Sam Harris Challenges Racial Bias Claims in US Police Shootings

Can We Pull Back From The Brink? (Episode #207) — Sam Harris

Sam Harris

Sam Harris contends empirical data disproves systemic racism in lethal policing, warning that demonizing officers and defunding departments will surge urban homicides and hand Donald Trump reelection.

AI-assisted summary of Can We Pull Back From The Brink? (Episode #207) — original source. Check the original for full context.

Source published:

Key ideas

  • Empirical studies by Roland Fryer and research in PNAS indicate that while Black suspects experience higher rates of non-lethal police force, police are not more likely to use lethal force against Black suspects compared to White suspects under matched conditions. (79:00)
  • Across approximately 10 million annual arrests and 50 to 60 million police-civilian contacts in the United States, roughly 1,000 people are killed by law enforcement each year, establishing an arrest fatality baseline of roughly 1 in 10,000. (48:39)
  • Viral smartphone footage and media framing have generated a distorted public narrative of an epidemic of racist police shootings, which Harris warns empowers Donald Trump's 'law and order' campaign and undermines civil discourse. (9:00)
  • Federal investigations and viral scrutiny after high-profile police incidents induce de-policing, causing proactive stops to plunge and resulting in an estimated 1,000 excess homicides concentrated overwhelmingly in minority communities. (88:59)

Detailed notes

## Background This episode was published by Sam Harris on his YouTube channel Making Sense on June 13, 2020. According to the page description, Harris addresses the recent social protests and civil unrest across the United States in light of empirical evidence regarding racism and police violence.

## TL;DR In this extensive monologue, Sam Harris examines the wave of nationwide protests and civil unrest following the killing of George Floyd, urging the public to evaluate empirical data over emotional outrage. He dissects baseline policing statistics, citing studies by Roland Fryer and David J. Johnson to argue that lethal police force is not disproportionately directed at Black suspects once violent crime engagement and base rates are taken into account. Harris critiques ideological conformity in elite institutions, calls to defund the police, and viral media coverage that inflames racial tension while ignoring non-racial tactical policing failures like improper prone restraint. Ultimately, he argues that the path to societal healing requires moving toward a post-racial ideal where race holds no more moral significance than hair color, grounded in rigorous facts, reasoned conversation, and practical socioeconomic reforms.

## Atmosphere & style The delivery is somber, deliberate, and intensely earnest, reflecting a speaker navigating a cultural minefield with calculated precision. Harris speaks in a measured, professorial cadence, but an undercurrent of urgency and palpable dread surfaces as he warns against civilizational breakdown, political polarization, and the collapse of epistemological truth. Listening feels like hearing a stark, analytical intervention during a moment of peak national panic, alternating between dispassionate statistical dissections and sharp, unyielding critiques of institutional dogma.

## Bulletin - [01:19:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=4740s) Empirical studies by Roland Fryer and research in PNAS indicate that while Black suspects experience higher rates of non-lethal police force, police are not more likely to use lethal force against Black suspects compared to White suspects under matched conditions. - [48:39](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=2919s) Across approximately 10 million annual arrests and 50 to 60 million police-civilian contacts in the United States, roughly 1,000 people are killed by law enforcement each year, establishing an arrest fatality baseline of roughly 1 in 10,000. - [09:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=540s) Viral smartphone footage and media framing have generated a distorted public narrative of an epidemic of racist police shootings, which Harris warns empowers Donald Trump's 'law and order' campaign and undermines civil discourse. - [01:28:59](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=5339s) Federal investigations and viral scrutiny after high-profile police incidents induce de-policing, causing proactive stops to plunge and resulting in an estimated 1,000 excess homicides concentrated overwhelmingly in minority communities.

## Key takeaways - [00:20](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=20s) Civil discourse has broken down due to performative social media dynamics and institutional fear, leaving society at risk of resorting to violence instead of reason. - [14:03](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=843s) Public health institutions demonstrated damaging hypocrisy by enforcing strict COVID-19 lockdowns on citizens while endorsing mass street demonstrations. - [16:58](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=1018s) Derek Chauvin's killing of George Floyd was a catastrophic failure of tactics, restraint, and accountability, but would likely have gone unpunished without bystander video. - [21:05](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=1265s) Rioting and looting actively destroy vulnerable communities, alienate the broader electorate, and politically strengthen authoritarian candidates like Donald Trump. - [25:31](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=1531s) Abolishing or defunding police departments is suicidal for high-crime communities; reforms should instead focus on hiring standards, de-escalation, and reducing union protections. - [30:02](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=1802s) Elite institutions and media outlets are succumbing to ideological conformity and performative wokeness, firing individuals over minor rhetorical deviations. - [34:41](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=2081s) Persistent wealth disparities, such as a 10:1 median net worth gap between White and Black households, stem from historical crimes and compounding disadvantages rather than ubiquitous modern racism. - [01:14:59](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=4499s) Statistical baselines show American police kill roughly 1,000 people annually, with White individuals comprising approximately 50% and Black individuals roughly 25% of fatalities. - [52:47](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=3167s) Black and Hispanic officers are statistically more likely to shoot minority suspects than White officers, undermining simplistic narratives of purely White-on-Black police racism. - [55:26](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=3326s) In a nation of 300 million firearms and 10 million annual arrests, lethal errors and tragic restraint deaths are mathematically guaranteed to recur under camera surveillance. - [01:02:24](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=3744s) The death of Tony Timpa, a White man killed via prone restraint while Dallas police joked, demonstrates that positional asphyxiation occurs due to flawed protocols rather than racial animus. - [01:06:23](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=3983s) Resisting arrest drastically escalates danger because an officer's sidearm remains exposed, turning physical struggles into potential life-and-death encounters. - [01:19:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=4740s) Roland Fryer's research demonstrates police use non-lethal force roughly 25% more often against Black suspects, while finding no anti-Black bias in lethal shootings. - [01:28:59](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=5339s) The Ferguson Effect demonstrates that intense scrutiny and federal probes cause police to retreat from proactive policing, leading to dramatic surges in violent crime in Black neighborhoods. - [01:26:20](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=5180s) Botched no-knock raids, such as the one resulting in Breonna Taylor's death, represent systemic tactical and drug-war failures rather than racially targeted executions. - [01:40:36](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=6036s) The ultimate post-racial ideal should treat skin color as morally and politically trivial as hair color, rather than enforcing hyper-vigilant racial categorization. - [01:49:58](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=6598s) Solving deep societal problems requires preserving clear boundaries between journalism and activism, and between science and political ideology.

## Detailed walkthrough ### [00:20](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=20s) The Breakdown of Civil Discourse and the Social Media Experiment

Sam Harris introduces the podcast by admitting he has spent over a week struggling to organize his thoughts, questioning whether he should even record an episode at all. While he maintains an unwavering conviction that open conversation is humanity’s sole instrument for making societal progress, he laments that the very subjects society most urgently needs to dissect have somehow become entirely impossible to talk about. At the heart of this collapse lies social media, an environment he warns has fundamentally poisoned public interactions and distorted perception.

Harris describes digital discourse as an escalating mental crisis, reflecting: “I've been saying for years now that with social media we've all been enrolled in a psychological experiment for which no one gave consent and it's not clear how it will turn out and it's still not clear how it will turn out but it's not looking good.” Public discourse has abandoned any sincere effort to discover truth. As Harris summarizes: “You know all information has been weaponized all communication has become performative and on the most important topics it now seems to be fury and sanctimony and bad faith almost all the time.” The public appears genuinely unhinged—incapable of testing claims against reality, blinded by intense confirmation bias, and frantically lashing out at political opponents based on pure imagination.

[03:01](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=181s) The Fear of Speaking Out and the Binary of Conversation or Violence

Harris acknowledges that while watching the country tear itself apart over the preceding weeks, he actively resisted speaking out—not because he lacked opinions, but because he perceived the sheer professional and personal peril of addressing these issues. If an independent commentator like himself, who has taken deliberate steps to insulate his livelihood from institutional backlash, feels terrified to voice candid analysis, the climate must be utterly paralyzing for mainstream cultural figures. Journalists, editors, corporate executives, and celebrities are terrified that a single misstep or clumsy phrase could permanently destroy their careers.

This culture of pervasive terror carries catastrophic consequences for the health of society. Silencing open inquiry forces communities down a dangerous path where persuasion is no longer viable. In outlining the stakes, Harris observes: “All we have between us and the total breakdown of civilization is a series of successful conversations and if we can't reason with one another there is no path forward right other than violence.” The ultimate fork in the road for human coexistence is strictly binary: either problems are resolved through conversation, or they are settled through brute force.

[04:26](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=266s) The Compounding Crises: COVID-19, Economic Fallout, and Staggering Opportunity Costs

The current civil unrest does not exist in a vacuum; it lands on a country already reeling from a cascade of crises. The United States remains engulfed by a global pandemic, compounded by half-hearted lockdown measures, test deployment failures, and chaotic reopenings. Harris notes the dark irony that public attention has abruptly pivoted away from COVID-19 even as mass protests and unrest create conditions tailored for transmission. As commentators have observed, the virus is entirely indifferent to politics or economics—it simply requires people breathing down one another's necks, which the ongoing street actions ensure in abundance.

Beyond the grim milestone of over 100,000 American deaths, Harris stresses that the true tragedy encompasses massive, often invisible opportunity costs. Businesses are burned, neighborhoods in major metropolitan areas face destruction from which they may not recover for years, and educations have been completely derailed. While normal pre-pandemic life was deeply unfair to millions—plagued by glaring wealth, health, and opportunity gaps—the current chaos only compounds human misery. Harris directly confronts this underlying reality: “There is no excuse for this kind of inequality in the richest country on earth and what we're seeing now is clearly a response to that but it's a confused and confusing response and worse it's a response that is systematically silencing honest conversation.”

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: The Cascade of Compounding Crises accDescr: Diagram illustrating how underlying inequality, the COVID-19 pandemic, street protests, and institutional breakdown interact to produce severe opportunity costs.

subgraph Background["Underlying Strains"] A["Historic Wealth & Health Inequality"] B["COVID-19 Pandemic (100k+ US Deaths)"] end

subgraph Disruption["Immediate Flashpoints"] C["Social Protests & Civil Unrest"] D["Police Crackdowns & Inconsistent Enforcement"] end

subgraph Consequences["Compounding Losses"] E["Public Trust & Epistemological Collapse"] F["Staggering Economic & Educational Opportunity Costs"] end

A --> C B --> C C --> D D --> E C --> F E --> F ```

[07:32](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=452s) An Epistemological Crisis: Truth, Reality, and Confused Responses

Harris argues that the breakdown seen in streets, online platforms, and private family living rooms is not merely political friction; it represents a philosophical collapse. Society is undergoing a complete breakdown in epistemology—the mechanism through which individuals agree upon basic facts and determine what is real. Without a shared framework for truth, collective civic life cannot function. As Harris emphasizes: “If we can't agree about what is real or likely to be real we will never agree about how we should live together.”

This confusion is underscored by jarring cultural spectacles. Harris considers the imagery of police chiefs and city mayors taking a knee before crowds of young protesters who continue to berate them as cogs in a machine of systemic racism. He asks whether such gestures represent profound, transcendent moments of human reconciliation across political divides, or herald an ominous capitulation that signals the disintegration of social order—or perhaps both at once.

[09:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=540s) Paradoxes of Policing and the Amplification of Extremes

Harris zeros in on the core catalyst of the unrest: widespread anger regarding the treatment of Black Americans by the criminal justice system. As Harris articulates it: “In the most concrete terms what we're experiencing is widespread social unrest in response to what is widely believed to be an epidemic of lethal police violence directed to the black community by racist cops and racist policies.” Yet the response from law enforcement has created a self-reinforcing vicious cycle, fueling the very outrage that ignited the streets.

The public has been bombarded by deeply confusing, paradoxical footage from across the country: - Endless videos show officers deploying unprovoked, hideous violence against peaceful demonstrators, actions guaranteed to validate every critique of police brutality. - Concurrently, other videos show officers standing completely idle while looters smash and destroy commercial storefronts and neighborhood businesses.

Harris queries what logic explains this inverted priority. Are police retaliating against society by allowing mayhem to reign while reserving force for nonviolent critics? Is it simply physically safer for police squads to push around nonviolent protesters than to confront organized looters? Or is social media distorting reality by serving up highly selective snippets that exaggerate total street chaos? The outcome, regardless of the cause, is that the most deranged, extreme voices on the far left and the far right continue to amplify each other, steadily destroying civil discourse.

[11:33](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=693s) The Looming Election: Trump, Preference Falsification, and the "Law and Order" Trap

Harris frames the cultural chaos through the urgent lens of the upcoming November 2020 presidential election. He pulls no punches about his assessment of the incumbent, declaring: “As most of you know I consider four more years of Trump to be an existential threat to our democracy.” Despite recent public opinion polls showing Donald Trump trailing significantly due to his mishandling of both the pandemic and the unrest, Harris warns against complacency.

The public should view polling numbers with deep skepticism because of the well-documented phenomenon of preference falsification. Harris cautions: “There's a very real problem of preference falsification especially in an environment of intense social pressure people will often say what they think is politically acceptable and then think or say or do something very different in private like when they're alone in a voting booth.”

- While the stock market has returned to pre-pandemic highs—behaving as though conditions in June are as bright as they were in January before anyone had heard of the novel coronavirus—the underlying real economy has suffered catastrophic damage. - Trump has presided over the gutting of American international influence and the devastation of the domestic economy, yet street disorder provides him an opening to rebrand himself as the champion of "law and order." - Although Trump remains fundamentally incapable of offering authentic national reconciliation, the visual spectacle of urban burning and chaotic protests may ironically furnish him with the exact political lifeline required to win a second term.

[14:03](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=843s) The Political Reversal and the Collapse of Institutional Trust

Before the eruption of civil unrest following the death of George Floyd, the central focus of national discourse was Donald Trump’s incompetence in responding to the COVID-19 pandemic. However, the emergence of rioting and street demonstrations handed Trump an entirely different political battleground: a fight against stifling left-wing orthodoxy and public disorder. If social order frays past a tipping point, restoring basic stability will become the primary concern of the electorate by November, and an act of domestic terrorism could transform the political landscape overnight. Dismissing basic, widespread public concerns regarding law and order as merely racist will not persuade voters.

At the same time, public trust in institutions has suffered a catastrophic breakdown. For more than three months, citizens complied with strict, economically devastating lockdowns backed by medical consensus, with doctors and public health experts harshly condemning anti-lockdown protesters. Everyday Americans were barred from being at the bedsides of dying family members or holding funerals for their loved ones. Yet suddenly, thousands of doctors, public health officials, and media anchors signed open letters and made public statements validating massive street demonstrations, declaring it acceptable to gather shoulder-to-shoulder in the largest protests in American history. As Sam Harris observes of the public health community's sudden reversal: “Whatever your politics, this has been just a mortifying piece of hypocrisy, especially so given that the pandemic has been hitting the African American community hardest of all.” Asking how many excess deaths will result from these mass gatherings is a completely rational public health question, yet the question itself has been treated as taboo.

[16:58](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=1018s) The Killing of George Floyd and the Problem of Police Oversight

Addressing the proximate spark of the nationwide protests, the horrific death of George Floyd at the hands of the Minneapolis Police Department must be viewed with utter clarity. The viral bystander footage of Derek Chauvin pinning Floyd by the neck for nearly nine minutes reveals profound police negligence, incompetence, and callous disregard for human life. Chauvin’s actions were blatantly reckless and directly lethal, warranting his indictment for second-degree murder and manslaughter and pointing toward a lengthy prison sentence.

