I've given up that [154:16] ideal of sacrifice um and I'm not as um [154:22] I'm not as overwhelmingly moved by [154:25] Injustice as I was and now we [154:27] reincarnated ourselves from within [154:30] basically the politics were lost and and [154:33] and and totally replaced by this [154:37] lifestyle and and then the desire to [154:40] become deeper and deeper into the self [154:42] by now a grandiose sense of the self and [154:46] and my uh uh good friend uh and one of [154:49] the original yippy Founders Jerry rubben [154:51] definitely moved in that direction and [154:55] and I think he was buying into beginning [154:57] to buy into the notion that he could be [155:00] happy and fully self-developed on his [155:03] own socialism in one [155:07] person yes was he alone in that traj [155:10] although that of course is [155:13] capitalism that's that's the whole joke [155:18] I think it's [155:20] funny I think it's funny because people [155:23] spend so much of their life being [155:25] bedeviled by their past and being locked [155:27] into their past and being uh limited by [155:31] their past and there's an enormous [155:33] freedom from that letting people create [155:36] themselves is [155:40] it EST was only the most Vivid and [155:43] intense expression of an idea that was [155:45] spreading rapidly through all strata of [155:47] American [155:48] society books and television programs [155:50] promoted the idea that one's first Duty [155:53] was to be [155:55] oneself and those monitoring this shift [155:57] were astonished at the speed with which [155:59] the idea was [156:00] spreading in [156:02] 1970 it was a small percentage of the [156:06] total population maybe 3 to [156:09] 5% by [156:12] 1980 it had spread to the vast majority [156:16] of the public up to [156:18] 80% you asked the question how do you [156:20] get self-actualized you take this day [156:23] and you say when I shave every morning I [156:25] look in that mirror I say to myself I [156:26] really say this I say nobody is going to [156:29] ruin this day for you Wayne Dyer nobody [156:32] that this preoccupation with the self [156:34] and the inner self traveled and spread [156:37] throughout the society in the [156:40] 1970s it helped me to stop living in the [156:42] past and start building from today and [156:44] using my experience is in a positive way [156:47] to be a better person today and tomorrow [156:49] but then the problem comes well how do [156:52] you be [156:55] self-expressive and it was at this point [156:57] that American capitalism decided it was [156:59] going to step in and help these new [157:01] individuals to express themselves and in [157:04] the process make a lot of [157:06] money the first thing they were going to [157:09] do was to find a way of getting inside [157:11] their heads to discover what these new [157:13] beings wanted in order to be themselves [157:16] [Music] [157:17] this came not from Madison Avenue but [157:19] from one of the most powerful scientific [157:21] research institutes in [157:23] America Stanford Research Institute in [157:25] California worked for corporations and [157:28] government it had done much of the early [157:30] work on computers and was also working [157:33] for the Department of Defense on what [157:35] would become the Star Wars [157:39] project in 1978 a group of economists [157:42] and psychologists at SRI decided to find [157:45] a way to read measure and fulfill the [157:49] desires of these new unpredictable [157:52] consumers the idea was to create a [157:57] rigorous tool for measuring uh a whole [158:01] range of of of desires wishes values [158:05] that uh uh prior to that time had been [158:07] kind of overlooked they say in business [158:09] you know what gets measured gets [158:12] done we were basically telling [158:14] manufacturers if you're really going to [158:17] satisfy not just the basic needs but [158:20] individuated wants whims and desires of [158:24] of more highly uh developed human beings [158:28] you're going to have to segment you're [158:30] going to have to [158:31] individuate to do this SRI turned for [158:34] help to those who had begun The [158:36] Liberation of the self in particular one [158:39] of the leaders of the human potential [158:40] movement a psychologist called Abraham [158:43] maslo through observing the work work at [158:46] places like esselin maslo had invented a [158:48] new system of psychological [158:51] types he called it the hierarchy of [158:53] needs and it described the different [158:55] emotional stages that people went [158:57] through as they liberated their feelings [159:00] at the top was [159:02] self-actualization this was the point at [159:04] which individuals became completely [159:06] self-directed and free of [159:11] society the team at SRI thought that [159:14] maso's hierarchy might form the basis [159:17] for a new way to categorize [159:19] Society not by social class but by [159:22] different psychological Desir and [159:25] drives to test this they designed a huge [159:28] questionnaire with hundreds of questions [159:30] about how people saw themselves their [159:32] inner [159:33] values the questions were designed to [159:35] see whether people fitted into maso's [159:38] categories we were trying to find out [159:40] what people really felt like so we asked [159:42] these really penetrating questions and [159:46] we hired a a company that administers [159:48] surveys you know to do them they said [159:51] they've never seen anything like it [159:53] usually you have to send out a postcard [159:55] six weeks and then another postcard and [159:57] then you got to call the people up you [159:58] know to get the return rates up we had [160:01] an 86% return and they only sent out one [160:04] postcard people loved filling out this [160:07] questionnaire we got several [160:09] questionnaires back with a note attached [160:11] saying do you have any other [160:13] questionnaires I could fill out because [160:14] people we were asking people to think [160:17] about things that they had never thought [160:20] about before and they liked thinking [160:22] about them like what like what they felt [160:24] inside yeah like what they felt inside [160:26] what what motivated them what was their [160:28] life about what was important to them it [160:32] was sort of like wow the answers were [160:35] then analyzed by computer it revealed [160:38] that there were underlying patterns in [160:39] the way people felt about themselves [160:41] which fitted maso's categories and at [160:44] the top of the hierarchy were a large [160:46] and growing Group which cut across all [160:48] social classes the SRI team called them [160:51] the inner [160:52] directors these were people who felt [160:54] they were not defined by their place in [160:56] society but by the choices they made [161:00] themselves but what SRI discovered was [161:03] that these people could be defined by [161:05] the different patterns of behavior [161:07] through which they chose to express [161:09] themselves self-expression was not [161:12] infinite it fell into identifiable types [161:15] [Music] [161:17] the SRI team invented a new term for it [161:21] Lifestyles they had managed to [161:23] catagorize the new [161:24] individualism they called their system [161:27] values and Lifestyles vowels for [161:31] short at the Forefront of this change [161:33] are three new vs groups groups we call [161:36] Inner directed these are people for whom [161:38] personal satisfaction is more important [161:40] than status or money they tend to be [161:42] self-expressive complex and individual [161:45] [Music] [161:49] istic Rob is an IM IM IM are searching [161:54] for new values breaking away from [161:56] traditions and inventing their own [161:57] standards Rob even invented his own name [162:00] Rob knous jod is an [162:04] experiential this is a group seeking [162:06] inner growth through direct experience [162:08] experientials aren't in one place much [162:10] this is the try anything once crowd and [162:12] all that activity takes goods and [162:14] services their hobbies are Hands-On and [162:17] their possessions are simple but not [162:19] always simply [162:21] priced I'm a book seller I sell [162:25] books uh I'm a [162:28] businessman um it doesn't necessarily [162:31] believe mean that I believe in [162:33] capitalism it just happens to be what [162:35] I'm doing [162:36] now SRI created a simplified [162:39] questionnaire with just 30 key questions [162:42] anyone who answered them could be [162:43] immediately fitted into a TH or so of [162:46] these new [162:47] groups it allowed businesses to identify [162:49] which groups were buying their products [162:52] and from that how the goods could be [162:53] marketed so they became powerful emblems [162:56] of those groups inner values and [162:58] Lifestyles it was the beginning of [163:00] Lifestyle [163:01] marketing so it allowed people not just [163:04] to look at people as demographics group [163:07] of age and income and whatever but to [163:10] really understand the underlying [163:12] motivations I mean most of marketing was [163:14] looking at people's actions and trying [163:16] to figure out what to do but what we [163:19] were doing is we were trying to look [163:21] more into people's underlying values so [163:23] that we could predict what is their [163:25] lifestyle what kind of house do they [163:27] live in what kind of car do they drive [163:29] so the corporations were then able to [163:32] sell things to them by understanding [163:35] them by having labels by knowing what [163:37] these people look like where they live [163:38] what their lifestyles [163:40] are if a new product expressed a [163:43] particular group's values it would be [163:44] bought by them this is what made the [163:47] values and Lifestyle system so powerful [163:49] its ability to predict what new products [163:52] self-actualizers would [163:54] choose and this power was about to be [163:56] demonstrated dramatically vows would [163:58] show it could predict not just the [164:00] products they would buy but the [164:02] politicians they were going to choose to [164:04] elect ladies and gentlemen the next [164:07] president of the United States of [164:09] America Ronald [164:11] Reagan in 1980 Ronald Reagan ran for [164:14] president he and his advisers were [164:16] convinced they could win on a program of [164:18] a new individualism it would be an [164:20] attack on 50 years of government [164:22] interference