Yet the fact that charges were brought does not mean the broader law enforcement system functions as it should. It is entirely probable that had a teenager not captured the incident on a smartphone camera and ignited worldwide outrage, Chauvin and the assisting officers would have escaped accountability altogether. This reality underscores the pressing necessity of developing institutional structures capable of policing the police. While the outrage over George Floyd's death is completely justified and shared across the political spectrum, the dominant conclusions currently being drawn from that video and others like it are deeply flawed.

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Systemic Breakdown and Political Backlash Flow accDescr: Flowchart illustrating the chain reaction from the killing of George Floyd through institutional hypocrisy, riots, and the potential rise of authoritarianism. subgraph Trigger["Inciting Event & Outrage"] A["Killing of George Floyd"] --> B["Widespread Moral Outrage & Protests"] end subgraph Hypocrisy["Institutional Erosion"] B --> C["Public Health Double Standard on COVID Lockdowns"] C --> D["Total Collapse of Public Institutional Trust"] end subgraph Unrest["Social & Political Repercussions"] B --> E["Looting, Rioting & Crime"] E --> F["Fox News & Social Media Imagery"] F --> G["Law-and-Order Backlash"] G --> H["Increased Risk of Authoritarianism"] end ```

[18:49](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=1129s) The Legacy of Historical Crimes and Expanding Inequality

Acknowledging the reality of historical racism is foundational to any rational assessment of the crisis. Racism remains an active evil in American society, and slavery represents the country’s original sin, alongside the catastrophic, near-total eradication of Native Americans. Any morally sane person confronted with the historical record finds these centuries-long injustices abhorrent, regardless of their own racial background. It is no accident that African Americans and Native Americans continue to bear the heaviest burdens of social and economic inequality today; centuries of institutionalized oppression inevitably leave deep, generational scars.

The central debate modern society must confront is how to meaningfully close these economic and social divides. Accepting the current baseline of inequality constitutes an abdication of fundamental ethical commitments. As Sam Harris frames this moral responsibility: “The status quo that many of us take for granted is a betrayal of our values whether we realize it or not.” The chasm between the fortunate and the unfortunate in contemporary American society should not remain as vast as it is today. However, the vital question facing the country is what actionable, intelligent steps should be taken next to construct a healthier civilization, rather than pursuing actions that will only accelerate national decline.

[21:05](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=1265s) The Danger of Riots and the Weimar Germany Warning

Pursuing real-time conversations about effective reform has become perilous due to prevailing social pressures, even as the immediate political optics of the unrest threaten disastrous consequences. The persistent circulation of videos depicting rioters burning and looting small businesses—many of which were already facing bankruptcy due to COVID-19 lockdowns—and violently assaulting shop owners in the streets actively harms the broader movement. Such violence cannot be excused as social protest; it is plain crime. Continual footage of this destruction on Fox News and across social media platforms alienates the public and creates the exact political conditions Donald Trump can exploit to justify authoritarian measures.

Historically, the assumption that American democratic norms could withstand any crisis seemed reliable, but that stability is now openly in doubt. Historian Timothy Snyder has argued on the podcast for years that the United States is susceptible to tyranny, a danger that previously felt abstract or paranoid. As Harris admits: “I’ve known in the abstract that democracies can destroy themselves, but the idea that it could happen here still seemed totally outlandish to me; it really doesn't anymore.” The street demonstrations contain many citizens marching for legitimate causes—condemning police violence, opposing creeping authoritarianism, and seeking redress for an economy crippled by an incompetent, crackpot president. Yet much of the broader movement has become dominated by racial identity politics, with some factions openly celebrating the collapse of public order.

- Media figures such as CNN’s Chris Cuomo and Don Lemon rationalized unrest on air by questioning whether protests must remain peaceful. - Activists frequently quote Martin Luther King Jr.’s remark that “a riot is the language of the unheard” while omitting his explicit warning that riots damage the civil rights cause and empower racists.

[25:31](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=1531s) The Absurdity of Abolishing the Police

The mounting fury fueled by daily viral clips of aggressive police tactics has generated radical demands to defund and completely abolish police departments. While emotional hostility toward law enforcement is understandable after watching videos of peaceful demonstrators being assaulted, entertaining a society stripped of policing represents dangerous delusion. The legal monopoly on violence held by the modern state is among civilization’s greatest foundational achievements.

A functioning police department capable of deterring crime, apprehending violent offenders, and delivering suspects to a legitimate judicial system is the non-negotiable bedrock of all other civil goods. Defunding or dismantling that apparatus is suicidal for vulnerable communities. As Harris puts it bluntly: “Giving a monopoly on violence to the state is just about the best thing we have ever done as a species; it ranks right up there with keeping our shit out of our food.” Sweeping reform is indisputably necessary, but that means directly addressing hiring standards, department culture, external oversight, militarization, and the obstructive power of police unions—not discarding the concept of law enforcement altogether.

- Core components of necessary police reform: - Scrutinizing toxic departmental cultures and hiring standards. - Substantially upgrading tactical, de-escalation, and situational training. - Reversing the aggressive militarization of local police departments. - Instituting independent, outside civilian oversight to address internal corruption. - Confronting police union contracts that prevent the dismissal and prosecution of bad cops. - Rooting out overtly racist officers within law enforcement agencies.

[27:13](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=1633s) The Dangerous Logic of Defunding the Police

Sam Harris pushes back against the premise that defunding the police will improve law enforcement outcomes. While it makes sense to rethink police responsibilities—such as allocating more resources to community services and dispatching psychologists or social workers as first contacts for the homeless or mentally ill—it is completely illogical to think that fewer resources, less pay, and lower standards will yield better officers. As Harris puts it: “yes we should give more resources to community services sure we should have psychologists and social workers make first contact with the homeless or the mentally ill perhaps we're giving cops jobs they shouldn't be doing all of that makes sense to rethink but the idea that what we're witnessing now is a matter of the cops being over resourced that we've given them too much training that we've made the job too attractive so that the people were recruiting are of too high equality right that doesn't make any sense”.

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Defunding vs Professionalizing Police accDescr: A diagram contrasting the logic of defunding police with the realistic approach of increasing training and resources.

subgraph DefundLogic["Defund Movement Premise"] A["Reduce Police Funding"] --> B["Lower Pay & Less Training"] B --> C["Lower Quality Recruits"] C --> D["Worse Policing Outcomes"] end

subgraph SensibleReform["Sensible Resource Allocation"] E["Rethink Roles"] --> F["Social Workers for Homeless/Mentally Ill"] E --> G["Increase Pay, Vetting, & Rigorous Training"] G --> H["Higher Quality, Professional Force"] end ```

Harris argues that public discourse has completely run off the rails when prominent figures in media, entertainment, sports, and government begin treating the collapse of civil society as a mark of progress and any request for law enforcement as racist oppression. He points to an interview with the Minneapolis City Council president, who supported abolishing the department and was asked by a journalist who a resident should call if someone breaks into their home at night. When she initially answered that asking such a question was a statement of privilege—an answer she subsequently walked back—she exposed a fatal political flaw: “you cannot say that if someone's breaking into your house and you're terrified and you want a police force that can respond that that fear is a symptom of white privilege”. This brand of analysis, Harris warns, will ultimately destroy Democratic politics and drive millions of Americans to accept an authoritarian backlash.

- Minneapolis City Council leadership initially claimed that wanting police protection against home invaders reflects white privilege. - Demands to defund police ignore the basic reality that under-resourcing, under-training, and under-paying will inevitably lower the quality of applicants. - Framing basic safety as racism invites an authoritarian political backlash across the broader electorate.

---

[30:02](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=1802s) Conformity, Guilt, and the Illusion of Identity

Harris observes an atmosphere consumed by an "ecstasy of ideological conformity" that is gutting essential institutions, notably elite universities and legacy media outlets like *The New York Times*, which he describes as verging on self-immolation. In this climate, any deviation from orthodox progressive views carries immediate, severe consequences: individuals have been terminated merely for tweeting `#AllLivesMatter`—which is now treated as an open declaration of white supremacy—and an LA Galaxy soccer player was fired over social media posts made by his wife. Harris acknowledges the real economic desperation and personal trauma from racist encounters underlying the protests, but he views the response as an uncritical religious awakening detached from factual reality.

At the same time, Harris criticizes the performative guilt of wealthy liberals who enthusiastically support the movement from safe perches: “if you have millions of dollars and you shoot Botox into your face and your vacation on St. Barts and you're a liberal the easiest way to sleep at night is to be as woke as AOC and just like everything she tweets”. While acknowledging everyone's right to protest—mocking Donald Trump's awkward, Bible-wielding photo op at a church after federal forces cleared peaceful demonstrators—Harris contends that the peaceful protests themselves are profoundly confused and misinformed. Addressing why he chose to speak on this directly rather than hide behind prominent Black thinkers such as Glenn Loury, John McWhorter, Thomas Chatterton Williams, Coleman Hughes, or Kmele Foster, Harris states: “yet for the discussion we really need to have the color of a person's skin and even his life experience simply does not matter it cannot matter we have to break the spell that the politics of identity has cast over everything”.

- Public figures and employees face cancellation over minor deviations from progressive rhetoric, including tweets by spouses. - Performative wokeness serves as moral expiation for wealthy elites insulated from the daily consequences of rising crime. - Harris refuses to use Black intellectuals as a shield, arguing that identity and personal background must not dictate who is allowed to analyze data and facts.

---

[34:41](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=2081s) The Nuance of Racism, Progress, and the Racial Wealth Gap