in people's [164:24] [Music] [164:27] lives I wrote a speech about let the [164:30] people make the basic decisions get [164:32] judges out of the way get bureaucrats [164:34] out of the way get centralized [164:36] government out of the way I gave Reagan [164:38] a choice of several titles for the [164:40] speech and the one he picked was let the [164:43] people rule let the people regain gain [164:45] rule regain control over their own [164:47] destiny away from a remote Elite in [164:52] Washington I would like to think that [164:54] the kind of leadership that I would [164:56] exercise in Washington is not the kind [164:59] of leadership that I would pretend that [165:01] I can solve all the problems I've been [165:02] discussing here but the together you and [165:06] I can I would like to be take the lead [165:09] in taking government off the backs of [165:12] the American people and turning you [165:13] loose to do what I know [165:17] it was Radical moderate Republicans [165:19] thought it was suicide Jimmy Carter [165:22] called it ridiculous the Press was [165:24] extremely negative but the odd thing is [165:27] that it pulled very well in New [165:29] Hampshire which was the first primary [165:31] State the state that we had to win what [165:34] was odd was that there seemed to be a [165:35] strange Mosaic of support for Reagan's [165:38] policies the traditional posters could [165:40] see no coherent pattern across class age [165:43] or gender [165:46] but those who had designed the values [165:47] and Lifestyle System believed that they [165:49] knew why they were testing their system [165:52] in both America and Britain and they [165:55] were convinced that both Reagan's and [165:56] Mrs Thatcher's message about individual [165:58] Freedom would appeal to the group at the [166:01] top of their hierarchy the inner [166:03] directeds because it fitted with the way [166:05] they saw [166:07] themselves they were really concerned [166:10] about being individuals being [166:12] individualistic and so in the early [166:15] stages when we were looking at the [166:17] messages that both Thatcher and then [166:19] Reagan were were putting across we said [166:23] they are using words that will really [166:25] appeal to a lot of the younger people [166:27] and particularly to the people who are [166:30] moving towards self-actualization we [166:32] call them the inner directed people a [166:35] lot of our colleagues said you you [166:38] that's absolutely ridiculous because [166:40] inner directeds are very socially aware [166:42] very socially concerned um they'll never [166:46] vote conservative or they'll never vote [166:48] um for the [166:50] Republicans but we said if fer and [166:53] Reagan continue to appeal to them in [166:55] this way they really will and I Vision [166:59] leadership in taking government off your [167:02] backs and turning you loose to do what [167:04] you can do so well thank you very much [167:07] the idea that the new self-actualizing [167:09] individuals would choose a politician [167:11] from the right not the left seemed [167:14] extraordinary [167:15] but to test their prediction the values [167:17] and Lifestyles team did a survey of [167:19] voting intentions and they correlated it [167:22] with their new psychological [167:24] categories when we said in our surveys [167:27] who are you going to vote for sure [167:29] enough it was the in directives who said [167:32] that they would vote for Thatcher and [167:33] for Reagan and they made the difference [167:36] in those [167:37] elections because of their they're [167:39] voting for thatan Reagan and it really [167:41] surprised our colleagues even within my [167:43] own organization [167:45] it really showed the power of this [167:47] approach because it's very difficult to [167:49] identify in a directives on the [167:53] street these people who voted for thatch [167:56] and Reagan these inner directeds came [167:58] from any Walk of Life it's really hardly [168:01] correlated with social class at all I [168:04] mean if you just go along and look at [168:06] age sex social [168:07] class uh you would never pick them up [168:11] but if you if you really go along with a [168:13] questionnaire that gets at their values [168:14] you can identify them very easily and [168:18] that was new and that was completely new [168:21] yeah at the beginning of 1981 Ronald [168:24] Reagan was inaugurated as president but [168:27] he took charge of a country that was [168:29] facing economic [168:30] disaster the terrible inflation of the [168:33] 1970s had destroyed much of America's [168:35] traditional heavy Industries and [168:37] millions were [168:38] unemployed but true to his campaign [168:40] promises Reagan told the country he [168:43] would not step into help as as all [168:45] previous governments had since the war [168:48] these United States are confronted with [168:50] an economic Affliction of great [168:53] proportions we suffer from the longest [168:56] and one of the worst sustained [168:57] inflations in our National History idle [169:00] Industries have cast workers into [169:02] unemployment human misery and personal [169:05] indignity in this present [169:08] crisis government is not the solution to [169:11] our problem government is the problem [169:15] but America's alien economy was about to [169:18] be rescued not by government but by the [169:20] new groups that the market researchers [169:22] had identified the self-actualizing [169:25] individuals they were about to become [169:27] the motor for what would be called the [169:29] new [169:32] economy you can be what you want to be [169:35] so regarding V8 what do you really want [169:38] uh tasty product that's good for me what [169:41] do you want that for one technique is [169:43] that we ask people the same question [169:45] over and over and over again and we say [169:47] what do you want what do you really want [169:50] what do you want that for and they start [169:51] to talk about it and they kind of get [169:53] intimate with what's going on what we're [169:56] doing with that technique is unpeeling [169:58] the onion if you want to think of a [169:59] person kind of having layers and layers [170:01] and layers of protection and thoughts [170:03] and behaviors and belief we want to get [170:05] to that Center core in the wake of the [170:07] invention of values and Lifestyles a [170:10] vast industry of psychological market [170:12] research grew [170:13] up and the old technique of the focus [170:16] group invented by the Freudian [170:17] psychoanalysts in the 50s was used in a [170:20] new and Powerful [170:21] way the original aim of the focus group [170:24] had been to find ways to entice people [170:26] to buy a limited range of mass-produced [170:29] goods but now focus groups we used in a [170:32] different way to explore the inner [170:34] feelings of Lifestyle groups and out of [170:36] that invent whole new ranges of products [170:39] which would allow those groups to [170:40] express what they felt was their [170:43] individuality and the generation who had [170:46] once rebelled against the Conformity [170:48] imposed by consumerism now embraced it [170:51] because it helped them to be [170:53] themselves what capitalism managed to do [170:56] that was brilliant was to actually [170:58] create products that people like me [171:01] would be interested in that people like [171:03] Jerry Rubin would be interested in [171:06] capitalism developed a whole industry at [171:09] developing products that evoked a larger [171:12] sense of self that that um that seemed [171:16] to agree with us that the self was [171:18] infinite that you could be anything you [171:19] wanted to be that that took our [171:21] philosophy and agreed with it and then [171:24] created products that supposedly helped [171:27] you AIDS that helped you be this [171:30] Limitless self the product sells you a [171:34] way of life a way of being the product [171:36] sells you values you you dress this [171:40] way you live in a house like this you [171:43] you have furniture like like this you [171:45] use this [171:48] computer you have do you have the [171:50] regular jeam or oh Gloria Vander does a [171:52] lot in denim in silks and in Cotton you [171:56] eat in these restaurants their values [171:59] there hipness coolness this is not I [172:03] repeat not a marketing scheme so the [172:06] notion that you could buy an identity [172:09] replace the original movement notion [172:12] that you were perfectly free to create [172:13] an identity [172:15] and you were perfectly free to change [172:17] the world and make the world anything [172:18] you wanted it to be well what I wear is [172:22] um a [172:25] statement and this vast range of new [172:27] desires fitted perfectly with changes in [172:30] industrial [172:31] production computers now allowed [172:34] manufacturers to economically produce [172:36] short runs of consumer goods the old [172:39] restrictions of mass production [172:41] disappeared as did the worry that have [172:43] beveled Cor Corporate America ever since [172:45] mass production had been invented that [172:48] they would produce too many Goods with [172:51] the new self consumer desire seemed to [172:53] have no limit in the United States the [172:57] concern of companies was always that [173:00] Supply without strip demand that we were [173:04] we were producing too much and that [173:06] there was not a market for it you don't [173:09] hear that kind of talk anymore because [173:12] you've gone from a con ception of a a [173:15] market of limited needs and if you fill [173:18] them they're filled to a market of [173:21] unlimited everchanging needs dominated [173:25] by self-expressiveness [173:26] that products and services can satisfy [173:31] in an endless variety of ways and ways [173:33] that change all the [173:35] time and consequently economies have [173:39] unlimited [173:42] Horizons out of this explosion of design [173:44] came what seemed a NeverEnding consumer [173:46] boom that regenerated the American [173:50] economy the original idea had been that [173:53] the liberation of the self would create [173:55] new kinds of people free of social [173:59] constraint that radical change had [174:02] happened but while the new beings felt [174:04] liberated they had become increasingly [174:07] dependent for their identity on [174:10] business the corporations had realized [174:13] that it was in their interests to [174:15] encourage people to feel that they