Turning to history, Harris affirms that America possesses an undeniable legacy of institutional racism, citing the disparate sentencing guidelines for crack versus powder cocaine during the crack epidemic as an example of an effectively racist policy that devastated Black families and fueled mass incarceration. Harris notes that growing up without a father in prison is a major handicap, making criminal justice reform an urgent priority. He also recognizes his own form of white privilege: when he has had friction with rude TSA agents, customs officers, or police, he has never had to wonder if that mistreatment was motivated by racial prejudice, an exhausting ambiguity Black Americans often face. Nevertheless, he insists that society must not conjure racism where it does not exist: “the more progress we make on issues of race the less racism there will be to find and the more likely we'll be to find ourselves merely chasing after its ghost”.

```mermaid flowchart LR accTitle: Real Progress vs Chasing Ghosts accDescr: Flow showing how societal progress reduces actual racism while hyper-focus increases false attributions.

A["Historical Racism & Bad Policies"] --> B["Substantial Progress"] B --> C["Black Political Leadership"] B --> D["Reduced Actual Racism"] D --> E["Risk of 'Chasing Ghosts'"] E --> F["Misdiagnosing Systemic Inequalities"] ```

Harris emphasizes that enormous strides have been made since 1920 or 1960, citing a two-term Black president, Black congressional leaders, and cities like Detroit and Atlanta having five or six consecutive Black mayors, as well as Black police chiefs. He points out that during the death of Freddie Gray in Baltimore, nearly every official in the chain of command was Black, demonstrating that police misconduct is far more complex than simple white-on-black racism. To effectively tackle inequality, one must separate historical causes from present-day mechanisms, particularly when looking at wealth disparities:

| Metric | White Households | Black Households | Disparity Ratio | |:--- |:--- |:--- |:--- | | **Median Net Worth** | ~$170,000 | ~$17,000 | ~10:1 | | **Top 10% Income (Median Net Worth)** | ~$1,800,000 | ~$350,000 | >5:1 |

Harris stresses that this ten-to-one difference reflects accumulated family wealth over generations, not merely current income, and endures even among high-income earners. Determining how much of this current gap stems from active racism versus accumulated historical momentum remains a nuanced, critical challenge that cannot be solved by sloganeering.

[39:59](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=2399s) Wealth Disparities, Reparations, and the “Religion of Anti-Racism”

Addressing the economic divide between Black and White Americans, Sam Harris observes that multiple factors explain disparities in household wealth. Black families who climb into the top 10 percent of the wealth distribution appear to fall out of it more easily than White families, and it remains undeniable that Black families hold less intergenerational wealth accumulated through inheritance. While Harris states he is prepared to believe that a substantial portion of this inequality stems directly from slavery and the century of explicitly racist policies that followed, the practical remedies remain vexed. While he considers reparations a legitimate concept to entertain in theory, he points out the immediate complications: Native Americans would have an equal or greater claim, lines would need to be drawn regarding Black Americans not descended from enslaved people, and, echoing arguments made by John McWhorter and Coleman Hughes, reparations appear largely unworkable as public policy.

Harris argues that society must dispassionately examine how much present-day inequality is actively driven by existing racism versus other factors. Instead of rigorous analysis, however, contemporary activism has adopted what McWhorter describes as a "new religion of anti-racism," which insists on finding racism everywhere—even in institutions where it is manifestly absent. While the historical evils of slavery are nearly impossible to exaggerate, Harris insists that claiming rampant, systemic racism exists inside Ivy League faculties, Silicon Valley boardrooms, or the Academy Awards is a toxic distortion that risks provoking genuine racial resentment. In his view, bad faith argumentation, shifting goalposts, opinion pieces in *The New York Times*, and social media mobbing inflict immense damage on civil society, liberal politics, and the actual welfare of African Americans.

> “The problem with the social activism we're now seen what John McWhorter calls the new religion of anti racism is that it finds racism nearly everywhere even where it manifestly does not exist and this is incredibly damaging to the cause of achieving real equality in our society.” — Sam Harris

- Black families who reach the top decile of wealth fall out of it more readily than White families. - Black Americans possess significantly less accumulated intergenerational inheritance. - Concerns regarding reparations include extending similar claims to Native Americans and distinguishing between descendants of enslaved people and voluntary Black immigrants.

---

[43:07](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=2587s) The Death of George Floyd and the Crucial Counter-Hypothesis

Returning to the killing of George Floyd, Harris reiterates that any sane person viewing the bystander footage recognizes it as an unjustified, horrific killing that warrants universal condemnation. However, he urges listeners to monitor their own psychological tripwires and examine a series of uncomfortable questions with cold dispassion. The central question the public must confront is whether Floyd’s death proves—or even reliably indicates—a systemic epidemic of racist police violence in America. More specifically, the inquiry requires asking whether a White suspect in identical circumstances would have been spared a similar fate, and whether the handful of viral videos documenting fatal police encounters with Black men over recent years constitute proof of an ongoing, racially motivated campaign of lethal force.

While the overwhelming cultural consensus views the affirmative answer as so self-evident that merely raising the question seems offensive, Harris contends that examining the actual data on violent crime and police interactions leads to the opposite conclusion. Violent crime and police use of deadly force have dropped dramatically over the past twenty-five years. Moreover, police use deadly force against White people in greater numbers, both in raw totals and relative to rates of criminal engagement. To highlight the disconnect between public perception and reality, Harris points to Los Angeles: during the summer 2020 protests, businesses were burned and looted across neighborhoods that would take decades to recover, accompanied by celebrity bail funds, even though 2019 had marked a 30-year historic low for officer-involved shootings in the city.

> “The problem however is that if you take even five minutes to look at the data on crime and police violence the answer really appears to be no in every case albeit with one important caveat I'm not talking about how the police behaved in 1970 or even 1990 but in the last 25 years violent crime has come down significantly in the u.s. and so has the police use of deadly force.” — Sam Harris

---

[45:42](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=2742s) The Moral Duty of Looking at Facts Over Offense

Anticipating widespread indignation, Harris issues a direct warning to listeners about their emotional reactions. He recognizes that many people will feel a visceral, instinctive revulsion hearing these points raised, particularly coming from a White man. He cautions that feelings of moral outrage, disgust, and the impulse to silence the conversation are not arguments, nor can they serve as a standard for truth. In his view, taking offense is a mental habit that actively blinds people to the facts, and justice cannot exist in separation from reality.

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Emotional Reaction vs Factual Reality in Justice accDescr: Flowchart illustrating Harris's contrast between taking offense and adhering to facts to achieve true justice.

subgraph ReactivePath["The Reactive Approach"] A["Confronting Challenging Claims"] --> B["Visceral Moral Outrage & Disgust"] B --> C["Prioritizing Offense over Inquiry"] C --> D["Distorted Perception of Reality"] end

subgraph RationalPath["The Factual Approach"] E["Examining Crime & Policing Data"] --> F["Dispassionate Analysis"] F --> G["Contact with Reality"] G --> H["Meaningful Pursuit of Justice"] end ```

Harris argues that justice demands open, empirical scrutiny, and society cannot allow its standards of truth to be dictated by whoever expresses the greatest degree of offense. Most people operate with completely distorted assumptions regarding violence, policing, and race in the United States. If people genuinely care about reducing harm and pursuing fairness, they must align their beliefs with demonstrable evidence rather than conforming to socially enforced emotional orthodoxies.

> “Your capacity to be offended isn't something that I or anyone else needs to respect your capacity to be offended isn't something that you should respect in fact it's something that you should be on your guard for perhaps more than any other property of your mind this feeling can mislead you if you care about justice and you absolutely should you should care about facts and the ability to discuss them openly justice requires contact with reality.” — Sam Harris

---

[48:39](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=2919s) The Baseline Numbers of American Policing

Harris walks through the broad empirical baseline of police violence in the United States, prompting the audience to test their own intuitions before hearing the figures. Each year, police kill approximately 1,000 people across the nation. Set against that figure are an estimated 50 to 60 million annual civilian-police interactions and roughly 10 million arrests (a total that has dropped from a peak of over 14 million annually during the 1990s). Based on these figures, when an individual attracts police scrutiny and the officer decides to effect an arrest, the baseline statistical probability of that interaction resulting in death is approximately one in 10,000.

While Harris emphasizes that this rate is undeniably higher than in other developed nations and should not simply be treated as acceptable, he notes that fatal outcomes cannot be understood through a single lens. Of the roughly 1,000 deaths each year, many are legally and tactically justified, some are ambiguous, and others are clear-cut instances of police misconduct, criminal panic, incompetence, psychopathy, or racial animus. Compounding this friction is the reality that police officers face an exceptionally perilous job: during 10 million yearly arrests, suspects regularly resist compliance due to mental illness, intoxication, criminal desperation, or an ideological conviction that they are being targeted unfairly. Harris suggests that if widespread cultural narratives convince Black citizens that every arrest is inherently rooted in police racism, non-compliance is likely to increase, inevitably multiplying tragic outcomes on the ground.

> “So without knowing anything else about the situation if the cops decide to arrest you it is reasonable to think that your chance of dying is around one and 10,000.” — Sam Harris

- Annual civilian encounters with American police: approximately 50 to 60 million. - Annual arrests in the United States: roughly 10 million (down from over 14 million in the 1990s). - Total fatal police encounters per year: approximately 1,000. - Statistical probability of an individual dying during an arrest: roughly 1 in 10,000.

[52:47](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=3167s) Police Demographics, Combative Realities, and Inadequate Training

Harris acknowledges the widespread view that a police force should racially mirror the community it protects. While doing so might improve the community's perception and alleviate the suspicion that racism drives police conduct, the empirical data does not back up the assumption that diversification curbs lethal force. Studies indicate that Black and Hispanic officers are actually more likely to shoot Black and Hispanic suspects than white officers are.

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Factors Influencing Police Physical Encounters accDescr: Diagram illustrating the tactical and systemic pressures police face during physical confrontations. subgraph PhysicalTactics["Tactical Realities"] A["Non-Compliant Suspect"] --> B["Physical Struggle"] C["Exposed Sidearm on Duty Belt"] --> B D["High Stress & Elevated Heart Rate"] --> E["Degraded Marksmanship & Decision-making"] end subgraph SystemicFailures["Systemic Deficiencies"] F["Deficient Hand-to-Hand Training"] G["Inadequate Firearms Training"] H["Departmental Culture & Misconduct Cover-ups"] end PhysicalTactics --> I["Botched Arrests & High Risk of Lethal Force"] SystemicFailures --> I ```

Harris argues that the general public fundamentally misunderstands what happens when a police officer goes "hands-on" with a resisting individual. Restraining an uncooperative person—especially someone who might be larger, stronger, or intoxicated—is physically punishing and chaotic. Moreover, the officer carries a lethal firearm on their duty belt, an ever-present hazard that could be seized and turned against the officer or innocent bystanders. Untrained observers rarely grasp how quickly a suspect can close distance, how few seconds an officer has to decide whether to draw a weapon, or how virtually impossible it is to shoot accurately when adrenaline surges. He points out that the martial arts community routinely watches botched police arrests on YouTube with utter disbelief because most police officers simply do not receive sufficient empty-hand combatives or practical firearms training to control subjects safely.

- Black and Hispanic police officers are statistically more likely to shoot minority suspects than their white peers. - Untrained intuitions lead civilians to expect unrealistic physical precision and restraint from officers during high-adrenaline, chaotic encounters. - Harris asserts: “If you haven't trained with firearms under stress, if you don't know how suddenly situations can change, if you haven't experienced how quickly another person can close the distance on you and how little time you have to decide to draw your weapon, if you don't know how hard it is to shoot a moving target or even a stationary one when your heart is beating out of your chest, you very likely have totally unreasonable ideas about what we can expect from cops in situations like these.”

---

[55:26](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=3326s) The Inevitability of Tragic Outliers and the Panopticon

Even in a hypothetical society featuring sweeping structural and cultural reforms, lethal police tragedies will never drop to zero. Harris envisions an ideal scenario where corrupt and racist cops are completely removed, officers receive top-tier de-escalation and combatives training, departmental culture is radically reformed, and counterproductive policies like the War on Drugs are fully abolished so officers only risk lives for strictly necessary legal interventions. Even under these conditions of near-perfect institutional progress, Harris contends that out of roughly 10 million arrests made each year in the United States—the most heavily armed nation in the developed world—officers will still make catastrophic mistakes. In an era where nearly every interaction is recorded by smartphones or surveillance cameras, horrific videos of civilians dying at the hands of police are guaranteed to appear periodically.

Harris takes issue with commentators setting impossible conditions for societal peace. In particular, he references CNN commentator Van Jones, who stated during the protests that if the nation sees one more video of a cop brutalizing a Black man, the country could go over the edge. Harris views this framing not merely as a description of public anger, but as a dangerous and untenable ultimatum issued to law enforcement. If racial progress and social stability are held hostage to the demand that terrible police videos must never occur again, Harris warns that racial reconciliation is doomed to fail.

- Approximately 10 million arrests occur in the United States every year. - The United States represents the most heavily armed civilian population in the developed world, compounding the baseline risk of any arrest. - Harris emphasizes: “If we're going to let the health of race relations in this country or the relationship between the community and the police depend on whether we ever see a terrible video of police misconduct again, the project of healing these wounds in our society is doomed.”

---

[59:14](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=3554s) Contrasting Case Studies: Walter Scott, George Floyd, and Eric Garner

Harris stresses that high-profile encounters cannot be painted with a broad brush; each video must be analyzed on its own facts rather than lumped into a generic litany of anti-racist outrage. He points to the killing of Walter Scott in North Carolina, who was stopped for a broken taillight, fled on foot, and was subsequently shot in the back multiple times while running away. Harris describes that shooting as completely unjustified, having zero threat to the officer's life, and considers the officer's 20-year prison sentence fully deserved—or perhaps even lenient for what amounted to murder.

By contrast, Harris argues that the video of George Floyd’s death, while deeply horrific, is more complex to interpret regarding intent. Harris rejects the assumption that Officer Derek Chauvin deliberately intended to murder Floyd. With angry bystanders openly recording him, Chauvin would have had to consciously choose to become one of the most notorious murderers in modern history in plain daylight. Harris suspects Floyd's death stemmed from catastrophic negligence, deficient training, the physical weight of multiple officers on his body, and underlying vulnerabilities, noting that Floyd complained of an inability to breathe before he was ever pinned to the pavement. Harris draws a direct parallel to the death of Eric Garner, correcting the widespread misconception that Garner was choked to death. When Garner repeatedly gasped, "I can't breathe," the officer had already released the brief chokehold; Garner was instead dying of positional asphyxiation caused by the weight of several officers holding him prone on the pavement.

- Walter Scott: Shot in the back while fleeing after a traffic stop for a broken taillight; officer received a 20-year sentence for what Harris terms straight-up murder. - Derek Chauvin: Faced numerous prior complaints, but Harris finds deliberate homicidal intent far less plausible than egregious negligence and severe lack of competence. - Eric Garner: Did not die from an active chokehold at the moment of death, but rather from positional asphyxiation while pinned on his stomach by multiple officers. - Harris states: “Whoever he is, I find it very unlikely that he was intending to kill George Floyd.”

---

[01:02:24](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=3744s) The Prone Restraint of Tony Timpa

To test whether the deaths of men like George Floyd and Eric Garner can be understood without reflexively attributing them to white supremacy, Harris points to the case of Tony Timpa. Timpa was a white man in Dallas experiencing a severe mental health crisis and cocaine intoxication who dialed 911 himself for help. By the time Dallas police arrived, a private security guard had already handcuffed Timpa. The responding officers rolled Timpa onto his stomach and held him prone against the ground.

One officer placed his knee directly onto Timpa's upper back—a posture generally considered less dangerous than a knee directly on the neck. Nevertheless, officers pinned Timpa beneath their combined body weight for roughly 13 minutes, steadily crushing the breath out of him until he died. Harris emphasizes that the police body camera footage shows no personal animus, racial hostility, or blatant brutality; the officers believed they were executing a routine, compliant restraint. The incident serves as definitive proof that improper prone restraint and compressive asphyxiation routinely kill suspects regardless of race, driven by systemic training failures rather than racial hatred.

- Tony Timpa: A white man in Dallas, Texas, who died after calling 911 for help during a drug- and mental-health-related crisis. - Officers maintained body-weight restraint on Timpa's back for roughly 13 minutes while he lay prone in handcuffs. - Harris observes: “It’s also terribly disturbing, but it removes the variable of race and it removes any implication of intent to harm on the part of the cops about as clearly as you could ask.”

[01:03:50](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=3830s) The Tony Timpa Case and the Lens of Racial Bias

Reflecting on the 2016 death of Tony Timpa, Sam Harris describes the body camera footage in which Dallas police officers responded to what they believed was a mental health crisis. Officers pinned Timpa face-down on his belly under their physical weight for over a dozen minutes, joking casually among themselves as he lost consciousness and died. While watching police crack jokes as a man perishes appears strikingly callous in hindsight, Harris argues that the encounter actually shows an otherwise routine, seemingly benign application of force from the officers' standpoint. The crucial revelation of the footage is that the police had zero intention of killing Timpa; they dismissed his desperate pleas simply because they assumed their restraint procedure was safe, standard protocol, and something they had executed safely a hundred times prior.

Harris asks listeners to conduct a thought experiment: consider how American society would have reacted if the exact same video existed, but with Tony Timpa’s skin color changed from white to Black. Had Timpa been Black, the recording would have detonated across the culture with the force of a nuclear bomb, matching or exceeding the fallout from George Floyd’s death. As Harris puts it: “Imagine white cops telling jokes as they crushed the life out of a Black Tony Timpa—given the nature of our conversation about violence, given the way we perceive the videos of this kind, there is no way people would have seen that as anything other than a lynching, and it would not have been a lynching.”

Turning to the arrest of George Floyd in Minneapolis, Harris emphasizes that while Derek Chauvin’s actions will be extraordinarily difficult to defend at trial, and evidence of explicit racial animus could theoretically emerge, the public has leaped to an unassailable conclusion without full context. Observers instantly assumed they watched an overt, premeditated racial murder on camera. In reality, violent encounters are notoriously difficult to interpret from brief video clips alone, yet contemporary moral outrage refuses to entertain nuance or evaluate the chaotic physical realities of law enforcement.

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Asymmetry in Public Perception of Fatal Police Restraints accDescr: Diagram illustrating how the racial identity of the victim alters public interpretation of identical police restraint incidents. subgraph Timpa["Tony Timpa Case (White Suspect)"] T1["Prone restraint by police with banter"] --> T2["Suspect asphyxiates and dies"] T2 --> T3["Interpreted as gross negligence / protocol failure"] T3 --> T4["Ignored by national media & activist groups"] end subgraph Floyd["George Floyd Case / Counterfactual (Black Suspect)"] F1["Prone restraint by police"] --> F2["Suspect asphyxiates and dies"] F2 --> F3["Interpreted definitively as intentional racist murder"] F3 --> F4["Sparks nationwide protests & moral outrage"] end ```

[01:06:23](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=3983s) Resisting Arrest and the Dynamics of Police Use of Force

Addressing the broader context of fatal confrontations, Harris highlights the stark differences between distinct encounters that are routinely conflated by activists. In the death of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Brown reportedly punched an officer in the face and struggled to take his firearm. When an individual attacks an officer and attempts to seize their service weapon, the situation immediately escalates into an existential, life-and-death struggle that legally and practically justifies lethal force. However, Harris laments that activists aligned with Black Lives Matter frequently refuse to draw any distinction between an unarmed compliant citizen and someone actively battling a police officer for control of a firearm.

Harris reiterates an urgent public service announcement he previously made during a discussion with Glenn Loury: civilians of every racial background must understand that resisting arrest dramatically elevates their risk of injury or death. Arrest is not a collective deliberation or an open negotiation; attempting to debate, pull away, or wrestle with an officer forces them to treat the altercation as a deadly encounter. Harris stresses: “When a cop wants to take you into custody for whatever reason, it's not a negotiation, and if you turn it into a wrestling match, you're very likely to get injured or killed.”

The underlying dynamic governing every single police interaction in the United States is that a firearm is already present at the scene. Because an officer carries a gun, any physical struggle must be perceived by that officer as a contest over that gun. Police officers possess ordinary physical capabilities and generally receive mediocre hand-to-hand combat training, while frequently facing suspects who are younger, larger, or more aggressive. The common public expectation that officers should engage in fair bare-knuckle fistfights rather than drawing a weapon completely misunderstands the brutal reality of violence, especially in a country with over 300 million civilian firearms in circulation.

- An officer cannot afford to get knocked unconscious during a fistfight, because an unconscious officer leaves an unsecured firearm in the hands of their assailant. - Physical resistance cannot communicate innocence; officers have no way of knowing whether a non-compliant suspect is unarmed or about to pull a concealed weapon. - The vast majority of police officers lack elite martial arts training and cannot reliably control larger or hostile subjects without resorting to mechanical or lethal force.

[01:11:02](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=4262s) Compliance, Individual Uncertainty, and Media Distortions

Harris emphasizes that ordinary citizens never possess complete situational awareness during a stop. An individual walking down the street may know with absolute certainty that they are innocent and have committed no crime, yet they cannot know what dispatch call the officer just received—such as a report of an armed robbery perpetrated by someone matching their exact description. The moment an officer attempts an arrest, compliance is the only rational strategy to ensure physical safety. The time to protest unlawful conduct, dispute charges, and report officer misconduct is afterwards at the police station alongside legal counsel, not while facing an armed officer issuing commands in the heat of an encounter.

The fundamental flaw in arguing that police violence is driven primarily by systemic racial animus is that comparable, horrifying instances of white suspects dying in police custody occur with equal or greater frequency. Harris cites a 2016 *Time* magazine essay by linguist and cultural critic John McWhorter, who initially found the racism hypothesis plausible and challenged skeptics to show him white analogues to high-profile Black deaths:

> “The heart of the indignation over these murders is a conviction that racist bias plays a decisive part in these encounters. That has seemed plausible to me, and I've recently challenged those who disagree to present a list of white people killed within the past few years under circumstances similar to those that so enrages in cases such as what happened to Tamir Rice, John Crawford, Walter Scott, Sam DuBose, and others.”

When presented with the data, McWhorter discovered that the list of white victims killed under similar circumstances was actually longer than the list of Black victims. Despite this parity in raw numbers, the American public knows almost exclusively the names of Black victims—such as Eric Garner, Michael Brown, Alton Sterling, Philando Castile, Breonna Taylor, and George Floyd—while remaining completely unaware of white individuals killed in near-identical ways. Harris concludes that this profound asymmetry is maintained by a distorted media ecosystem and an activist culture that ignores white victims while elevating Black deaths as proof of a singular racial epidemic.

[01:14:59](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=4499s) Violent Crime Demographics and Lethal Police Encounters

The mainstream narrative surrounding policing routinely avoids the empirical data on lethal police violence. Each year, police officers kill approximately 1,000 people in the United States, of whom roughly 50 percent are white and 25 percent are Black. Although the federal government lacks a centralized database for these incidents, independent databases such as *The Washington Post* police shootings tracker have recorded these stable ratios over several years. While many of these homicides are legally justifiable encounters involving armed career criminals attempting to harm officers, public concern centers on unjustified killings. A frequent argument is that because African Americans make up only 13 percent of the population, accounting for 25 percent of police homicides is proof of systemic racism.

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Crime Demographics and Police Attention accDescr: Flowchart illustrating the link between crime rates, police allocation, and encounters. subgraph Demographics ["Demographic Reality"] A["13% of U.S. Population"] --> B["~50% of Violent Crime & Murders"] end subgraph Enforcement ["Policing Realities"] B --> C["Disproportionate Police Presence in High-Crime Areas"] C --> D["Higher Volume of Stops & Encounters"] D --> E["~25% of Lethal Police Shootings"] end ```

That line of reasoning collapses when violent crime rates are taken into account. African Americans commit at least 50 percent of the murders and violent crimes nationwide, and in certain major metropolitan areas, they account for upwards of two-thirds of all violent offenses. Police resources are naturally deployed where violent crime occurs, and setting police attention strictly to match the general population baseline of 13 percent would neglect the very communities most affected by crime. In the United States, violent crime is largely intra-racial; nationwide, Black Americans are six times more likely to be murdered than white Americans—a disparity that doubles in certain cities—and approximately 95 percent of those victims are killed by members of their own community. During the exact weekend nationwide unrest erupted over police brutality, 92 people were shot and 27 were killed in Chicago alone, overwhelmingly driven by Black men shooting other Black community members.

As Sam Harris argues regarding the mismatch between public perception and crime statistics: > “The story of crime in America is overwhelmingly the story of black on black crime.”

- **Annual Police Killings**: Approximately 1,000 people killed per year (~50% white, ~25% Black). - **Violent Crime Share**: Black Americans constitute ~13% of the U.S. population but commit at least 50% of nationwide murders and violent crimes. - **Homicide Risk**: Black Americans are six times more likely to be murdered than white Americans nationwide, with ~95% of perpetrators being Black. - **Chicago Weekend Benchmark**: 92 people shot and 27 killed in a single weekend in Chicago as national civil unrest began.

---

[01:19:00](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=4740s) Roland Fryer's Findings on Non-Lethal Police Force

To determine whether the police act ethically and without racial bias, empirical studies of street-level stops must be examined. In a landmark 2016 study titled *An Empirical Analysis of Racial Differences in Police Use of Force*, Harvard economist Roland Fryer—who is Black and entered the project expecting to find evidence of an epidemic of lethal force against Black men—analyzed data across ten major police departments in California, Florida, and Texas. Fryer discovered that while lethal force did not show anti-Black bias, non-lethal force showed substantial racial disparities. Overall, police were roughly 25 percent more likely to use physical force against Black suspects than white suspects.

| Type of Police Action (NYC Data, Matched Characteristics) | Increased Likelihood for Black Suspects | |:--- |:--- | | Any physical contact ("hands-on") | +17% | | Pushed into a wall | +18% | | Handcuffed without being arrested | +16% | | Pushed to the ground | +18% | | Pepper spray or baton used | +25% | | Weapon drawn | +19% | | Weapon pointed at suspect | +24% |

Accounting for this continuum of non-lethal force is complex. While ambient racism is the standard explanation, that hypothesis is complicated by data showing Black and Hispanic officers are actually more likely to shoot minority suspects than white officers are. Alternative factors include potential differences in suspect compliance; cultivating an ethos of resisting arrest inevitably escalates the level of physical force officers deploy. When high-crime neighborhoods are heavily patrolled, the sheer volume of stops and physical detentions guarantees that many innocent Black men endure degrading, hands-on treatment. This repeated humiliation breeds profound bitterness and distrust toward law enforcement, creating a damaging vicious circle.

Addressing the human cost of these aggressive stops, Sam Harris observes: > “And it's totally humiliating to be arrested or manhandled by a cop and given the level of crime in the black community it seems that a disproportionate number of innocent black men are guaranteed to have this experience right and it's totally understandable that this would make them bitter and mistrustful of the police.”

---

[01:22:57](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=4977s) Lethal Disparities, Viral Videos, and the Societal Breakdown

While Roland Fryer identified higher rates of non-lethal force against Black citizens, his data on lethal encounters revealed the reverse trend: Black suspects were approximately 25 percent *less* likely to be shot by police than white suspects in comparable situations. In the most extreme scenarios—where an officer fired their weapon without being attacked first—police were more likely to shoot if the suspect was white. These findings were later corroborated by David J. Johnson and colleagues in a study published in the *Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences* (PNAS). Taken as a whole, the data indicate that more white individuals are killed by police each year, both in absolute totals and relative to their rates of violent crime commission.