were [174:17] Unique Individuals and then offer them [174:19] ways to express that [174:21] individuality a world in which people [174:23] felt they were rebelling against [174:25] Conformity was not a threat to business [174:28] but its greatest [174:30] [Music] [174:35] opportunity it was in a sense the [174:37] Triumph of the self it was the Triumph [174:40] of a certain [174:41] self-indulgence a view that [174:44] everything in the world and all moral [174:48] judgment was appropriately viewed [174:50] through the lens of personal [174:53] satisfaction indeed the ultimate ending [174:57] point of that logic is that there is no [175:00] Society there is only a bunch of [175:02] individual people making individual [175:04] choices to promote their own individual [175:08] [Music] [175:13] well-being [175:15] next week's episode tells the story of [175:17] how politicians on the left in both [175:19] Britain and America turn to the [175:21] techniques developed by business in [175:23] order to regain [175:25] power but what they didn't realize is [175:28] that what had worked for business would [175:30] undermine the very basis of their [175:31] political [175:33] beliefs they would find themselves [175:35] trapped by the greedy desires of the new [175:38] [Music] [175:43] self [175:47] nothing is beyond you this is the story [175:51] of the rise of an idea that has come to [175:53] dominate our [175:54] society it is the belief that the [175:56] satisfaction of individual feelings and [175:58] desires is our highest priority today [176:02] we're going to tell you how to get [176:04] whatever you want I wanted to live a [176:07] different life that wasn't available to [176:08] me in the image I was born I am here [176:12] look at me notice me prev episodes have [176:15] shown how this rise of the South was [176:17] fostered and promoted by [176:19] business they had used the ideas of [176:21] Sigman Freud to develop techniques to [176:24] read the inner desires of individuals [176:27] and then fulfill them with [176:31] products this final episode is about how [176:34] that idea took over [176:36] politics it tells the story of how [176:38] politicians on the left in both America [176:41] and Britain turned to these techniques [176:44] to regain [176:45] power they believed that they were [176:47] creating a new and better form of [176:50] democracy one that truly responded to [176:52] the inner feelings of [176:55] individuals but what the politicians [176:57] didn't realize was that the aim of those [176:59] who had originally created these [177:01] techniques had not been to liberate the [177:03] people but to develop a new way of [177:06] controlling them in an age of mass [177:08] [Music] [177:13] democracy [177:21] the roots of the story lie way back in [177:23] the America of the 1920s with one [177:26] man he was called Edward bernes the [177:29] nephew of Sigman [177:30] Freud bernes had been one of the [177:32] inventors of the profession of public [177:35] relations and he was fascinated by his [177:37] uncle's theory that human behavior was [177:39] driven by unconscious sexual and [177:41] aggressive [177:43] drives [177:44] many of Bern's clients were large [177:46] American [177:47] corporations and he was the first person [177:49] to show them how they could sell many [177:51] more products if they linked them [177:53] through images and symbols to those [177:56] unconscious desires that Freud had [178:00] identified the strategy he offered them [178:03] was that people could now look at the [178:06] goods that were emerging within this [178:08] society and not merely view those goods [178:12] as things that they needed in order to [178:14] deal with some specific material want [178:17] but also as Goods which would stroke and [178:20] respond to deep emotional [178:23] yearnings you know how this bar of soap [178:27] or this bag of flour will make you a [178:30] happier more successful more sexually [178:32] appealing less fearful person somebody [178:35] to be admired rather than [178:37] reviled the powerful people in that [178:40] world are those people who are capable [178:42] of reading the public mind and giving [178:44] the public uh what it wants in those [178:48] terms and bernes was at the heart of it [178:50] bernes was the guy who was the foremost [178:53] articulator of the theories which were [178:56] driving this new [178:59] system by the 1980s Bern's ideas had [179:03] come of age a vast industry had grown up [179:06] in America devoted to reading the inner [179:08] desires of consumers at its heart was [179:11] the technique of the focus group [179:14] previous episodes have shown how the [179:16] focus group was invented by [179:17] psychoanalysts employed by us [179:20] corporations the aim was to allow [179:23] consumers to express their inner [179:24] feelings and needs just as patients did [179:27] in [179:28] psychoanalysis the information was then [179:30] used to promote and design new products [179:33] that would fulfill those [179:35] desires and Edward bernes who is now [179:38] nearly 100 years old was celebrated as [179:41] the founding father of this marketing [179:43] world [179:45] hi doctor good to see you come on up [179:48] over here there you [179:50] go doctor what uh tell me again what the [179:53] doctor is what are we dealing with [179:54] you're the father of public relations [179:56] we're dealing with really is the concept [179:59] that people will believe me more if you [180:03] call me doctor oh I [180:07] see [180:10] so it's a good idea and Bern is his idea [180:14] and techniques were also about to [180:15] conquer Britain in the [180:17] 1980s unlike America the ruling Elites [180:20] in Britain had always distrusted the [180:22] idea of pandering to the [180:25] masses it was epitomized by the [180:27] Patrician Elite who ran the [180:29] BBC even as late as the 60s popular [180:32] programmers were referred to as [180:34] groundbait their real job was to lure [180:37] the viewers into watching the more [180:38] serious programs the elite knew was good [180:41] for [180:42] them [180:44] and market research reflected this [180:47] attitude individuals were observed and [180:49] classified by market researchers [180:51] according to their social class from a [180:54] through C2 d and [180:57] [Music] [180:59] e imagine probably they might be C TOS [181:02] yes I think uh by these the way they're [181:04] carrying their luggage or no taxi and [181:08] all stuffed in in the bags like that I [181:10] think the lady possibly sets her own [181:12] hair which is always an indication the [181:15] children are nicely dressed yes they are [181:18] probably a skilled [181:20] worker some a skilled worker I think [181:24] certain an apprenticeship or G some [181:27] qualifying we agree then yes we we think [181:30] so yes when people were asked their [181:33] opinion about both products and politics [181:36] they were selected by social class and [181:38] asked only strictly factual questions [181:40] about what they thought leaving your own [181:42] party sympathies on one ins side who do [181:44] you think will win this world coming El [181:47] labor and tell me which you [181:52] prefer which party do you think you'll [181:54] be voting for this time this liberals [181:57] you'll be voting for the [182:01] Liberals and who do you think will be [182:03] second [182:04] conservative this one okay the idea that [182:08] one might ask people what they [182:10] themselves felt and desired and then [182:12] give it to them was SE is alien to the [182:14] ruling Elites which would challenge [182:16] their belief that they knew what was [182:18] best for the [182:19] public there's evidence in other [182:22] countries in the United States for [182:23] example where pollers have been used [182:26] before elections to interpret the mood [182:28] of the public and then you give people [182:30] more they want to have unless what they [182:32] ought to have but again this could be to [182:35] be more democratic I don't know it's [182:37] very dangerous ground I think though [182:39] when polls are used uh in that [182:42] way but then in the economic crisis of [182:44] the mid '70s British industry was forced [182:47] to begin to pay attention to the inner [182:49] feelings of [182:51] consumers as the recession deepened [182:53] consumer spending fell dramatically and [182:55] the advertisers insisted that the only [182:57] way for companies to survive was to make [182:59] their advertising more effective and to [183:02] do this they would have to delve into [183:04] people's underlying psychological [183:06] motives for [183:07] purchasing the advertising industry [183:10] started to bring in Americans to run [183:12] focus groups with British [183:17] Housewives everyone is a unique person [183:19] and even though you're a group of 10 [183:21] today we don't want a group opinion and [183:25] we want to know your ideas and your [183:27] thoughts no matter how crazy it might be [183:30] please let your imagination run wild [183:32] because that's how very crazy things [183:34] like instant coffee got born now can we [183:37] get somebody this lady to be a kitchen [183:39] sink and kitchen sink how do you feel [183:43] with with these things that are being [183:45] used to clean you up well I've got to [183:47] feel clean I've got to be kept clean so [183:51] I feel that I should hate it if I was [183:52] all greasy so I've got to be easy to [183:55] clean okay now the housewife this lady [183:59] what would you use to clean your kitchen [184:02] sink um a scaring [184:05] powder of course a cloth to apply the [184:08] things on and plenty of [184:11] water now how do you feel as you're [184:13] doing this chore um feel satisfied well [184:16] satisfied when I have done it yes I'm [184:18] doing my duty I feel it's a job well [184:21] done the consumers were encouraged to [184:23] play at being products from household [184:25] cleaners to car seat belts the aim was [184:29] not to talk rationally but to act out [184:31] and reveal their inner emotional [184:33] relationship to [184:36] products which [184:38] firmly and unmistakably [184:42] underlines [184:45] and then a politician emerged who also [184:47] believed that people should be allowed [184:49] to express themselves instead of being [184:51] controlled by the state the individual [184:53] should become the central focus of [184:55] society some socialists seem to believe [184:58] that people should be numbers in a state [185:02] computer we believe they should be [185:05] individuals we're all unequal no one [185:08] thank heavens is quite like anyone else [185:11] however much the Socialists May end [185:14] otherwise and we believe that everyone [185:16] has the right to be unequal but to us [185:20] every human being is equally [185:26] important a man's right to work as he [185:28] will to spend what he earns to own [185:32] property to have the state as servant [185:35] and not as Master they are the essence [185:38] of a free economy and on that freedom [185:41] all our other freedom [185:44] [Music] [185:45] depend Mrs Thatcher's Vision was of a [185:48] society in which the wants and desires [185:50] of millions of individuals would be [185:52] satisfied through the free market this [185:55] she believed would be the engine to [185:57] regenerate Britain and with her Ascent [185:59] of power the advertising and marketing [186:01] Industries flourished their task was to [186:04] find out what the British people really [186:06] wanted and then sell it to [186:08] them in this new climate the focus group [186:12] flourished and those who ran them [186:14] borrowed from the techniques of [186:15] psychotherapy to delve ever deeper into [186:18] people's feelings about [186:22] products we're trying to understand how [186:25] people feel about Brands how they relate [186:27] to brands that is to say what the brands [186:29] personality is as far as consumers are [186:31] concerned and there are a number of [186:33] techniques which are very very helpful [186:35] for uh getting to that uh to that [186:37] understanding the consumer has given [186:40] crayons to Doodle to express their [186:42] feelings to go into inside their own [186:43] head pull out their feelings and somehow [186:45] get them onto paper and these are [186:47] ordinary drinkers uh expressing their [186:49] feelings about drinking Guinness here [186:52] you see a rich very female aspect of [186:55] Guinness so if you were describing a [186:57] woman who somehow to you had that [187:01] character what sort of person is it [187:03] Paula Yates who used to lay in bed [187:06] surrounded with magazines and chocolates [187:09] like a 50 Starlet out of this research [187:12] the marketeers began to detect a new [187:15] individualism in particular among those [187:17] who had voted conservative for the first [187:19] time in [187:20] 1979 they no longer wanted to be seen as [187:23] part of social classes but to express [187:25] themselves and crucial to this were the [187:27] products they chose to [187:29] buy we identified that there was this [187:32] trend towards what might be called [187:34] individualism where people wanted to [187:37] still be part of a crow but to express [187:39] themselves as individuals within it to [187:41] have their own personalities to be I [187:44] suppose their own men I didn't want to [187:47] be the same as everybody else I wanted [187:50] it to be little bit different a little [187:53] bit individual it's quite individual [187:55] upstairs it's not remarkable but I think [187:57] it's quite individual it is expensive [187:59] it's Italian it's Italian it's expensive [188:01] and it's good quality we different yeah [188:04] we want to set our own standards so [188:06] nobody else has got what we've got we [188:08] just didn't want it be the same as [188:10] everybody else we just want to be [188:12] different business responded eagerly to [188:14] this new individualism but it soon [188:17] became one of the main forces driving [188:19] the growing consumer boom in [188:21] Britain using the data from the focus [188:23] groups the manufacturers created new [188:25] ranges of products that allowed people [188:28] to express their [188:29] [Music] [188:32] individuality business also [188:34] recategorized people they were no longer [188:37] divided by social class but by their [188:39] inner psychological [188:41] needs if the primary need is security [188:44] and belonging we call the groups [188:45] mainstreamers um if it's status and the [188:47] esteem of others then it's aspirers if [188:50] it's control it's succeeders and if it [188:52] self-esteem it's [188:54] reformers and this new marketing culture [188:56] began to take over the institutions [188:58] previously dominated by a patrici elite [189:01] in particular the world of Journalism [189:04] the assault was led by the profession of [189:06] public [189:08] relations in the past PR had been seen [189:10] as seedy and corrupt now it became a [189:13] glamorous business promoting products [189:16] and [189:16] [Music] [189:19] celebrities and one of the Rising Stars [189:21] was another member of the Freud family [189:23] Matthew Freud the son of the liberal MP [189:27] Clement what Freud and other PRS [189:30] realized was that they could use their [189:32] celebrities as levers to infiltrate [189:34] advertising into the editorial content [189:36] of [189:37] newspapers the newspapers were offered [189:39] exclusive interviews with celebrities [189:42] but only if they also agreed to mention [189:44] products made by Freud's corporate [189:46] clients in terms dictated by the [189:49] company what happened with Freud's was [189:52] that you effectively got some kind of [189:54] product placement or even product the [189:57] manufacturers of the product got some [189:59] degree of control over how their [190:02] products would appear in print so if for [190:05] example you did want to write about [190:06] Capri's passion for stuffed cross Pizza [190:09] you would sign a contract which [190:11] guaranteed that you would mention The [190:13] Firm Pizza Hut uh in at least twice in [190:16] certain positions in the introductory [190:18] paragraph of of of the article you would [190:20] agree to run the Pizza Hut logo at such [190:23] and such a size in such and such a place [190:25] and of course you would agree to run the [190:26] enclosed pictures of Capri eating her [190:29] stuffed cross Pizza there was no choice [190:31] about how you would run this article in [190:34] the Press you were effectively told how [190:36] to run the article in the Press by [190:38] freuds by [190:40] freuds it's a rise of the corporate [190:42] culture and the rise of of business to [190:45] traditional journalists this [190:46] infiltration of advertising into the [190:48] editorial Pages was a Corruption of [190:50] their [190:51] profession but to Mrs Thatcher's allies [190:54] like Rupert Murdoch who owned the sun [190:56] and the times it was part of a [190:58] democratic Revolution against an [191:00] arrogant Elite who had too long ignored [191:03] the feelings of the [191:04] masses they hate to see someone [191:06] communicating with the masses they feel [191:08] that newspapers the written word is not [191:09] for the masses that should be left to [191:12] television or perhaps to nobody I'm very [191:14] proud of the sun and the sun was not [191:16] represented tonight in your film you [191:17] just took page three which it w seem so [191:19] fascinated with I about page one page [191:21] two every other page of the paper it was [191:23] typical piece of slanting and elitism by [191:26] the BBC who after all in order to get [191:28] viewers for this program and put on a [191:30] very sexy episode of Star Trek just [191:32] which I was watching out in the room [191:34] there I don't think they put it on to [191:35] get us viewers I think we just luck they [191:37] try to carry viewers into these show [191:39] programs know how it's [191:41] done [191:43] by the late 80s Mrs Thatcher and her [191:45] allies in advertising and the media had [191:48] brought the desires of the individual to [191:50] the center of [191:53] society as last week's episode showed it [191:56] was the same transformation that [191:58] President Reagan had brought about in [192:00] America both politicians had encouraged [192:03] business to take over from government [192:05] the role of fulfilling the needs of the [192:08] people in the process consumers were [192:10] encouraged to see the satisfaction of [192:12] their their desires as the overriding [192:16] priority to that and Reagan this was a [192:19] new and better form of [192:21] [Applause] [192:24] democracy but to their opponents in the [192:26] parties of the left they had summoned up [192:29] the most selfish and greedy aspects of [192:31] human [192:33] nature Ronald rean and Margaret Sater [192:36] both embraced an economic philosophy it [192:39] says the unit of judgment was not only [192:40] the individual but it was the indiv [192:42] individual's personal satisfaction the [192:45] individual's own unique happiness and [192:51] well-being it was in a sense the Triumph [192:54] of regarding individuals as purely [192:57] emotional beings who have needs and [193:00] wants and desires that need to be [193:02] satisfied and can be satisfied [193:05] unconsciously it goes way back to the [193:09] early part of the 20th century to Freud [193:13] to Notions of the [193:15] unconscious um the assumptions that we [193:18] are uh in terms of our rational Minds [193:20] we're little corks bobbing around on [193:22] this great sea of hopes and fears and [193:25] and desires of which we are only dimly [193:28] aware and that the role of a [193:31] marketer the role of somebody selling [193:33] something including a politician is to [193:36] appeal to this Great Swamp of of Desire [193:40] of unconscious desire [193:43] [Music] [193:46] the left believed the opposite that the [193:49] way to create a better Society was not [193:51] to treat people as emotional isolated [193:54] individuals but to persuade them to [193:56] realize that they had common interests [193:58] with others to help them rise above [194:00] their individual feelings and [194:03] Fears let me assert my firm belief that [194:08] the only thing we have to fear is fear [194:12] here [194:13] itself nameless unreasoning unjustified [194:17] Terror which paralyzes needed efforts to [194:21] convert Retreat into [194:24] Advance this idea had flourished in [194:26] America in the depression of the [194:29] 1930s President Roosevelt faced with the [194:31] chaos caused by the Wall Street Crash [194:34] encouraged Americans to join together in [194:36] trades unions to set up consumer groups [194:39] and to pay for a welfare system for [194:41] those trapped in [194:43] poverty his aim was to create a [194:45] collective awareness which would become [194:47] a powerful weapon against the unfettered [194:50] power