```mermaid flowchart LR accTitle: Feedback Loop of Media Narratives and Civil Unrest accDescr: Cycle of viral horrific videos driving protest and civil unrest leading to crackdowns and more videos. V["Viral Videos of Police Brutality"] --> B["Public Belief in Racial Killing Epidemic"] B --> P["Protests, Riots, and Looting"] P --> T["Authoritarian Political & Police Reaction"] T --> V ```

These statistical realities directly contradict the prevailing narrative driving modern political outrage. Amid the compounding pressures of an inept response to a global pandemic and a looming economic depression, widespread outrage was sparked by a succession of horrific videos depicting police killings of Black men. Because the public is unaware that white suspects are killed by police at higher rates under similar conditions, videos of police violence are interpreted as evidence of a systemic racial purge. This fuels rioting, looting, and widespread institutional deference to civil unrest, which in turn elicits authoritarian political rhetoric from Donald Trump and provokes further violent police crackdowns. While urgent police reform is necessary—especially given instances where officers were dangerously passive against looters yet overly aggressive toward peaceful protesters—the foundational claim that Black Americans face a unique epidemic of lethal police violence is refuted by the available evidence.

Critiquing the destructive disconnect between public assumptions and the evidence, Sam Harris states: > “And the streets are now filled with people who imagine on the basis of seeing several horrific videos that there is an epidemic of racist cops murdering African Americans look at what this belief is doing to our politics and these videos will keep coming and the truth is they could probably be matched to for one with videos of white people being killed by cops what percentage of people protesting understand that the disparity runs this way?”

- **Fryer Lethal Force Finding**: Black suspects were roughly 25% less likely to be shot by officers than white suspects under matched conditions. - **PNAS Replication**: David J. Johnson and colleagues published similar findings showing no evidence of anti-Black racial disparities in officer-involved shootings. - **The Protest Paradox**: Millions of protesters, media figures, and institutional leaders operate under the assumption of an epidemic of racist police murders, while remaining unaware of data demonstrating that whites are killed at higher rates relative to violent crime rates. - **Law Enforcement Failures**: Police forces across multiple cities exhibited a dysfunctional mix of passivity toward widespread criminal looting and unjustified aggression toward peaceful demonstrations.

[01:26:20](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=5180s) The Perils of Racializing Bad Police Tactics: The Breonna Taylor Case

Harris argues that viewing police violence exclusively through the lens of race creates a dangerous dynamic that fuels cynicism, fear, and anger on all sides. When race is treated as the central variable in cases where it is not relevant—reiterating the overlooked case of Tony Timpa—the public conversation is diverted away from the actual flaws in police tactics and training. He illustrates this with the death of Breonna Taylor, who was killed during a botched no-knock raid on her apartment:

> “The police had the wrong address and they kicked in the wrong door and they wound up killing a totally innocent woman, but the truth is this had nothing to do with race.”

Rather than validating commentators who framed the tragedy as proof that it is unsafe to be “sleeping while Black,” Harris contends the incident reveals the catastrophic nature of the policy itself. In a nation saturated with private firearms, kicking down doors in the dark creates an inevitable recipe for lethal violence. A sleeping resident who knows they are completely innocent and not running a drug lab will naturally reach for a firearm when an intruder breaches their home. Even if raiding officers shout “police,” a startled homeowner has no reason to believe them or verify who is screaming out of the darkness. Harris notes that white citizens die under these exact circumstances as well, and likely in greater raw numbers given demographic baselines.

- The raid on Breonna Taylor's residence occurred within the broader context of the war on drugs, an enforcement effort Harris describes as a “carnival of moral error.” - No-knock raids inherently pit an armed citizen's right to self-defense against law enforcement executing high-risk dynamic entries in the dark. - Framing systemic policy failures solely as racial hostility obscures necessary legal and tactical reforms.

---

[01:28:59](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=5339s) The Unintended Consequences of Reform: Roland Fryer and the “Ferguson Effect”

Meaningful police reform is complicated by the behavioral shifts officers exhibit when placed under federal scrutiny and viral social media pressure. Citing the research of Harvard economist Roland Fryer, Harris points to empirical findings analyzing the aftermath of misconduct investigations following the high-profile deaths of Freddie Gray, Michael Brown, and Laquan McDonald. When intense public investigations and viral outrage take hold, officers sharply retreat from proactive policing.

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: The Mechanism of the Ferguson Effect accDescr: A diagram illustrating how viral misconduct investigations lead to de-policing and a rise in violent crime.

subgraph Catalyst["Public Reaction & Oversight"] A["Viral Police Video / Public Outcry"] --> B["Federal / State Misconduct Investigation"] end

subgraph OfficerResponse["De-Policing Behavior"] B --> C["Fear of Viral Scrutiny ('YouTube Effect')"] C --> D["Drop in Proactive Civilian Stops\n(Up to 100% in affected areas)"] D --> E["Officers Respond Only to 911 Calls"] end

subgraph CommunityImpact["Downstream Consequences"] E --> F["Spike in Violent Crime & Homicides"] F --> G["Disproportionate Impact on\nBlack Communities"] end ```

Harris observes that while officers continue answering emergency 911 calls, they cease voluntary, proactive stops because they do not want to become the next viral clip on YouTube:

> “Roland Fryer has also shown that investigations of cops in a climate where viral videos and racial politics are operating have dramatic effects and dramatically negative effects.”

Fryer’s empirical analysis estimated that this pullback in proactive policing produced approximately 1,000 additional homicides and nearly 40,000 additional felonies over the ensuing 24-month period in the investigated jurisdictions. The vast majority of the victims of this violent crime wave were Black civilians residing in the very neighborhoods the scrutiny aimed to protect. Harris warns that this dynamic—widely termed the “Ferguson effect”—is likely to manifest nationwide on an unprecedented scale, devastating officer morale and leading to mass resignations.

- Proactive civilian contacts dropped drastically after major inquiries, sometimes plunging by as much as 100 percent. - Low department morale risks turning future recruitment pools away from idealistic candidates, leaving behind an applicant base Harris compares to the recruitment profile of prison guards. - The fundamental policy challenge is to remove incompetent or abusive officers without inducing good officers to disengage from active crime prevention.

---

[01:31:47](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=5507s) Base Rates, Crime Disparities, and White Privilege Paradoxes

Harris contextualizes police violence by examining the baseline statistics of officer-involved killings. Fatal encounters with police are exceedingly rare statistical outliers: roughly one fatal shooting per 10,000 arrests, and one per 50,000 to 60,000 police contacts. Out of the approximately 1,000 individuals killed by law enforcement annually in the United States, roughly 50 are unarmed, and more white individuals are killed than Black individuals. Furthermore, an unarmed status does not automatically denote an unprovoked killing, as suspects sometimes violently attack officers before being shot.

While acknowledging that Black Americans experience a higher volume of police stops—a reality driven by the disproportionate distribution of violent crime across communities—and are statistically more likely to experience non-lethal force, Harris notes that whites are actually more likely to be killed per violent encounter. A key contributing factor is that whites are seven times more likely to commit “suicide by cop” and three times more likely to commit suicide overall. He challenges listeners to interrogate their own narrative assumptions:

> “Is less physical contact but a greater likelihood of getting shot and killed a form of white privilege?”

He stresses that if the disparities were flipped, activists would seize upon the higher death rate as open-and-shut evidence of racism. High-crime neighborhoods desperately require professional, ethical law enforcement, not abandoned precincts. In Milwaukee, for instance, Black residents are twelve times more likely to be murdered than white residents, with intraracial violence accounting for 93 to 100 percent of those homicides. Asking police to withdraw from these neighborhoods leaves vulnerable populations exposed to predatory chaos.

---

[01:34:51](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=5691s) Mass Hysteria, Political Pornography, and Activist Branding

Harris expresses concern that social activists are playing a dangerous game of chicken with civil stability. While reaffirming his commitment to criminal justice reform and reducing societal inequality, he characterizes the current cultural reaction as an episode of mass hysteria driven by media algorithms and political opportunism. In a country executing roughly 10 million arrests every year, horrific edge cases and tragic videos are statistically guaranteed to reoccur:

> “The media have turned these videos into a form of political pornography and this is deranged us we're now unable to speak or even think about facts.”

Prominent mainstream figures, editorial boards, and liberal political leaders—such as Anderson Cooper, *The New York Times*, Barack Obama, and Joe Biden—have framed the street demonstrations as morally pristine movements whose only blemish is marginal looting. Harris cautions against falling for rhetorical slogans, pointing out that public branding rarely matches ideological reality. Just as Antifa hides extremist behavior behind an unassailable label—daring critics to explain why they oppose "anti-fascism"—Black Lives Matter operates with an indisputable moral title that conceals radical underlying aims. Although Harris notes that Black Lives Matter, unlike Antifa, largely promotes peaceful assembly, the disconnect between its righteous branding and its ideological reality continues to warp constructive public policy.

[01:38:03](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=5883s) The Moral Panic and Political Repercussions

Sam Harris broadens his focus from Black Lives Matter to the larger ideological climate, arguing that society has plunged into a profound moral panic. This condition persists primarily because nearly everyone left-of-center—concerned with preserving their reputations, livelihoods, and professional careers while dreading the prospect of being hounded into oblivion online—refuses to speak truthfully about race and racism in the United States. By directing fury at the wrong targets, or even slightly mistaken ones, and permitting an accompanying wave of cynical criminality and rampant looting that lacks any honest pretense of protest, the political left ends up playing directly into Donald Trump's hands, regardless of favorable polling at the moment.

Harris underscores that if people genuinely fear Trump's authoritarian instincts—pointing out the alarming, recent sight of unidentified, paramilitary-style forces guarding the White House perimeter—they must recognize how damaging progressive overreach looks to middle America. Slogans like “abolish the police” will inevitably alienate millions of voters in half the country who watched their cities burn and stores get looted on national television. Removing Trump from office to restore institutional integrity remains imperative, but achieving long-term progress requires pragmatic policy cases that directly target underlying inequalities rather than framing every social ill as an ongoing expression of systemic racism.

- Broad reforms are urgently needed across criminal justice, policing, taxation, healthcare, and the environment. - While African Americans stand to benefit most from targeted inequality reduction, such gains do not primarily depend on rooting out hidden racial prejudice everywhere. - As Sam Harris warns: “And by protesting the wrong thing, even the slightly wrong thing, and unleashing an explosion of cynical criminality in the process—looting that doesn't even have a pretense of protest—the left is empowering Trump, whatever the polls currently show.”

---

[01:40:36](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=6036s) The True Meaning of Progress: Skin Color as Hair Color

Addressing what total, ultimate victory over racism would look like, Harris argues that true progress means skin color losing all moral and political significance, functioning exactly like hair color. Nobody investigates how many blondes entered Harvard in a given freshman class, what proportion of the San Diego Police Department is brunette, or whether redheads are fairly represented across senior leadership in Fortune 500 boardrooms. Society rightly recognizes those traits as utterly trivial. A society perpetually consumed by grievances, historical score-settling, and anxieties over hair pigment would be recognized by all as an absurd, catastrophic waste of human energy.

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: The Two Divergent Views of Racial Identity accDescr: Chart illustrating how the post-racial vision clashes with the race-essentialist consensus shared by both woke ideology and white supremacy.

subgraph Goal["Desired Destination"] A["Post-Racial Vision<br/>(MLK ideal)"] --> B["Skin color equals hair color<br/>Zero moral/political salience"] end

subgraph Problem["Current Identity Trap"] C["Endless Anti-Racist Vigilance"] --> D["Permanent Racial Identity"] D --> E["Institutional Incentives to Maintain Division"] F["White Supremacists / Neo-Nazis"] -.->|"Shares assumption of permanent racial division"| D end ```

Harris argues that the goal of social justice should never be an exhausting future where everyone acts as a hyper-vigilant anti-racist on edge against every awkward compliment, poor joke, or outdated tweet. Such permanent tribalism mirrors the dogma of white supremacists and neo-Nazis, who also insist that racial identity is permanent, indissoluble, and cannot be transcended. Rejecting this fatalism, Harris insists on the Martin Luther King Jr. vision of an unburdened, shared humanity.

- Progressive anti-racists and white nationalists paradoxically align on the fatalistic premise that racial identity can never be transcended. - Harris emphasizes: “The future we want is not one in which we've all become passionate anti-racists; it's not a future in which we are forever on our guard against the slightest insult, the bad joke, the awkward compliment, the tweet that didn't age well.”

---

[01:44:28](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=6268s) Can You Outgrow an Obsession by Feeding It?

Turning to the operational dilemma of how society can actually attain a post-racial order, Harris raises a series of rhetorical questions challenging prevailing activist strategies. He questions whether racial division can ever be rendered obsolete by establishing permanent political identities around it, funding thousands of advocacy institutions whose economic survival requires race to remain urgent until the end of time, or turning race into a sacred taboo where an unintended slip of the tongue results in career annihilation. To outgrow an obsession with racial difference, society must stop stoking that very obsession.

Harris responds to a podcast listener who argued that adopting a post-racial posture today is premature—analogous to telling Martin Luther King Jr. at the dawn of the civil rights movement to stop talking about race. Citing independent scholar Coleman Hughes, Harris notes that King consistently articulated a transcendent vision that stood above crude identitarian politics, expressing sentiments that would sound alien coming from Black Lives Matter today. Moreover, the current era is fundamentally different: institutional doors, corporate boardrooms, and political offices are no longer systematically blocked by bigoted gatekeepers denying entry to historically marginalized groups.

- Lingering racial inequities today are rooted in accumulated socio-economic disadvantages—wealth gaps, family instability, educational disparities, and high neighborhood crime rates—rather than widespread active racial prejudice. - Trying to remedy these legacy disparities by witch-hunting for hidden bigotry where it does not exist misdiagnoses the problem and distracts from structural solutions. - As Harris articulates the dilemma: “To outgrow our obsession with racial difference, we have to outgrow our obsession with race—and you don't do that by maintaining your obsession with it.”

---

[01:48:31](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=6511s) Institutional Hysteria and the Breakdown of Reason

Harris laments that mainstream institutions are frantically adopting activist talking points to signal moral righteousness, despite having little connection to their actual work. He cites a recent memo from the American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS), which warned that unchecked racism, sexism, homophobia, and "fear of the other" threatened to destroy the foundations of their community. Harris scoffs at the suggestion that rampant bigotry represents the pressing crisis facing American laboratory science in 2020.

The truly dangerous "fear of the other" confronting society today, Harris argues, is not bigotry against superficial traits, but the justifiable fear of people who have rendered themselves completely impervious to reasoned dialogue. The existential threat to civil discourse comes from ideologues who flatly dismiss empirical facts, refuse to engage in balanced conversations, and enforce dogmatic conformity at the expense of truth.

- Corporate and scientific bodies are issuing uniform statements declaring that systemic bigotry threatens their fields, mistaking activist narratives for empirical reality. - The real cultural hazard is the rise of dogmatists who refuse to evaluate counter-evidence or engage in mutual persuasion. - Harris summarizes the actual crisis: “Well, I'll tell you the fear of the other that does seem warranted everywhere right now: it's the other who has rendered him- or herself incapable of dialogue, it's the other who will not listen to reason, who has no interest in facts, who can't join a conversation...”

[01:49:58](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=6598s) The Epistemic Dangers of Dogmatism and Collapsing Truth into Activism