of capitalism which had caused the [194:53] crisis that idea had driven the [194:56] Democratic party for 50 years but now [194:59] Roosevelt's inheritors railed vainly [195:01] against the effects of the self-interest [195:03] encouraged by President [195:06] [Music] [195:07] Reagan there is despair Mr [195:10] President in the face that you don't see [195:14] maybe Mr President if you stopped in at [195:16] a shelter in [195:19] Chicago and spoke to the homeless [195:22] there maybe Mr President if you asked a [195:26] woman who had been denied the help she [195:28] needed to feed her children because you [195:31] said you needed the money for a tax [195:33] break for a millionaire or for a missile [195:36] we couldn't afford to [195:38] use the worst thing Ronald Reagan did [195:41] was to make the denial of compassion [195:43] respectable he said you've worked hard [195:45] you've made your money you shouldn't [195:48] have to feel guilty about refusing to [195:52] throw it away on people who choose to be [195:54] homeless and who choose not to work [195:57] that's what he said he said it with an [195:59] elegance and a kind of benign aspect [196:03] that disguised its [196:05] harshness you think we can do anything [196:07] about it well why not if we can work [196:10] together now to look after the lives of [196:12] the people people here I don't see why [196:13] we couldn't work together afterwards to [196:14] clear up the mess and help build a [196:16] better world in which these things can't [196:18] possibly happen the qualities we've [196:19] learned from comradeship and common [196:21] suffering are not going to be wasted [196:23] after this war it's out of experience [196:25] like ours that the new world will be [196:29] built that same idea of marshalling the [196:32] collective force of the masses to [196:34] challenge the entrenched power of wealth [196:36] and business but also led the labor [196:38] party to power in Britain after the [196:41] war but in the ' 880s labor like the [196:44] Democrats in America lost election after [196:47] election as Millions who had once voted [196:49] for them switch their allegiance to the [196:54] conservatives There It Is Going blue [196:56] just about everywhere sweeping the [196:58] country rural parts of Britain now gone [197:01] for they are the party of yesterday and [197:05] tomorrow is [197:06] ours in the face of this a growing [197:09] number within the labor party became [197:11] convinced that if were ever to regain [197:13] power labor would have to come to terms [197:15] with the new [197:17] individualism one of them was an [197:19] advertising executive called Philip G [197:22] who had been a lifelong labor [197:24] supporter G believed that Labor's [197:26] leadership had become corrupted by the [197:28] same Patrician arrogance that dominated [197:31] all Britain's [197:32] institutions they denigrated and [197:34] disapproved of the new aspirations of [197:36] workingclass Voters labor stopped [197:39] listening to these people and I remember [197:42] remember uh the best example of this was [197:44] after the election of 1983 which was the [197:47] election above all where the people's [197:50] voices just were not heard and I had [197:54] dinner with a [197:55] leading uh labor party figure who' been [197:57] involved in the defeat heavily devolved [198:00] in involved in the defeat and his wife [198:01] said God these workingclass people these [198:04] workingclass people they just you know [198:06] we give them education we give them [198:08] chances in life what do they do they [198:09] read the Sun and they just don't vote [198:10] for us and there was such a gap [198:13] between these people just trying to make [198:16] lies of themselves better lies of [198:18] themselves and the kind of theism of the [198:21] labor party that was just S A Chasm that [198:25] that that that had to be [198:26] filled G became part of a small group of [198:29] modernizers centered around Peter [198:32] mandelson their aim was to reconnect [198:34] labor with the Lost [198:37] voters to do this G turned to the [198:39] technique he knew well from his work in [198:41] advertising [198:43] the focus [198:44] group ghoul commission focus groups in [198:46] Suburban areas across the country with [198:49] small groups of Voters who had switched [198:51] to Mrs [198:52] Thatcher people were encouraged not to [198:55] talk rationally about policies but to [198:57] express their underlying [198:59] feelings and what G discovered was a [199:02] fundamental shift in people's [199:03] relationship to [199:05] politics they no longer saw themselves [199:08] as part of any group but as individuals [199:11] who could demand things from politicians [199:13] in return for paying [199:15] taxes just as business had taught them [199:17] to do as [199:21] consumers and I found that the people [199:24] have become consumers people now wanted [199:26] to have you know politics and life on [199:28] their own terms I mean not just in [199:30] politics but all aspects of life too [199:33] people see themselves as they are as [199:35] autonomous powerful individuals who are [199:38] entitled to be respected who are [199:41] entitled to have the best not just in um [199:44] you know going to Tesco or wherever but [199:47] the best in terms of health and in [199:49] education too all this was about getting [199:52] the labor party to understand the people [199:55] really really really had changed and the [199:58] labor party had not unless the labor [199:59] party change it would not win Philip G [200:02] Now set out to try and persuade the [200:04] labor party that they would have to make [200:06] concessions to what he called the new [200:08] aspirational classes but he was going to [200:11] face implacable [200:13] position in the runup to the 1992 [200:15] election G argued that the only way to [200:18] win was for Labour to promise not to put [200:20] up taxes but the shadow Chancellor John [200:23] Smith angrily refused label would stick [200:26] to its fundamental policies they would [200:28] fight the election with the promise of [200:30] tax increases to create a fairer [200:34] society and as the campaign began it [200:37] seemed as if Philip G was [200:39] wrong the traditional polls consistently [200:41] showed labor ahead despite the [200:43] conservative campaign message the labor [200:46] government would put up [200:48] [Music] [200:51] taxes even the conservatives oldest [200:53] allies in the Press became convinced [200:56] that by Haring on about tax the [200:58] conservatives were cutting their own [200:59] throats so the worry about the Tores [201:02] must be that they're not at the moment [201:03] conveying a sense of grip and being in [201:05] control and unless they can do better [201:09] than that I think they're going to lose [201:10] and is the other thing is they still say [201:12] that they are going to go on and on with [201:15] this one single message of tax and I [201:18] think I mean part of the difficulty this [201:19] morning was that you had a whole lot of [201:21] uh people who' been going to the same [201:24] press conference for S days had [201:26] virtually the same message thrust at [201:28] them and kind of getting bored and [201:30] restless and hitting back on it I think [201:32] the media sense a big story coming in [201:35] the Tor is being [201:37] defeated and the labor party too was [201:39] convinced it would win and finally [201:41] return to power it's now time to meet [201:44] the men and women who will form the next [201:50] government labor Chancellor of exer John [201:54] Smith and now it is time time for the [201:58] next prime minister Neil [202:02] kinck those running Labor's campaign [202:04] believed that by modern presentation [202:06] they would attract back the voters we [202:10] yet keep the old policies [202:13] but Philip good was convinced that [202:15] Labour were going to lose through his [202:17] focus groups he knew that the very [202:19] people who were telling the traditional [202:21] pollsters they would vote labor were in [202:23] reality preparing to vote conservative [202:26] out of [202:27] self-interest but they were too [202:28] embarrassed to admit it you he and John [202:33] Major also knew this because his focus [202:36] groups were telling him the same [202:38] [Music] [202:40] thing what you make of a pole which puts [202:43] labor five points [202:45] ahead daily feel out the streets that [202:47] matters you it's feeling good on the [202:49] streets is feeling good on the streets [202:51] yes has been feeling surprisingly good [202:53] on the streets for some time quite [202:55] surprisingly quite out of line with [202:58] opinion poles don't ask me to explain it [203:00] but it feels all right anyway come on no [203:05] Lads you must sit down we waiting to [203:07] go John Major's victory in 1992 was a [203:11] disaster for the labor [203:13] party a small group of reformers [203:15] centered around Peter mandon and Philip [203:17] G were convinced that the only way for [203:20] the party to survive was to change its [203:22] basic [203:23] policies but their ideas were rejected [203:25] by John Smith who had now become [203:28] leader Philip G left Britain to go to [203:31] work for the campaign to elect Bill [203:33] Clinton president in [203:35] America the 1992 election during it and [203:38] afterwards people felt under great [203:40] strain and really did feel [203:42] demoralized and dejected and then to go [203:44] from this to the Clinton campaign it was [203:46] an extraordinary experience because here [203:48] suddenly I found articulated many of the [203:52] ideas that I'd had but not fully myself [203:56] been able to encapsulate or to [203:57] articulate if you want a president who [204:00] will restore the middle class reclaim [204:03] the future for the middle class and [204:05] restore the American dream vote for Bill [204:07] Clinton in New Hampshire and send a [204:09] signal to the country that we are coming [204:12] together what G discovered was that like [204:14] the labor party the Democrats had also [204:16] been doing focus groups with swing [204:18] voters the difference was that Bill [204:21] Clinton had decided to tailor his [204:22] policies to fit with these voters [204:25] desires above all with their ferocious [204:28] belief that they should only pay tax for [204:30] things that benefited them not for the [204:33] welfare of [204:34] others I have no idea what percentage of [204:37] my tax dollars go to welfare but even if [204:40] it's a minuscule percentage you know [204:42] even if it's a quarter of a percent you [204:44] know it's still too much for the people [204:48] that are receiving these benefits that [204:50] that are basically non productive the [204:52] Clinton team decided that to win they [204:54] had to promise tax cuts for these [204:56] Suburban [204:57] voters and they also used the focus [205:00] groups throughout the campaign to check [205:02] every appearance speech and policy with [205:05] them for their [205:06] approval what Clinton called The [205:08] Forgotten middle class became Central [205:11] figures in a new type of reactive [205:15] politics candidates for the presidency [205:18] in the United States had been [205:19] prepackaged and designed for many many [205:22] years what was new was an attempt to use [205:27] very sophisticated or pseudo [205:30] sophisticated techniques to Plum the [205:32] public psychology to find out precisely [205:34] what the desires of the individuals were [205:37] and then to come up with a candidate and [205:40] a platform and images and words that [205:44] exactly responded to those deep desires [205:47] this was packaging at a new level this [205:50] was polling uh at an extreme I'm not [205:53] going to raise taxes on the middle class [205:56] and the middle class needs a break [205:57] government is in the way it's taking [206:01] more of your money and giving you less [206:03] in [206:04] return in the name of the hardworking [206:07] Americans who make up our forgotten [206:09] middle class I proudly accept your [206:12] nomination for president of the United [206:15] States stay focused talk about things [206:17] that are matter to people you know it's [206:20] the economy stupid okay but Clinton's [206:25] campaign team led by James Carville and [206:27] George Stephanopoulos did not believe [206:29] that they were capitulating to the [206:30] selfish desires of the middle classes [206:33] tax cuts were the price they had to pay [206:35] to regain power but once in power they [206:38] would still fulfill traditional [206:40] democratic policies and helped the poor [206:43] who had been neglected under Reagan [206:45] above all with the reform of [206:47] healthcare they would pay for the tax [206:50] cuts by cutting defense spending and [206:52] increasing taxes on the very rich in [206:55] this way they beli they were forging a [206:57] coalition of the new and the old voters [207:00] both of whom could be satisfied probably [207:03] for the first time in a generation [207:04] tomorrow we're going to win and that [207:07] means that more people are going to have [207:09] better jobs people are going to pay a [207:11] little less for healthare get better [207:13] care and um more kids are going to go to [207:15] better [207:16] schools um so [207:23] thanks but the democrat's optimism was [207:25] to be [207:27] shortlived in November 1992 Clinton was [207:30] triumphantly elected president but [207:33] within weeks his administration [207:35] discovered that the budget deficit was [207:37] far greater than they had [207:39] anticipated at a meeting in the White [207:41] House house in January 1993 the head of [207:44] the Federal Reserve told them that the [207:46] deficit was nearly $300 [207:48] billion there was no way they could [207:50] borrow any more without panicking the [207:52] markets and causing a [207:54] crisis the only way to pay for the [207:56] proposed tax cuts would be to cut [207:58] government spending not just on defense [208:01] but on [208:04] welfare Clinton was faced with a choice [208:07] between the old politics and the new and [208:10] he chose the old the tax cuts were [208:13] dropped and he tried to inspire the [208:15] country with the old democratic ideal of [208:18] government spending to help the poor and [208:21] disadvantaged tonight I want to talk [208:23] with you about what government can do [208:25] because I believe government must do [208:27] more to put people to work now to create [208:29] a half a million jobs jobs to rebuild [208:32] our highways and airports to renovate [208:34] housing to bring new life to rural [208:36] communities and spread hope and [208:38] opportunity among our nation's youth [208:41] care reform sounds like a great idea to [208:42] me well I know but some of these details [208:45] sure scare the heck out of me like what [208:47] well like for at the start of the [208:49] Clinton Administration many of us [208:51] including I believe President Clinton [208:54] himself reverted back to an older [208:56] tradition tried to lift the public to [209:00] talk about genuine ideals uh beyond the [209:03] individual and that reform agenda being [209:06] not only Universal Health Care and child [209:08] care and dealing with widening [209:10] inequalities in our society and [209:13] homelessness many things that [209:15] many citizens just particularly [209:18] middle-income citizens didn't want to [209:19] deal [209:20] with but the Suburban voters who had [209:23] been promised tax cuts were not inspired [209:25] by Bill Clinton's Vision they felt [209:28] betrayed and wanted [209:30] [Music] [209:32] Revenge their opportunity came in 1994 [209:36] with the Congressional elections the [209:38] Republicans led by new Gingrich promised [209:41] huge tax cuts and to dismantle the [209:43] welfare system the voters who had [209:46] defected to Clinton switch sides yet [209:48] again and the Republicans won both [209:50] houses of Congress in a [209:52] landslide well I think it's a tremendous [209:55] vote in favor of smaller government [209:56] lower taxes and in a sense a renewal of [209:59] the fer Reagan tradition and I think in [210:01] that sense it's pretty decisive it means [210:03] that the welfare state is going to be [210:05] less hospitable for people who are not [210:07] willing to take responsibility for their [210:09] own situation no question about it I [210:12] think this is today is the beginning of [210:14] the end of the Ware [210:15] state for Clinton it was a disaster [210:19] faced with a hostile Congress there was [210:21] no way for him to get his reforms [210:23] through his personal popularity [210:25] plummeted and it seemed certain he would [210:27] not be reelected in 2 years [210:30] time in desperation and without telling [210:33] his cabinet Clinton turned for help to [210:35] one of America's most ruthless political [210:37] strategists Dick [210:39] Morris what he wants you to do save his [210:43] butt Clinton was in serious trouble uh [210:46] he had lost the 94 election he had lost [210:50] control of Congress and he hired me to [210:52] come back and help save him uh so he was [210:54] basically asking me to perform roughly [210:56] the same role as a life preserver what [210:59] if you're [211:00] drowning what Morris told Clinton was [211:02] that to win re-election he would have to [211:05] transform the very nature of [211:07] politics The crucial swing voters in the [211:10] suburbs now thought and behaved like [211:12] consumers the only way to win them back [211:15] was to forget all ideology and instead [211:17] turn politics into a form of consumer [211:21] business Clinton must try to identify [211:24] their personal desires and whims and [211:26] then promise to fulfill them if he [211:29] followed those consumer rules they would [211:31] follow [211:33] him I said that I felt the most [211:35] important thing for him to do was to [211:37] bring to the political system the same [211:40] consumer rule rules philosophy that we [211:43] that the business Community has because [211:45] I think politics needs to be as [211:47] responsive to the whims and the desires [211:50] of the marketplace as businesses uh and [211:53] it should needs to be as sensitive to [211:55] the bottom line profits or votes as a [211:58] business is I think that all of this [212:01] involves really a changed view of the [212:04] voters so that instead of treating them [212:06] as targets you treat them as owners [212:09] instead of treating them as someone [212:11] something that you can manipulate you [212:12] treat them as something you need to [212:14] learn from and instead of feeling that [212:16] you can stay in one place and you can [212:19] manipulate the voters you need to learn [212:21] what they want and move yourself to [212:24] accommodate it to get inside the minds [212:27] of the Swing voters Morris brought [212:29] lifestyle marketing into politics for [212:31] the first [212:32] time he went to one of America's most [212:35] prominent market research firms called [212:36] pen and shern and commissioned what they [212:39] called a neuro personality [212:43] poll it was a massive survey of hundreds [212:45] of thousands of Voters but the only [212:48] political questions it asked were to [212:50] find out whether someone was a swing [212:51] voter or [212:53] not all the other questions were [212:56] intimate psychological ones designed to [212:58] see whether swing voters fell into [213:00] identifiable psychological [213:03] types well we were asking people like um [213:06] you know do you think you're the life of [213:07] the [213:07] party uh do you think uh when you you [213:11] see things that uh you like to have a [213:13] list and organize them uh do you uh do [213:16] you typically uh you know try to plan [213:19] things ahead or do you like to be more [213:22] spontaneous uh where do you like to go [213:24] what sports do you like to play what [213:26] would you do with your spouse in a [213:28] romantic uh weekend so we were asking [213:31] people some very personal questions [213:32] about their own lives to try to see were [213:35] the kinds of people that were likely to [213:36] change their vote also possessing a [213:40] certain certain kinds of personality [213:43] traits and in fact they [213:46] were the neuro personality poll allowed [213:49] the Clinton team to segment swing voters [213:52] into different lifestyle types they were [213:54] given names like pools and patios or [213:57] caps and gowns who were Urban [213:59] intellectuals living in University [214:02] towns from this the team could identify [214:05] ways in which they could make [214:06] individuals feel more secure in their [214:08] chosen lifestyles just as business had [214:11] learned to do with [214:13] products Dick Morris called it small B [214:16] politics tiny details of people's lives [214:19] and personal anxieties which politics [214:21] had never