Sam Harris warns against the intellectual danger posed by people who believe they have arrived at the truth before examining the facts, treating dogma and cognitive bias not as human defects to be overcome, but as foundational pillars of knowledge. He cautions that society must be wary of those who erase the boundaries between objectivity and ideological goals: “We should fear the other who can't distinguish activism from journalism or politics from science or worse can make these distinctions but refuses to and we're all capable of becoming this person if only for minutes or hours at a time and this is a bug in our operating system not a feature and we have to continually correct for it.”

```mermaid flowchart TD accTitle: Epistemic Disciplines vs Ideological Confusion accDescr: Diagram illustrating the necessary separation between objective truth-seeking and ideological persuasion. subgraph Corrupted["Epistemic Errors (Bias Accepted as Foundation)"] A["Pre-determined Truth"] --> B["Epistemology Built on Dogma"] B --> C["Collapsing Standards"] end subgraph Distinctions["Necessary Institutional Distinctions"] D["Journalism"] <-.->|"Must Not Conflate"| E["Activism"] F["Science"] <-.->|"Must Not Conflate"| G["Politics"] end C --> Distinctions ```

[01:50:41](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=6641s) Heartbreaking Disparities and the Only Route Back From the Brink

Harris reflects on systemic inequalities laid bare by the COVID-19 pandemic, recalling the shocking revelation during debates over school closures that for tens of millions of American children, attending school was their sole reliable guarantee of a decent meal. He emphasizes that although everyone faces adversity, the playing field is drastically uneven; many children, predominantly non-white, do not start from the same baseline. Recognizing the reality of these burdens—such as single mothers or grandparents struggling in the inner city to raise children while fearing for their physical safety—he insists that ignoring these realities is untenable: “The disparities in our society are absolutely heartbreaking and unacceptable and we need a rational discussion about their actual causes and solutions.”

In concluding the episode, Harris argues that the only viable tool humanity has to step back from societal collapse is honest, good-faith dialogue. Real conversation hinges entirely on an openness to empirical data, sound logic, and the humility to revise one's convictions in the face of superior reasoning. Acknowledging that the monologue evolved into more of an impassioned exhortation than initially planned, he underscores that commitment to evidence is a continuous discipline rather than a permanent destination, before closing the podcast with a reminder for listeners to stay safe.

- **COVID-19 school closures:** Highlighted severe structural poverty by revealing that tens of millions of American students depend on public schools as their only guaranteed source of a daily meal. - **Unequal starting points:** Metaphorically noted that some individuals start out on "second base or third base," whereas families in disadvantaged inner-city neighborhoods face acute crises of economic hardship and violent crime. - **Prerequisites for dialogue:** Genuine conversation requires intellectual flexibility and a willingness to update one's worldview when confronted with better reasons, which Harris describes as an ongoing process rather than a static state.

## Notable quotes > [25:31](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=1531s) Giving a monopoly on violence to the state is just about the best thing we have ever done as a species; it ranks right up there with keeping our shit out of our food. — Sam Harris

> [01:44:28](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=6268s) To outgrow our obsession with racial difference, we have to outgrow our obsession with race—and you don't do that by maintaining your obsession with it. — Sam Harris

> [07:32](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=452s) If we can't agree about what is real or likely to be real we will never agree about how we should live together. — Sam Harris

> [01:06:23](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=3983s) When a cop wants to take you into custody for whatever reason, it's not a negotiation, and if you turn it into a wrestling match, you're very likely to get injured or killed. — Sam Harris

> [03:01](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=181s) All we have between us and the total breakdown of civilization is a series of successful conversations and if we can't reason with one another there is no path forward right other than violence. — Sam Harris

> [18:49](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU&t=1129s) The status quo that many of us take for granted is a betrayal of our values whether we realize it or not. — Sam Harris

## Mentioned Sam Harris, Donald Trump, George Floyd, Derek Chauvin, Timothy Snyder, Chris Cuomo, Don Lemon, Martin Luther King Jr., Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (AOC), Glenn Loury, John McWhorter, Thomas Chatterton Williams, Coleman Hughes, Kmele Foster, Freddie Gray, Fox News, CNN, The New York Times, LA Galaxy, Minneapolis City Council, Minneapolis Police Department, Van Jones, Walter Scott, Eric Garner, Tony Timpa, Michael Brown, Black Lives Matter, Time magazine, Tamir Rice, John Crawford, Sam DuBose, Alton Sterling, Philando Castile, Breonna Taylor, The Washington Post, Roland Fryer, David J. Johnson, Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS), Laquan McDonald, YouTube, Anderson Cooper, Barack Obama, Joe Biden, Antifa, American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS), Harvard University

## Video description In this episode of the podcast, Sam Harris speaks about the recent social protests and civil unrest, in light of what we know about racism and police violence in America.

Released: June 12, 2020

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[Source](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmgxtcbc4iU)

中文简报

山姆·哈里斯质疑美国警察枪击中存在种族偏见的说法 山姆·哈里斯认为实证数据否定了致命警务中存在系统性种族主义的观点,并警告称妖魔化警官和削减警局经费将导致城市凶杀案激增,并助推唐纳德·特朗普连任。 在这段详尽的独白中,山姆·哈里斯审视了乔治·弗洛伊德遇害后全美范围内的抗议和内乱浪潮,敦促公众重视实证数据而非情绪化的愤怒。他剖析了基准警务统计数据,援引罗兰·弗赖尔和戴维·J·约翰逊的研究指出,一旦考虑到暴力犯罪参与率和基准发生率,警察并未不成比例地对黑人嫌疑人使用致命武力。哈里斯批评了精英机构中的意识形态顺从、削减警费的呼吁,以及在忽视不当俯卧约束等非种族性警务战术失误的同时煽动种族紧张局势的网络媒体报道。他最终指出,实现社会愈合的途径需要迈向一种后种族理想——即种族在道德上并不比发色具有更多意义,而这需要立足于严谨的事实、理性的对话以及切实可行的社会经济改革。 罗兰·弗赖尔的实证研究以及发表在《美国国家科学院院刊》(PNAS)上的研究表明,尽管黑人嫌疑人遭遇非致命警察武力的比率更高,但在匹配条件下,警察对黑人嫌疑人使用致命武力的可能性并不高于白人嫌疑人。 (79:00) 在美国每年约1000万次逮捕以及5000万至6000万次警民接触中,每年约有1000人被执法人员致死,确立了约万分之一的逮捕致死基准率。 (48:39) 病毒式传播的智能手机视频和媒体定调催生了一种扭曲的公众叙事,即存在大量具有种族偏见的警察枪击事件;哈里斯警告称,这会助力唐纳德·特朗普的“法律与秩序”竞选活动,并破坏公共对话。 (9:00) 在备受瞩目的涉警事件后展开的联邦调查和广泛舆论审视会导致“消极警务”,致使预防性拦截急剧下降,并导致估计增加的1000起凶杀案绝大多数集中在少数族裔社区。 (88:59)

Reading summary

Sam Harris argues that the United States faces an epistemological and civil crisis driven by ideological conformity, weaponized media narratives, and a breakdown in reasoned dialogue. While affirming the reality of historical racism and severe socio-economic disparities, he contends that the dominant public narrative of an epidemic of lethal racist policing is contradicted by empirical data and risks destabilizing democratic order. The Epistemic Crisis and Social Media Distortion (0:20) Harris argues that public discourse has devolved into performative sanctimony, fueled by a collective psychological experiment on social media for which no one gave consent. This digital environment distorts perception, fosters severe confirmation bias, and paralyzes mainstream cultural figures—including journalists, corporate executives, and academics—with the fear that a single misstep will destroy their careers. Harris maintains that the binary facing civilization is strictly conversation or violence; silencing open inquiry removes the only mechanism for peaceful persuasion. Compounding this friction is a fundamental collapse in epistemology—the shared framework for agreeing on facts and objective reality. Institutions have exacerbated this breakdown through perceived hypocrisy; for instance, public health authorities and doctors who strictly condemned anti-lockdown protesters during the COVID-19 pandemic abruptly endorsed mass street demonstrations involving hundreds of thousands of people, devastating institutional trust. Empirical Baselines of Police Use of Force (48:39) Harris stresses that evaluating police misconduct requires dispassionate adherence to statistics rather than visceral outrage over viral videos. In the United States, police kill approximately 1,000 people annually amid 50 to 60 million civilian contacts and roughly 10 million arrests, resulting in a lethal encounter rate of about one in 10,000 arrests. Roughly 50 of those killed each year are unarmed. Independent trackers show that roughly 50 percent of individuals killed by police are white and 25 percent are Black. While Black Americans represent 13 percent of the population, Harris points out they account for roughly 50 percent of violent crime and homicides, leading to disproportionate law enforcement presence in high-crime neighborhoods. Citing research by Harvard economist Roland Fryer and a study in PNAS, Harris notes that while Black suspects face an estimated 25 percent higher likelihood of non-lethal physical force—such as being pushed to the ground or handcuffed—they are roughly 25 percent less likely to be shot by police than white suspects in comparable situations. Moreover, studies show Black and Hispanic officers are more likely to shoot minority suspects than white officers are, complicating the narrative of ambient white supremacy. Racializing Tactical Failures and the Counter-Hypothesis (59:14) While characterizing the killing of George Floyd as reckless and criminal, Harris rejects the assumption that it was self-evidently motivated by racial animus rather than severe negligence, deficient training, and standard-protocol errors. To illustrate how bad tactics routinely kill suspects regardless of race, Harris highlights the 2016 death of Tony Timpa—a white man in Dallas experiencing a drug-induced mental crisis who died after being pinned prone under officer weight for 13 minutes while police casually joked. Harris contends that if Timpa had been Black, the incident would have sparked national outrage, yet the actual footage revealed flawed training rather than racial hatred. Harris applies the same critique to the death of Breonna Taylor, arguing that fatal no-knock raids reflect disastrous tactical policy in an armed society rather than racial targeting, as white homeowners face identical risks. By framing all police misconduct as systemic white supremacy, activists misdiagnose operational deficiencies—such as poor hand-to-hand combatives training and departmental culture—while ignoring the reality that non-compliance and wrestling with armed officers exponentially elevates the danger of lethal force. The 'Law and Order' Trap and Systemic Perils (25:31) Harris warns that radical slogans such as 'defund the police' represent dangerous delusions. The legal state monopoly on violence is a foundational civilizational achievement, and reducing police resources, lowering compensation, and diluting standards will inevitably yield worse recruits and policing outcomes. High-crime neighborhoods desperately require professional policing, and retreating from it harms the most vulnerable communities. Citing Roland Fryer's research on the 'Ferguson Effect,' Harris notes that aggressive viral scrutiny and federal investigations cause officers to abandon proactive policing out of fear of public vilification, leading to immediate spikes in violent crime and homicides. Furthermore, continuous broadcasts of looting, rioting, and street violence alienate moderate voters and hand Donald Trump a potent 'law and order' campaign platform ahead of the November 2020 election, threatening democratic norms. The Post-Racial Ideal Versus Identity Essentialism (100:36) Drawing on Martin Luther King Jr.'s transcendent vision and echoing commentators John McWhorter and Coleman Hughes, Harris contends that true societal progress requires treating skin color like hair color—a feature stripped of moral and political significance. He critiques the contemporary 'religion of anti-racism,' which insists on identifying racism everywhere and institutionalizing permanent racial identities, questioning how society can outgrow an obsession with race by continually stoking it. Harris argues that present-day disparities are predominantly rooted in socio-economic disadvantages, educational shortfalls, and family breakdown stemming from historical crimes, rather than omnipresent current-day bigotry. Conflating activism with objective truth corrupts scientific and cultural institutions, preventing honest, rational diagnoses of genuine inequalities. Harris concludes that the only route back from the brink of civil breakdown is an uncompromising commitment to honest, good-faith dialogue grounded in empirical evidence and logic. While severe socio-economic disparities and childhood deprivations demand urgent public intervention, he cautions that solutions cannot be forged through ideological dogmatism, performative guilt, or the denial of statistical reality.

精炼阅读摘要

Sam Harris在节目中指出,围绕乔治·弗洛伊德(George Floyd)之死引发的全美动荡暴露出深刻的认识论危机。他认为,当前由社交媒体推动的激进道德叙事严重脱离了警务与犯罪的实证数据,若任由恐慌、言论噤声与秩序破坏蔓延,不仅无法解决深层的历史与经济不平等,反而会将民主制度推向威权反噬的危险深渊。 认识论危机与公共对话的破裂 (0:20) Harris强调,当前社会面临的核心困境并非单纯的政治对立,而是基础认识论的崩溃——公众失去了判定事实与现实的标准。在社交媒体构成的未受控心理实验中,信息被高度武器化,所有沟通演变为表演性的道德指控与恶意揣测。主流媒体、学界和企业界的专业人士因恐惧声誉被毁而陷入普遍沉默,使得就关键议题展开诚实探讨变得几乎不可能。文明维系的基础在于一系列成功的理性说服,一旦放弃对话,暴力便成为解决争端的唯一路径。 这种认知混乱还加速了公众对专业机构的信任崩塌。在历经数月严厉且代价沉重的COVID-19封锁后,公共卫生界与媒体突然推翻此前严格禁止聚集的立场,转而公开背书成千上万人的街头抗议。这种剧烈的前后矛盾不仅削弱了专业机构的公信力,也模糊了科学、新闻与政治行动主义的界限,使社会在应对公共危机时更加进退失据。 警务实证数据与种族偏见叙事 (48:39) 针对公众普遍认为警察存在针对黑人群体的致命暴力流行病的观点,Harris梳理了关键基线数据:全美每年约发生5000万至6000万次警民接触并实施约1000万次逮捕,其中警察致死约1000人,致死概率约为万分之一;在死者中,白人约占50%,黑人约占25%。尽管黑人仅占总人口的13%,但由于其在暴力犯罪和谋杀中占比约达50%,导致警力过度集中于高犯罪率社区,显著推高了接触与冲突频率。 哈佛大学经济学家罗兰·弗莱尔(Roland Fryer)的实证研究表明,尽管黑人在非致命武力(如推搡、使用胡椒喷雾或拔枪)上的遭遇率高出约25%,但在可比情境下,涉案黑人被警察开枪射杀的概率反而比白人低约25%。Harris列举达拉斯白人男子托尼·廷帕(Tony Timpa)因俯卧受压窒息身亡的案例指出,类似悲剧主要源自战术失当、缺乏训练和生理易损性,而非单纯的种族仇恨;如果舆论将所有警务过失都机械性地定性为白人至上主义,将掩盖真正亟需的专业化训练与战术改革。 撤资警察的主张与弗格森效应 (25:31) 面对部分示威者提出的“撤资警察”(Defund the Police)甚至废除警局的呼声,Harris直斥其为脱离现实的自杀性思维。他指出,现代国家对暴力的合法垄断是人类文明最重要的基石之一;削减警务预算只会降低警员薪酬、培训标准与招募门槛,最终恶化执法质量。理性的改革路径应当聚焦于提高招募标准、强化降级脱离接触与格斗战术训练、消除过度军事化并破除警员工会的包庇机制,同时优化社区资源配置以分流非犯罪求助。 Harris进一步引用弗莱尔的研究阐明“弗格森效应”:在发生高度受关注的争议事件和联邦调查后,警员因恐惧网络舆论审判而大幅放弃主动执法,仅被动响应急救电话,结果导致相关社区的暴力犯罪与谋杀率剧烈激增,而首当其冲受害的正是贫困的非裔社区。与此同时,打砸抢烧的暴力犯罪画面在社交媒体与保守派媒体广泛传播,严重疏远了中间选民,反而为唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)以“法律与秩序”为名推行威权手段提供了绝佳借口,带来如同魏玛共和国晚期般的民主瓦解隐患。 后种族愿景与审视真实的差距 (100:36) 谈及彻底消除种族主义的长远目标,Harris重申了一种“将肤色视作发色”的后种族愿景,即肤色彻底丧失道德与政治意义。他批评当前所谓的“反种族主义新宗教”将种族身份永久化、神圣化,并建立庞大的利益游说机制;这种做法与白人至上主义共享了“种族是本质分界线”的核心前提,通过不断喂养对种族差异的执念,反而永远无法走出偏见泥潭。 Harris承认奴隶制与长达百年的系统性歧视留下了沉重的历史创伤,直接导致了黑人家庭在财富积累、单亲抚养和教育资源上的结构性不平等。但他主张,解决这一严峻现状必须依靠切实可行的社会、教育与经济政策,精准帮扶贫困儿童与脆弱家庭,而非将每一种社会差距都盲目定性为当代系统性种族主义的直接产物。只有摒弃空洞的身份政治与道德恐慌,社会才能聚焦于缩小贫富差距的真实抓手。 Harris总结指出,人类免于坠入文明深渊的唯一途径是坚守以经验证据、严密逻辑与反思谦逊为基础的诚实对话。如果社会继续纵容意识形态教条抹杀事实、将行动主义凌驾于求真探索之上,公众不仅无法治愈历史与经济的不平等创伤,还将彻底摧毁维系自由社会的信任根基。

Source quotes

[25:31] Sam Harris: Giving a monopoly on violence to the state is just about the best thing we have ever done as a species; it ranks right up there with keeping our shit out of our food. [104:28] Sam Harris: To outgrow our obsession with racial difference, we have to outgrow our obsession with race—and you don't do that by maintaining your obsession with it. [7:32] Sam Harris: If we can't agree about what is real or likely to be real we will never agree about how we should live together. [66:23] Sam Harris: When a cop wants to take you into custody for whatever reason, it's not a negotiation, and if you turn it into a wrestling match, you're very likely to get injured or killed. [3:01] Sam Harris: All we have between us and the total breakdown of civilization is a series of successful conversations and if we can't reason with one another there is no path forward right other than violence. [18:49] Sam Harris: The status quo that many of us take for granted is a betrayal of our values whether we realize it or not.

Original transcript

[0:05] [Music] [0:13] [Music] [0:20] welcome to the making sense podcast this [0:23] is Sam Harris [0:25] okay well I have been trying to gather [0:29] my thoughts for this podcast for more [0:33] than a week and I've actually been [0:37] unsure about whether to record it at all [0:39] frankly [0:41] I mean conversation is the only tool we [0:44] have for making progress [0:46] I have firmly believed that but many of [0:50] the things we most need to talk about [0:52] seem impossible to talk about [0:56] and I think social media is a huge part [1:00] of the problem I've been saying for [1:01] years now that with social media [1:05] we've all been enrolled in a [1:07] psychological experiment for which no [1:09] one gave consent and it's not clear how [1:13] it will turn out and it's still not [1:15] clear how it will turn out but it's not [1:18] looking good it is fairly disorienting [1:21] out there you know all information has [1:25] been weaponized all communication has [1:29] become performative [1:32] and on the most important topics it now [1:36] seems to be fury and sanctimony [1:40] and bad faith almost all the time [1:45] we appear to be driving ourselves crazy [1:48] actually crazy as in incapable of coming [1:53] into contact with reality unable to [1:57] distinguish fact from fiction and then [2:01] becoming totally destabilized by our own [2:05] powers of imagination and confirmation [2:08] bias and then lashing out at one another [2:12] on that basis so I'd like to talk about [2:16] the current moment and the current [2:20] social unrest and its possible political [2:24] implications and other cultural [2:27] developments and suggest what it might [2:31] take to pull back from the brink here [2:35] and I'm gonna circle in on the topics of [2:37] police violence and the problem of [2:39] racism because you know that really is [2:41] at the center of this and there's so [2:44] much to talk about here and it's so [2:47] difficult to talk about and there's so [2:50] much we don't know right and yet most [2:54] people are behaving as though every [2:56] important question was answered a long [2:59] time ago [3:01] I've been watching our country seemed to [3:04] tear herself apart for weeks now and [3:08] perhaps lay the ground for something [3:11] worse to come [3:12] and I've been resisting the temptation [3:15] to say anything of substance not because [3:18] I haven't had anything to say but [3:20] because of my perception of the danger [3:23] frankly and if I feel that way [3:27] given the pains I've taken to insulate [3:30] myself against those kinds of concerns I [3:32] know that almost anyone with a public [3:35] platform must be terrified journalists [3:38] and editors and executives celebrities [3:43] everyone has to be terrified that they [3:47] might take a wrong step here and never [3:50] recover and this is really unhealthy [3:54] right not just for individuals but for [3:56] society because again all we have [3:59] between us and the total breakdown of [4:02] civilization is a series of successful [4:05] conversations and if we can't reason [4:09] with one another there is no path [4:11] forward right other than violence [4:15] conversation or violence so I'd like to [4:20] talk about some of the things that [4:22] concern me about our current state of [4:24] communication [4:26] and unfortunately many things are [4:29] compounding our problems at the moment [4:31] we have a global pandemic which is still [4:34] very much with us and remains to be seen [4:37] how much our half-hearted lockdown and [4:40] our ineptitude and testing and our [4:43] uncoordinated reopening and now our [4:47] plunge into social protest and civil [4:50] unrest will cause the kovat 19 caseload [4:53] to spike we will definitely see as many [4:58] have pointed out the virus doesn't care [5:00] about economics or politics it only [5:03] cares that we keep breathing down each [5:05] other's