even thought about or noticed [214:23] before but which now have become the key [214:26] to winning [214:27] [Music] [214:29] power it was an America that focused on [214:33] day-to-day practical concerns should I [214:35] wear seat belts should I stop smoking uh [214:39] should I wear school uniform uh is my [214:43] neighborhood being protected it was a [214:47] not so much a new individualism as the [214:49] social order as we had known it had [214:51] broken down so we got into people's [214:54] heads understood their psychology about [214:56] lifestyle about values what they thought [214:59] was important what issues they wanted [215:01] politicians and particularly the [215:03] president to address and these issues [215:05] proved to be very very different from [215:06] what the conventional wisdom had [215:08] suggested as the election campaign began [215:11] Clinton revealed Morris's new approach [215:13] to a shocked White [215:15] House all traditional policies were to [215:17] be dropped instead he would concentrate [215:20] exclusively on policies that targeted [215:22] the worries of the Swing voters V chips [215:25] would be fitted into televisions to [215:27] prevent children from watching [215:28] pornography and mobile phones would be [215:31] fitted into school buses to make parents [215:33] feel more [215:35] secure Dick Morris also persuaded the [215:37] president to spend his leisure time in [215:39] the same way as particular groups of [215:41] Swing [215:42] voters he sent Clinton on a hunting [215:44] holiday dressed in exactly the gortex [215:47] outfits a group called Big Sky families [215:49] liked the aim was to reflect swing [215:52] voters Lifestyles back to them the [215:55] Liberals in Clinton's cabinet hated this [215:57] approach and I would say well dick why [215:59] have a campaign this was the 1996 [216:02] campaign if all the president is going [216:04] to do is offer up these little bite-size [216:07] miniature initiatives that appeal to [216:09] people's uh desire [216:11] uh like consumers buying soap uh a v [216:14] chips that you could put in your tele [216:16] televisions so you can make sure that [216:18] your children did not have pornography [216:20] and and school uniforms why talk about [216:23] them they're they're they're so mundane [216:25] and they're so tiny and he would say [216:27] back if we don't do this we may not get [216:30] reelected uh and I would say what's the [216:32] point of getting getting reelected if [216:33] you have no mandate to do anything when [216:35] you're reelected and he'd say what's the [216:37] point of having a mandate if you can't [216:38] get reelected [216:41] isn't the ultimate goal getting [216:44] reelected but Morris's New Politics were [216:47] an extraordinary success Clinton's [216:49] ratings among the swing voters began to [216:52] soore and Dick Morris along with the [216:54] marketeer mark Penn took aective charge [216:57] of making White House [216:59] policy Mark Penn set up a huge call [217:01] center in an office Block in Denver and [217:05] every night hundreds of telephone [217:06] operators called swing voters in suburbs [217:09] across the country to check with them [217:12] every detail of policies that Clinton [217:14] was [217:15] proposing the policy was made by a group [217:19] of people manning telephones in Denver [217:21] Colorado placing calls to voters in [217:23] places like Westchester and uh Pasadena [217:27] and asking them what they wanted from [217:29] their government um and asking them very [217:32] specifically about specific policies [217:34] that Bill Clinton was considering would [217:36] you be more likely to support him if he [217:38] offered this particular government [217:40] service or if he offered that one those [217:42] people told them what they thought Mark [217:44] Penn transmitted that to Bill Clinton [217:46] and it came out of his mouth so [217:48] essentially it was suburbanite voters [217:50] Suburban voters in the 9s were creating [217:54] American domestic policy and some of its [217:57] foreign policy as [218:00] well yeah Mark Penn was polling on [218:02] questions like whether we should bomb [218:04] and Bosnia things like that Morris also [218:07] insisted that Clinton make a symbolic [218:09] sacrifice of the old politics to [218:11] convince the swing voters to trust him [218:14] in August 1996 Clinton signed a bill [218:17] which ended the system of guaranteed [218:19] heal for the poor and [218:21] unemployed welfare would be cut back [218:23] after 2 years in order to force people [218:25] into work the new system was called [218:28] welfare to work and would he said be a [218:31] hand up not a hand [218:35] out it was the effective end of the [218:37] guaranteed welfare system created by [218:39] president Roosevelt 60 years [218:43] before for many in Clinton's cabinet it [218:45] was also the end of the progressive [218:47] political ideal that Roosevelt had [218:50] represented the belief that one used a [218:53] position of leadership to persuade the [218:55] voters to think and behave as social [218:57] beings not as self-interested [219:01] individuals Dick Morris and the [219:03] pollsters had won and by that I mean [219:07] that the people who ultimately got to [219:10] the president shaped the president's [219:12] mind were those who viewed the voters as [219:17] just a collection of individual desires [219:19] that had to be catered to and pandered [219:21] to it suggests that democracy is nothing [219:25] more and should be nothing more than [219:28] pandering to these unthought about very [219:33] primitive desires primitive in the sense [219:35] that they are not even necessarily [219:37] conscious just what people want in in [219:40] terms of satisfying [219:43] [Music] [219:45] themselves and the same Triumph of the [219:47] politics of the S was about to happen in [219:49] Britain [219:52] too in 1994 Tony Blair had become the [219:55] leader of the labor party and the [219:57] reforming group centered around Peter [219:59] mandon became all [220:03] powerful almost every night Philip G ran [220:05] focus groups with swing voters in the [220:08] suburbs but this time he was listen to [220:11] and the desires and the fears of the new [220:13] aspirational classes became the central [220:15] Force shaping labor party [220:17] policies in that period I was talking to [220:21] people who used to vote conservative and [220:23] were considering voting labor and the [220:25] want who understood that they are [220:27] financially pressed and that there are [220:28] limits to uh the extent to which [220:31] taxation can be improved they they think [220:32] that crime is an issue that matters to [220:34] them and should be uh respected they you [220:38] know they want welfare to go to people [220:39] who deserve welfare not to people um who [220:42] do not this was seen of by many in the [220:45] labor party as selfish I never saw that [220:47] it was selfish I believe that you know a [220:50] dad or a mom doing the best of their [220:52] family isn't selfish that doing the best [220:54] of their family and that's what people [220:55] do a Crackdown on those who make life [220:58] hell in their local neighborhoods [220:59] through noise or disturbance Law and [221:01] Order is a labor issue [221:03] [Applause] [221:05] today philosophy of campaigning is let's [221:09] concentrate on swing voters let's focus [221:12] group them to find out what they want [221:14] and what will appeal to them and let's [221:15] just relentlessly push those themes in [221:17] the [221:19] election something is happening to [221:23] you after promising to put money in your [221:27] pocket the conservatives are quietly [221:31] taking it away Philip G was was crucial [221:35] because he gave the raw material if you [221:38] like for these politicians to do uh this [221:43] kind of politics in that when he came up [221:45] with stuff they'd follow it you know [221:48] pretty much without exception Blair [221:50] himself would pour over these sort of [221:53] 12-page memos and say well this is what [221:55] we must do we want people to earn more [221:59] to consume the good things of life we [222:02] want people to pay lower [222:03] taxes Jordon brownan says a labor [222:06] government would hold the main tax rates [222:08] unchanged a labor government will not [222:10] increase the basic rate of [222:12] tax I want to make it clear that I will [222:15] not increase tax in fact the labor party [222:18] does stand for Middle England those that [222:21] aspire to do better to get on in life [222:23] and be ambitious for themselves and [222:24] their families will do better with labor [222:26] groups of eight people drinking wine and [222:28] nibbling you know Cheerios um what they [222:33] thought determined effectively [222:35] everything that the labor party [222:37] did and although those running the [222:40] campaign like to portray the new [222:41] approach as their invention it was in [222:44] fact copied from the Americans even down [222:47] to the phrases that the American [222:48] marketeers had tested on their swing [222:50] voters Peter mandelson and his team were [222:53] in the United States watching what we [222:55] did and copied almost verbatim our [222:58] approach in their 1997 campaign the [223:01] benefit system should be about giving [223:04] people a hand up not just a hand out [223:09] mandon is not fool if he's anything he [223:11] saw something at work so why not do [223:13] it and I can remember reading their [223:16] Manifesto and saying to myself they just [223:19] took it Lock Stock and [223:20] Barrel you know on one hand you're proud [223:23] and on another hand you're [ __ ] and as [223:26] in America labor was forced to drop [223:29] policies that would not directly benefit [223:31] the swing voters even if it meant [223:33] sacrificing its fundamental principles [223:36] the commitment to public control of [223:37] Industry which was enshrined as Clause 4 [223:40] of the party Constitution was [223:43] dropped the aim of clause 4 had been to [223:46] use the collective power of the people [223:48] to challenge the unfettered greed of [223:50] business but now Tony Blair was faced [223:53] with crucial voters who no longer saw [223:55] themselves as exploited by the free [223:57] market they saw themselves as individual [224:00] consumers who were fulfilled and given [224:03] identity by what business delivered them [224:06] the new clause for promised not to [224:08] control the free market but to let it [224:10] flourish business is more powerful than [224:13] government it is quicker it is more [224:15] creative business is the lifeblood of [224:19] the country from this come all the [224:21] benefits that Society needs employment [224:25] investment I think frankly there is only [224:27] one party getting business right and [224:29] that's new [224:30] labor what new labor did suits people [224:33] who exert power in [224:36] society not through the political system [224:40] or or not through the Democratic [224:42] political system so it suits big [224:43] business and it suits entrenched [224:45] interests and it suits the status qu um [224:48] you know those three things of course [224:50] just off the top of my head being the [224:52] things that the labor party is supposed [224:53] to be you know a counterforce too what [224:56] that means is Big Business get to carry [224:59] on exerting their power behind the [225:02] scenes getting their way because there's [225:04] no counterveiling pressure counter [225:06] veting pressure isn't going to come from [225:07] you know eight people sipping whing [225:10] ketering here he goes turning an awful [225:12] lot of other blue seats red as [225:19] well very happy very rened very [225:22] exhilerated but those who masterminded [225:24] Labor's victory in 1997 saw it as a [225:27] triumphant Vindication of a new form of [225:30] democracy by understanding and [225:32] fulfilling people's inner desires [225:34] through the focus group they were giving [225:36] power to individuals not treating them [225:39] as faceless groups who were told by [225:41] politicians what was good for [225:43] [Music] [225:45] them I don't believe I don't see the [225:48] focus group as some marketing tool I see [225:51] the focus group as a way of hearing what [225:54] the people have to say and I see the [225:56] focus group as a way to a new form of [226:01] politics what the people give the people [226:05] can take away we are the servants they [226:08] are the Masters [226:10] now 1997 was I think fundamentally [226:14] important in that I think it is the end [226:17] the end of the uh elitist politics [226:21] that's dominated Britain for so much of [226:23] the last uh 100 [226:26] [Music] [226:32] years in 1939 Edward bernes Sigman [226:35] Freud's nephew created a vision of a [226:38] future world in which the the consumer [226:40] was [226:43] King it was at the World's Fair in New [226:45] York and bernes called it [226:48] democracy it was one of the earliest and [226:51] most dramatic portrayals of a [226:52] consumerist democracy a society in which [226:56] the needs and desires of individuals [226:58] were read and fulfilled by business and [227:00] the free [227:02] market the World's Fair created a [227:05] spectacle in which all of these concerns [227:08] were met and there were were met by [227:10] Westinghouse and General Motors and the [227:12] American cash register company and [227:15] Company after company presented itself [227:18] as this sort of centerpiece of a society [227:20] in which human desire and human want and [227:23] human anxiety would all be responded to [227:25] and would be all be met purely through [227:28] the free enterprise system there was [227:31] this sort of notion that the free market [227:33] was something that was not Guided by [227:36] ideologies or by political power it was [227:38] something that simply L was Guided by [227:40] The People's [227:42] will this was the model of democracy [227:45] that both new labor and the American [227:47] Democrats had bought into in order to [227:49] regain [227:51] power they had used techniques developed [227:53] by business to read the desires of [227:55] consumers and they had accepted Bern's [227:58] claim that this was a better form of [228:03] democracy but in reality the World's [228:06] Fair have been an elaborate piece of [228:08] propaganda designed by bernes for his [228:11] clients the giant American [228:15] corporations privately bernes did not [228:17] believe that true democracy could ever [228:20] work he had been profoundly influenced [228:22] in this by his uncle's theories of human [228:26] nature Freud believed that individuals [228:28] were not driven by rational thought but [228:30] by primitive unconscious desires and [228:33] feelings and bernes believed that this [228:36] meant it was too dangerous to let the [228:38] masses ever have control over their own [228:41] lives and consumerism was a way of [228:44] giving people the illusion of control [228:46] while allowing a responsible Elite to [228:49] continue managing [228:52] [Music] [228:54] Society it's not that the people are in [228:57] charge but that the people's desires are [228:59] in [229:00] charge the people are not in charge the [229:03] people exercise no decision-making power [229:06] within this environment so democracy [229:10] is reduced from something which assumes [229:12] an active [229:14] citizenry to something which now [229:16] increasingly is predicated on the idea [229:19] of the public as passive [229:21] consumers the public as people who [229:23] essentially what you're delivering them [229:25] are doggy [229:27] treats the problem for new labor was [229:30] that it believed the [229:32] propaganda they took at face value the [229:35] idea promoted by business that the [229:37] systems invented to read the consumers [229:39] mind could form the basis for a new type [229:41] of [229:43] democracy once in power new labor tried [229:46] to govern through a system that Philip G [229:48] called continuous [229:50] democracy but what worked for business [229:52] in designing products led the labor [229:55] government into a bewildering Maze of [229:57] contradictory whims and [230:00] desires for much of Labor's first term [230:03] the focus groups said that the railways [230:04] were not a high priority and Labor's [230:07] policies Faithfully reflected this [230:09] but now those same groups are blaming [230:12] the government for not having invested [230:14] more money sooner in the [230:17] railways the point about focus group [230:19] politics is that there isn't one because [230:21] people are contradictory and irrational [230:23] and so you have a problem in terms of [230:27] deciding what you're going to do if all [230:29] you do is actually listen to a mass of [230:31] individual opinions that have forever [230:32] fluctuating and don't really have any [230:34] coherence and crucially are not set in [230:36] context so that's why people can say you [230:38] know um I want lower taxes and better [230:41] Public Services of course they do you [230:44] know you say um do you want to pay more [230:47] taxes to get better Public Services [230:49] people are less sure they then don't [230:51] believe that if they do pay more taxes [230:53] they will be spent on better public [230:55] services so you end up in this Quagmire [230:57] where you the truth is a politician has [230:59] to say look this is what I believe I [231:00] believe that you should pay slightly [231:02] more taxes to to make better public [231:04] services and I pledge that I'm competent [231:06] enough to actually use that money wisely [231:08] do you want that vote for me yes or no [231:11] and that's what blur has failed to do [231:13] Tony blur turns around and sort of tries [231:14] to feed back to them what they already [231:16] believe and given what what they believe [231:18] is sort of a load of individual um in [231:21] incoherent contradictory nonsense that's [231:23] all he has to offer and then he wonders [231:26] why people don't get him you know the [231:27] answer they don't get him is because [231:28] they're looking for someone to do [231:30] something that they can't do themselves [231:31] which has actually come up with a cerent [231:33] political opinion that they might have [231:34] faith in new labor are faced with a [231:38] dilemma the system of consumer democracy [231:40] that they have embraced has trapped them [231:43] into a series of short-term and often [231:44] contradictory [231:46] policies there are now growing demands [231:49] that they fulfill a grand division that [231:51] they use the power of government to deal [231:53] with the problems of growing inequality [231:55] and the decaying social fabric of the [231:58] country but to do this they will have to [232:01] appeal to the electorate to think [232:03] outside their own [232:04] self-interest and this would mean [232:06] challenging the now dominant Freudian [232:08] view of human beings beings as selfish [232:10] Instinct driven individuals which is a [232:13] concept of human beings that has been [232:15] fostered and encouraged by business [232:18] because it produces ideal [232:22] consumers although we feel we are free [232:25] in reality we like the politicians have [232:28] become the slaves of our own [232:32] desires we have forgotten that we can be [232:34] more than that that there are other [232:37] sides to Human Nature [232:40] fundamentally here we have two different [232:43] views of human nature and of democracy [232:46] you have the view that people [232:49] are irrational that they are bundles of [232:53] unconscious emotion uh that comes [232:56] directly out of flud and businesses are [232:59] very able to respond to that that's what [233:01] they have honed their skills doing [233:03] that's what marketing is really all [233:05] about what are the symbols the music the [233:07] images the words that will appeal to [233:10] these unconscious [233:13] feelings politics must be more than that [233:17] politics and [233:19] leadership are about engaging the public [233:22] in a rational discussion and [233:25] deliberation about what is [233:28] best and treating people with [233:30] respect in terms of their rational [233:33] abilities to debate what is best if it's [233:37] not that if it is Freudian if it is [233:40] basically a matter of appealing to the [233:42] same basic unconscious feelings that [233:45] business appeals to then why not let [233:47] business do it business can do it better [233:49] business knows how to do it business [233:51] after all is in the business of [233:53] responding to those [233:55] [Music] [234:00] feelings I see trees of [234:04] green red roses [234:07] to I see them [234:11] blue for me and you and I think to [234:16] [Music] [234:18] myself what a wonderful [234:24] way I think to [234:29] myself what a [234:32] [Music] [234:36] wonderful oh yeah [234:42] oh