necks and we've certainly been [5:07] doing enough of that [5:10] of course almost no one can think about [5:13] kovat 19 now but I just like to point [5:17] out that many of the costs of this [5:20] pandemic and the knock-on effects in the [5:24] economy and now this protest movement [5:28] many of these costs are hidden from us [5:32] in addition to killing more than a [5:35] hundred thousand people in the US the [5:37] pandemic has been a massive opportunity [5:40] cost and the ongoing implosion of the [5:43] economy he's imposing tangible effects [5:45] of course but it is also an opportunity [5:49] cost and now this civil unrest and other [5:53] recent events is compounding these [5:56] problems whatever the merits of the [5:59] protest may be or will be the [6:01] opportunity costs of this moment are [6:04] staggering in addition to all the [6:08] tangible effects of what's happening the [6:10] injury and death the lost businesses the [6:14] burn buildings the neighborhoods that [6:16] won't recover for years in many cities [6:20] the education x' put on hold and the [6:24] breakdown in public trust of almost [6:27] every institution could just think about [6:31] all the good and important things we [6:34] cannot do cannot even think of doing now [6:38] and perhaps won't contemplate doing for [6:41] many years to come because we'll be [6:43] struggling to get back to that distant [6:46] paradise we once called normal life [6:50] of course normal life for many millions [6:53] of Americans was nothing like a paradise [6:54] and the disparities in wealth and health [6:59] and opportunity we've gotten used to in [7:01] this country and it's so much of our [7:04] politics and ways of doing business seem [7:06] to take for granted are just [7:08] unconscionable right there is no excuse [7:11] for this kind of inequality in the [7:14] richest country on earth and what we're [7:16] seeing now is clearly a response to that [7:20] but it's a confused and confusing [7:24] response and worse it's a response that [7:28] is systematically silencing honest [7:30] conversation [7:32] and this makes it dangerous this isn't [7:36] just politics and human suffering on [7:39] display its philosophy [7:43] it's ideas about truth and about what it [7:45] means to say that something is true what [7:49] we're witnessing in our streets yet [7:52] online and in the impossible [7:55] conversations we're attempting to have [7:57] with one another in our private lives [8:00] is a breakdown in epistemology how does [8:04] anyone figure out what's going on in the [8:06] world what is real if we can't agree [8:11] about what is real or likely to be real [8:14] we will never agree about how we should [8:17] live together [8:18] and the problem is were stuck with one [8:22] another so what's happening here well [8:29] again it's hard to say what is happening [8:32] when a police officer or a mayor takes a [8:36] knee in front of a crowd of young people [8:39] who have been berating him as a cog in [8:43] the machinery of systemic racism is this [8:47] a profound moment of human bonding that [8:50] transcends politics or is it the [8:53] precursor to the breakdown of society [8:56] or is it both it's not entirely clear [9:00] and the most concrete terms what we're [9:05] experiencing is widespread social unrest [9:08] in response to what is widely believed [9:11] to be an epidemic of lethal police [9:13] violence directed to the black community [9:16] by racist cops and racist policies [9:22] and this unrest has drawn a counter [9:25] response from law enforcement much of [9:28] which ironically is guaranteed to [9:30] exacerbate the problem of police [9:31] violence both real and perceived and [9:35] many of the videos we've seen of the [9:37] police cracking down on peaceful [9:39] protesters are hideous [9:42] some of this footage has been [9:43] unbelievable and this is one of the many [9:47] vicious circles we have to find a way to [9:50] interrupt again there's so much to be [9:54] confused about here we've seen endless [9:57] video of police inflicting senseless [10:00] violence on truly peaceful protesters [10:03] and yet we've also seen video of police [10:06] standing idly by while looters [10:08] completely destroy businesses what [10:11] explains this is there a policy that led [10:15] to this bizarre inversion of priorities [10:18] are the police angry at the protesters [10:21] for vilifying them and simultaneously [10:24] trying to teach a lesson to the rest of [10:25] society by letting crime and mayhem just [10:28] spread elsewhere in the city [10:31] or is it just less risky to collide with [10:33] peaceful protesters or is the whole [10:37] spectacle itself a lie [10:39] now how representative are these videos [10:42] of what is actually going on [10:45] is there much less chaos actually [10:47] occurring than is being advertised to us [10:51] again it's very hard to know what's easy [10:55] to know is that civil discourse has [10:59] broken down and it seems to me we've [11:03] long been in a situation where the [11:05] craziest voices on both ends of the [11:08] political spectrum have been amplifying [11:10] one another and threatening to produce [11:13] something truly dangerous and now I [11:16] think they have the amount of [11:19] misinformation in the air the degree to [11:22] which even serious people seem to be [11:25] ruled by false assumptions and non [11:28] sequiturs is just astonishing it's [11:33] important to keep in mind that with the [11:34] presidential election coming in November [11:36] the stakes are really high as most of [11:41] you know I consider four more years of [11:42] Trump to be an existential threat to our [11:45] democracy [11:47] and I believe the last two weeks have [11:50] been very good for him politically even [11:53] when everything else has seemed to go [11:54] very badly for him [11:57] I know the poles don't say this a large [12:00] majority of people seem to disapprove of [12:02] his handling of the crisis so far but I [12:06] think we all know now to take poles with [12:08] a grain of salt [12:09] there's a very real problem of [12:11] preference falsification especially in [12:15] an environment of intense social [12:17] pressure people will often say what they [12:20] think is politically acceptable and then [12:22] think or say or do something very [12:26] different in private like when they're [12:28] alone in a voting booth Trump has [12:32] presided over the complete dismantling [12:34] of American influence in the world [12:38] and the destruction of our economy I [12:41] know the stock market has looked good [12:44] but the stock market has become totally [12:47] uncoupled from the economy right [12:50] according to the stock market the future [12:53] is just as bright now as it was in [12:57] January of this year before most of us [13:00] had even heard of a novel coronavirus [13:03] that doesn't make a lot of sense and a [13:07] lot can happen in the next few months [13:10] right the last few weeks feel like a [13:14] decade and my concern is that if Trump [13:18] now gets to be the law-and-order [13:20] president that maybe his path to [13:23] re-election if such a path exists now of [13:28] course this crisis is revealed yet again [13:31] just how unfit he is to be president I [13:33] mean the man could not strike a credible [13:36] note of reconciliation if the fate of [13:39] the country depended on it and the fate [13:42] of the country has depended on it [13:44] and I also think it's possible that [13:48] these protests wouldn't even be [13:49] happening but for the fact that Trump is [13:52] president [13:54] not the problem of racism has actually [13:56] gotten worse in our society having Trump [13:59] as president surely makes it seem like [14:03] it has it has been such a repudiation of [14:07] the Obama presidency [14:10] for many people it has made it seem that [14:12] white supremacy is now ascendant so all [14:18] the more reason to get rid of Trump in [14:19] November but before this social unrest [14:23] our focus was on how incompetent Trump [14:27] was in the face of the Cova 19 pandemic [14:31] and now he's been given a very different [14:33] battle to fight it's a battle against [14:36] left-wing orthodoxy which is growing [14:40] more stifling by the minute [14:42] and civil unrest right and if our social [14:46] order phrase sufficiently restoring it [14:50] will be the only thing that most people [14:52] care about in November we just think of [14:56] what an act of domestic terrorism would [15:00] do politically now things can change [15:05] very very quickly and to call a basic [15:11] concern about law and order racist isn't [15:16] going to wash now as I said trust in [15:21] institutions has totally broken down [15:24] we've been under a very precarious [15:26] lockdown for more than three months [15:29] which almost the entire medical [15:31] profession has insisted is necessary [15:34] your doctors and public health officials [15:37] have castigated people on the political [15:39] right for protesting this lockdown [15:43] people have been unable to be with their [15:45] loved ones in their last hours of life [15:49] they've been unable to hold funerals for [15:52] them [15:53] but now we have doctors and public [15:55] health officials and news anchors by the [16:00] thousands signing open letters making [16:04] public statements saying it's fine to [16:08] stand shoulder to shoulder with others [16:09] in the largest protests our nation has [16:12] ever seen the degree to which this has [16:15] undermined confidence in public health [16:18] messaging is hard to exaggerate whatever [16:22] your politics this has been just a [16:25] mortifying piece of hypocrisy especially [16:29] so given that the pandemic has been [16:31] hitting the african-american community [16:33] hardest of all [16:35] how many people will die because of [16:38] these protests it's a totally rational [16:41] question to ask but the question itself [16:45] is taboo now so it seems to me that [16:51] almost everything appears upside-down at [16:53] the moment and before I get into the [16:58] details of police violence [16:59] I just want to attempt to close the door [17:02] to a few misunderstandings let's start [17:07] with the proximate cause of all this the [17:09] killing of George Floyd by the [17:11] Minneapolis Police [17:13] don't have a lot more to say about this [17:15] in a minute but nothing I say should [17:19] detract from the following observation [17:22] that video was absolutely sickening and [17:26] it reveals a degree of police negligence [17:30] and incompetence and callousness that [17:34] everyone was right to be horrified by [17:37] in particular the actions of Derrick [17:39] Chauvin the cop who kept his knee on [17:42] Floyd's neck for nearly nine minutes his [17:46] actions were so reckless and so likely [17:49] to cause harm that there's no question [17:52] he should be prosecuted right and he is [17:54] being prosecuted he's been indicted for [17:56] second-degree murder and manslaughter [17:58] and I suspect he'll spend many many [18:02] years in prison [18:04] and this is not to say that the system [18:06] is working right him it certainly seems [18:08] possible that without that cellphone [18:10] video and the resulting public outrage [18:14] Chauvin might have gotten away with it [18:16] right to say nothing of the other cops [18:18] who were with him and who are now being [18:21] prosecuted and if this is true we [18:24] clearly need a better mechanism with [18:27] which to police the police so as I said [18:30] I'm gonna return to this topic because I [18:32] think most people are drawing the wrong [18:33] conclusions from this video and from [18:36] videos like it but let me just echo [18:40] everyone's outrage over what happened [18:42] right this is precisely the kind of [18:44] police behavior that everyone should [18:47] find abhorrent [18:49] now in the general topic of racism in [18:52] America I want to make a few similarly [18:55] clear and pre-emptive statements [18:59] racism is still a problem in American [19:02] society no question and slavery which [19:08] was racism's most evil expression was [19:12] this country's found in sin [19:15] and we should also add the neared total [19:17] eradication of the Native Americans to [19:19] that ledger of evil any morally sane [19:23] person who learns that details of these [19:26] historical and justices finds them [19:29] shocking whatever their race and the [19:34] legacy of these crimes crimes that were [19:37] perpetrated for centuries remains a [19:41] cause for serious moral concern today I [19:44] have no doubt about this right and [19:47] nothing I'm about to say should suggest [19:49] otherwise and I don't think it's an [19:52] accident that the two groups I just [19:54] mentioned African Americans and Native [19:57] Americans suffer the worst from [20:00] inequality in America today how could [20:03] the history of racial discrimination in [20:05] this country not have had lasting [20:07] effects given the nature of that history [20:11] and if anything good comes out of the [20:14] current crisis it will be because we [20:17] managed to find a new commitment to [20:18] reducing inequality in all of its [20:21] dimensions [20:23] the real debate to have is about how to [20:25] do this economically and politically but [20:30] the status quo that many of us take for [20:31] granted [20:32] he is a betrayal of our values whether [20:36] we realize it or not [20:38] if it's not a betrayal of your values [20:40] now it will be a betrayal of your values [20:44] when you become a better person [20:46] and if you don't manage that it will be [20:50] a betrayal of your kids values when [20:52] they're old enough to understand the [20:54] world they're living it [20:55] the difference between being very lucky [20:57] in our society and very unlucky should [21:01] not be as enormous as it is [21:05] however the question that interests me [21:07] given what has been true of the past and [21:10] what is now true of the present is what [21:14] should we do next [21:16] what should we do to build a healthier [21:19] society what should we do next [21:22] tomorrow next week now obviously I don't [21:27] have the answers but I'm very worried [21:30] that many of the things we're doing now [21:31] and seem poised to do will only make our [21:35] problems worse and I'm especially [21:37] worried that it has become so difficult [21:40] to talk about this right I'm just trying [21:44] to have conversations I'm just trying to [21:48] figure these things out in real time [21:50] with other people and there is no [21:54] question that conversation itself has [21:58] become dangerous and think about the [22:02] politics of this endless imagery of [22:06] people burning and alluding independent [22:09] businesses that we're struggling to [22:11] survive during this pandemic [22:14] and seeing the owners of these [22:16] businesses beaten by mobs cannot be good [22:20] for the cause of social justice [22:23] looting and burning businesses and [22:25] assaulting their owners isn't social [22:28] justice [22:29] it isn't even social protest it's crime [22:33] and having imagery of these crimes that [22:37] highlight black involvement circulate [22:40] analyst Lee on Fox News and on social [22:43] media cannot be good for the black [22:45] community but it might yet be good for [22:49] Trump and it could well kick open the [22:52] door to a level of authoritarianism that [22:55] many of us who have been very worried [22:56] about Trump barely considered possible [23:00] it's always seems somewhat paranoid to [23:03] me to wonder whether we're living in via [23:05] our Germany I've had many conversations [23:07] about this [23:08] I had Timothy Snyder on the podcast and [23:11] he's been worrying about the prospect of [23:13] tyranny in the US for several years now [23:17] and I've known in the abstract that [23:19] democracies can destroy themselves [23:22] but the idea that it could happen here [23:24] still seemed totally outlandish to me it [23:29] really doesn't anymore [23:30] of course what we've been seen in the [23:32] streets isn't just one thing and some [23:37] people are protesting for reasons I [23:38] fully defend right they're outraged by [23:41] specific instances of police violence [23:43] like the killing of George Floyd [23:46] and they're worried about creeping [23:48] authoritarianism which we really should [23:50] be worried about now and they're [23:54] convinced that our politics is broken [23:56] because it is broken and they're deeply [24:00] concerned that our response to the [24:02] pandemic and to the implosion of our [24:05] economy will do nothing to address the [24:08] widening inequality in our society and [24:11] they recognize that we have a president [24:13] who is an incompetent divisive conman [24:17] and a crackpot at a time when we [24:21] actually need wise leadership [24:24] now all of that is hard to put on a sign [24:26] but it's all worth protesting however it [24:31] seems to me that most protesters are [24:33] seen this moment almost exclusively [24:37] through the lens of identity politics [24:39] and racial identity politics in [24:42] particular and some of them are even [24:45] celebrating the breakdown of law and [24:47] order or at least remaining [24:50] non-judgmental about it and you could [24:52] see in the early days of this protest [24:55] news anchors take that line on CNN for [24:59] instance [25:00] talking about the history of social [25:02] protest sometimes it has to be violent [25:04] right what do you think all these [25:06] protests need to be non-violent and [25:09] those words came out of Chris Cuomo's [25:12] mouth and Don lemons mouth many people [25:16] have been circulating a half quote from [25:18] Martin Luther King jr. about riots being [25:21] the language of the unheard they're [25:24] leaving out the part where he made it [25:25] clear that he believed that riots harmed [25:27] the cause of the black community and [25:28] helped the cause of racists [25:31] and there are now calls to defund and [25:34] even to abolish the police [25:38] now this may be psychologically [25:40] understandable when you spend half the [25:42] day on Twitter watching videos of cops [25:44] beating peaceful protesters those videos [25:47] are infuriating [25:49] and I'll have a lot more to say about [25:51] police violence in a minute but if you [25:54] think a society without cops is a [25:56] society you would want to live in you [25:59] have lost your mind giving a monopoly on [26:02] violence to the state is just about the [26:06] best thing we have ever done as a [26:08] species it ranks right up there with [26:12] keeping our [ __ ] out of our food [26:15] having a police force that can deter [26:18] crime and solve crimes when they occur [26:21] and deliver violent criminals to a [26:24] functioning justice system is the [26:27] necessary precondition for almost [26:29] anything else we value in society [26:32] and we need police reform of course [26:35] right there are serious questions to ask [26:37] about the culture of policing and its [26:41] hiring practices and training and the [26:45] militarization of so many police forces [26:47] and outside oversight and how police [26:52] departments deal with corruption the way [26:56] the police unions keep bad cops on the [26:58] job and yes the problem of racist cops [27:04] but the idea that any serious person [27:06] thinks that we can do without the police [27:09] or that less trained and less vetted [27:13] cops will magically be better than more [27:16] trained and more vetted ones [27:19] this just reveals that our conversation [27:21] on these topics has run completely off [27:23] the rails [27:25] yes we should give more resources to [27:27] community services sure we should have [27:30] psychologists and social workers make [27:32] first contact with the homeless or the [27:34] mentally ill perhaps we're giving cops [27:37] jobs they shouldn't be doing all of that [27:40] makes sense to rethink but the idea that [27:45] what we're witnessing now is a matter of [27:48] the cops being over resourced that we've [27:51] given them too much training that we've [27:54] made the job too attractive so that the [27:58] people were recruiting are of too high [28:01] equality right that doesn't make any [28:05] sense [28:05] and what's been alarming here is that [28:09] we're seeing prominent people in [28:12] government in the media in Hollywood in [28:15] sports speak and act as though the [28:20] breakdown of civil society and of [28:23] society itself is a form of progress and [28:27] any desire for law enforcement is itself [28:31] a form of racist oppression [28:34] at one point the woman who's running the [28:37] City Council in Minneapolis that just [28:40] decided to abolish the police force was [28:44] asked by a journalist I believe on CNN [28:46] well what do I do if someone's breaking [28:49] into my house in the middle of the night [28:50] who do I call right and her first [28:56] response to that question was you need [28:59] to recognize what a statement of [29:01] privilege that question is now she's had [29:05] to walk that back because it's one of [29:08] the most galling and embarrassing things [29:11] a public official has ever said but this [29:15] is how close the Democratic Party is to [29:19] sounding completely insane you cannot [29:23] say that if someone's breaking into your [29:26] house and you're terrified and you want [29:29] a police force that can respond that [29:32] that fear is a symptom of white [29:36] privilege [29:37] that's where Democratic politics goes to [29:40] die and again what is alarming about [29:43] this is that this woke analysis of the [29:48] breakdown of law and order will only [29:51] encourage an increasingly authoritarian [29:53] response and the acceptance of that [29:57] response on the part of many millions of [30:00] Americans [30:02] and if you step back from this you will [30:05] notice that there is a kind of ecstasy [30:07] of ideological conformity in the air [30:11] right and it's destroying institutions [30:14] it's destroying the very institutions we [30:17] rely on to get our information [30:20] universities the press I mean the New [30:23] York Times in recent days seems to be [30:27] preparing for a full self-immolation [30:31] what's happening is that no one wants to [30:33] say or even think anything that makes [30:36] anyone uncomfortable certainly not [30:38] anyone who has more awoken aspyn's than [30:40] they do [30:42] it's just become too dangerous I mean [30:46] there are people being fired for [30:49] tweeting all lives matter hashtag all [30:54] lives matter in the current environment [30:58] is being read as a naked declaration of [31:01] white supremacy right that's how weird [31:06] this moment is a soccer player on the LA [31:11] Galaxy was fired for something his wife [31:14] tweeted of course there are real [31:18] problems of inequality and despair at [31:21] the bottom of these protests [31:23] people have never found a secure or [31:25] satisfying place in the world or young [31:28] people who fear they never will people [31:30] who've seen their economic prospects [31:32] simply vanish [31:34] and people have had painful encounters [31:36] with racism and racist cops people by [31:39] the millions are now surrendering [31:41] themselves [31:42] to a kind of religious awakening but [31:45] like most religious awakenings this [31:48] movement is not showing itself eager to [31:50] make honest contact with reality and on [31:54] top of that we find extraordinarily [31:55] privileged people whatever the color of [31:58] their skin people who are living [32:00] wonderful lives in gated communities or [32:03] 5th Avenue apartments and who feel damn [32:06] guilty about it these people are also [32:09] supporting this movement uncritically [32:12] for many reasons [32:14] of course they care about other people [32:16] and I'm sure most of them have the same [32:19] concerns about inequality that I do [32:22] but they're also supporting this [32:23] movement because it promises an [32:25] expiation of their sins if you have [32:29] millions of dollars and you shoot Botox [32:32] into your face and your vacation on st. [32:35] Barts and you're a liberal the easiest [32:38] way to sleep at night is to be as woke [32:40] as a OC and just like everything she [32:43] tweets the truth is the problem isn't [32:46] just with the looting and the arson and [32:49] the violence there are problems with [32:53] these peaceful protests themselves of [32:56] course I'm not questioning anyone's [32:58] right to protest [32:59] even our deranged president can pay lip [33:02] service to that right what she did is [33:05] that DC police were violently dispersing [33:07] a peaceful protest so that he could get [33:09] his picture taken in front of that [33:10] church awkwardly holding a Bible as [33:12] though he had never held a book in his [33:14] life [33:15] the problem with the protests is that [33:18] they are animated to a remarkable degree [33:20] by confusion and misinformation and I'll [33:25] explain why I think that's the case and [33:27] of course this will be controversial and [33:30] needless to say many people will [33:32] consider the color of my skin to be [33:34] disqualifying here and I could have [33:37] invited any number of great black [33:38] intellectuals onto this podcast to make [33:40] these points for me [33:42] but that struck me as a form of [33:44] cowardice Glenn Loury John McWhorter [33:48] Thomas chattered and Williams Coleman [33:51] Hughes Camille Foster these guys might [33:54] not agree with everything I'm about to [33:55] say but any one of them could walk the [33:58] tightrope I'm now stepping out on far [34:01] more credibly than I can [34:04] but you see that's part of the problem [34:06] right the perception that the color of a [34:09] person's skin or even his life [34:12] experience matters for this discussion [34:16] is a pernicious illusion yet for the [34:20] discussion we really need to have the [34:24] color of a person's skin and even his [34:27] life experience simply does not matter [34:31] it cannot matter we have to break the [34:35] spell that the politics of identity has [34:38] cast over everything [34:41] okay as I've already acknowledged there [34:45] is a legacy of racism in the United [34:47] States that we are still struggling to [34:49] outgrow that is obvious there are real [34:53] racists out there and there are ways in [34:56] which racism became institutionalized a [34:58] long time ago many of you will remember [35:01] that during the crack epidemic the [35:03] penalties for crack and powder cocaine [35:05] were quite different in this led black [35:08] drug offenders to be locked up for much [35:10] longer than white ones [35:12] now whether the motivation for that [35:14] policy was consciously racist or not I [35:17] don't know but it was effectively racist [35:22] nothing I'm about to say entails a [35:24] denial of these sorts of facts [35:27] it just seems to be no question that [35:29] boys who grow up with their fathers in [35:31] prison start life with a significant [35:35] strike against them so criminal justice [35:38] reform is absolutely essential and I'm [35:42] not denying that many black people [35:44] perhaps most have had interactions with [35:47] cops and other people in positions of [35:50] power or even random strangers that seem [35:54] unambiguously racist [35:57] sometimes this is because they're [35:58] actually in the presence of racism and [36:01] perhaps sometimes it only seems that way [36:04] now I've had unpleasant encounters with [36:07] cops and customs officers and TSA [36:11] screeners and bureaucrats of every kind [36:15] and even with people in stores or [36:17] restaurants right people aren't always [36:20] nice or ethical but being white and [36:25] living in a majority white society I've [36:27] never had to worry about whether any of [36:29] these collisions were the result of [36:30] racism and I can well imagine that in [36:33] some of these situations [36:34] had I been black I would have come away [36:37] feeling that I encountered another [36:38] racist in the wild [36:41] so I consider myself very lucky to have [36:44] gone through life not having to think [36:46] about any of that surely that is one [36:49] form of white privilege [36:52] so nothing I'm about to say denies that [36:54] we should condemn racism whether [36:57] interpersonal or institutional wherever [36:59] we find it [37:01] but as a society we simply can't afford [37:05] to find and condemn racism where it [37:09] doesn't exist and we should be [37:11] increasingly aware of the costs of doing [37:13] that [37:15] the more progress we make on issues of [37:17] race the less racism there will be to [37:20] find and the more likely will be to find [37:23] ourselves merely chasing after its ghost [37:27] and the truth is we have made [37:29] considerable progress on the problem of [37:31] racism in America [37:33] and this isn't 1920 and it is in 1960 we [37:40] had a two-term black president [37:42] we have black congressmen and women we [37:45] have black mayors and black Chiefs of [37:47] Police [37:49] they're major cities like Detroit and [37:51] Atlanta going on their fifth or sixth [37:55] consecutive black mayor having more [37:58] black people in positions of real power [38:00] in what is still a majority white [38:02] society is progress on the problem of [38:06] racism and the truth is it might not [38:09] even solve the problem we're talking [38:10] about I mean when Freddie gray was [38:13] killed in Baltimore virtually everyone [38:16] who could have been held accountable for [38:18] his death was black the problem of [38:22] police misconduct and reform is [38:24] complicated as we're about to see but [38:28] obviously there's more work to do on the [38:29] problem of racism [38:31] and more important there is much more [38:35] work to do to remedy the inequalities in [38:37] our society that are so correlated with [38:40] race and will still be correlated with [38:43] race even after the last racist has been [38:46] driven from our shores [38:48] the question of how much of today's [38:49] inequality is due to existing racism [38:53] whether racist people or racist policies [38:56] is a genuinely difficult question to [38:58] answer and to answer it we need to [39:02] distinguish the past from the present [39:05] take wealth inequality for example the [39:08] median white family has a net worth of [39:11] around one hundred and seventy thousand [39:12] dollars these data are a couple of years [39:15] old but I think they're pretty close to [39:16] what's true now the median black family [39:20] has a net worth of around seventeen [39:22] thousand dollars so we have a tenfold [39:25] difference in median wealth that's the [39:28] median not the mean so half of white [39:31] families are below $170,000 and half [39:35] above half of black families are below [39:37] $17,000 and half above and we're talking [39:41] about wealth here not income [39:43] and this disparity in wealth persists [39:46] even for people whose incomes are in the [39:47] top 10% of the income distribution for [39:51] whites in the top 10% for income the [39:53] median net worth is 1.8 million dollars [39:56] for blacks it's around $350,000 [39:59] now there are probably many things that [40:01] account for this disparity in wealth [40:03] it seems that black families who make [40:05] into the top 10 percent of the [40:06] distribution fall out more easily than [40:09] white families do but it's also [40:11] undeniable that black families have less [40:13] intergenerational wealth accumulated [40:15] through inheritance now how much of this [40:19] inequality is due to the legacy of [40:22] slavery and how much of it is due to the [40:25] ensuing century of racist policies [40:29] I'm prepared to think quite a lot and it [40:33] strikes me as totally legitimate to [40:34] think about paying reparations as a [40:36] possible remedy here of course one will [40:39] then need to talk about reparations for [40:40] the Native Americans and then one wonder [40:43] is where all this ends right and what [40:46] about blacks who aren't descended from [40:48] slaves but who still suffered some [40:50] consequences of racism in listening to [40:53] people like John McWhorter and Coleman [40:55] Hughes discuss this topic I'm inclined [40:57] to think that reparations is probably [40:59] unworkable as a policy but the truth is [41:02] I'm genuinely unsure about this whatever [41:06] we decide about the specific burdens of [41:09] the past we have to ask how much of [41:13] current wealth inequality is due to [41:16] existing racism into existing policies [41:20] that make it harder for black families [41:21] to build wealth [41:23] and the only way to get answers to those [41:26] questions is to have a dispassionate [41:28] discussion about facts [41:31] and the problem with the social activism [41:33] we're now seen what John McWhorter calls [41:36] the new religion of anti racism is that [41:40] it finds racism nearly everywhere even [41:44] where it manifestly does not exist [41:47] and this is incredibly damaging to the [41:50] cause of achieving real equality in our [41:52] society [41:53] it's almost impossible to exaggerate the [41:57] evil and injustice of slavery and its [42:00] aftermath but it is possible to [42:04] exaggerate how much racism currently [42:07] exists at an Ivy League university or in [42:10] Silicon Valley or at the Oscars and [42:14] those exaggerations are toxic and [42:18] perversely they may produce more real [42:22] racism [42:23] it seems to me that false claims of [42:26] victimhood can diminish the social [42:28] stature of any group even a group that [42:31] has a long history of real victimization [42:34] the imprecision here the bad faith [42:38] arguments the double standards the [42:41] goalposts shift in the idiotic opinion [42:44] pieces in the New York Times the [42:47] defenestration Zahn social media [42:50] the general hysteria that the cult of [42:53] woke nests as produced I think this is [42:56] all extremely harmful to civil society [42:59] and to effective liberal politics end to [43:03] the welfare of African Americans so with [43:07] that as preamble let's return to the [43:10] tragic death of George Floyd as I said I [43:14] believe that any sane person who watches [43:17] that video will feel that they have [43:19] witnessed a totally unjustified killing [43:23] so people of any raise our right to be [43:26] horrified by what happened there but now [43:30] I want to ask a few questions and I want [43:33] us to try to consider them [43:34] dispassionately and I really want you to [43:38] watch your mind while you do this [43:40] because they're very likely a few trip [43:42] wires installed there and I'm about to [43:45] hit some of them so just do your best to [43:48] remain calm does the killing of George [43:52] Floyd prove that we have a problem of [43:55] racism in the United States [43:59] does it even suggest that we have a [44:02] problem of racism in the United States [44:05] in other words do we have reason to [44:07] believe that had Floyd been white he [44:11] wouldn't have died in a similar way do [44:15] the dozen or so other videos that have [44:17] emerged in recent years a black man [44:19] being killed by cops [44:21] do they prove or even suggest that there [44:27] is an epidemic of the lethal police [44:29] violence directed especially at black [44:32] men and that this violence is motivated [44:35] by racism now most people seem to think [44:40] that the answers to these questions are [44:42] so obvious that even to pose them as I [44:46] just did is obscene when the answer is [44:50] yes and it's a yes that now needs to be [44:53] shouted in the streets the problem [44:57] however is that if you take even five [45:00] minutes to look at the data on crime and [45:03] police violence the answer really [45:06] appears to be no in every case albeit [45:10] with one important caveat I'm not [45:13] talking about how the police behaved in [45:15] 1970 or even 1990 but in the last 25 [45:19] years violent crime has come down [45:22] significantly in the u.s. and so has the [45:25] police use of deadly force [45:28] and as you're about to see the police [45:31] use more deadly force against white [45:34] people both in terms of absolute numbers [45:36] end in terms of their contribution to [45:39] crime and violence in our society [45:42] but the public perception is of course [45:45] completely different I mean in a city [45:48] like Los Angeles 2019 [45:51] was a 30-year low for police shootings [45:55] think about that do the people who were [45:59] protesting in Los Angeles peacefully and [46:02] violently in to the people who were [46:04] ransacking and burning businesses by the [46:07] hundreds in many cases businesses that [46:09] will not return to their neighborhoods [46:11] do the people who caused so much damage [46:14] to the city that certain neighborhoods [46:17] will take years and probably decades to [46:21] recover [46:22] do the celebrities who supported them [46:24] and even bailed them out of jail do any [46:28] of these people know that 2019 was the [46:31] 30 year low for police shootings in Los [46:34] Angeles now before I stepped further out [46:38] over the abyss here let me reiterate [46:42] many of you are going to feel a visceral [46:44] negative reaction to what I'm about to [46:47] say you're not gonna like the way it [46:49] sounds you're especially not going to [46:52] like the way it sounds [46:53] coming from a white guy this feeling of [46:58] not liking this feeling of outrage this [47:02] feeling of disgust this feeling of Sam [47:06] what the [ __ ] is wrong with you why are [47:08] you even touching this topic [47:11] this feeling isn't an argument it isn't [47:16] or shouldn't be the basis for your [47:19] believing anything to be true or false [47:21] about the world [47:23] your capacity to be offended isn't [47:26] something that I or anyone else needs to [47:28] respect your capacity to be offended [47:32] isn't something that you should respect [47:35] in fact it's something that you should [47:37] be on your guard for [47:39] perhaps more than any other property of [47:41] your mind this feeling can mislead you [47:45] if you care about justice and you [47:48] absolutely should you should care about [47:52] facts and the ability to discuss them [47:55] openly justice requires contact with [48:00] reality his simply isn't the case it [48:03] cannot be the case that the most [48:07] pressing claims on our sense of justice [48:09] need come from those who claim to be [48:11] most offended by conversation itself [48:16] so I'm going to speak in the language of [48:18] facts now insofar as we know them all [48:21] the while knowing that these facts run [48:23] very much counter to most people's [48:25] assumptions [48:27] many of the things you think you know [48:30] about crime and violence in our society [48:33] are almost certainly wrong and that [48:37] should matter to you so just take a [48:39] moment to think this through with me how [48:43] many people are killed each year in [48:45] America by cops now if you don't know [48:49] guess right see if you have any [48:51] intuition for these numbers [48:54] because your intuitions determine how [48:56] you interpret horrific videos of the [48:59] sort we saw coming out of Minneapolis [49:01] the answer for many years running is [49:04] about a thousand okay 1000 people are [49:07] killed by cops in America each year [49:10] there are about 50 to 60 million [49:13] encounters between civilians and cops [49:15] each year and about 10 million arrests [49:18] that's down from a high of over 14 [49:20] million arrests annually through the 90s [49:23] so of the 10 million occasions where a [49:27] person attracts the attention of the [49:29] police and the police decide to make an [49:32] arrest [49:32] about 1,000 of those people die as a [49:35] result [49:36] I'm sure if you people get killed when [49:38] there's no arrest attempted but that has [49:40] to be a truly tiny number so without [49:43] knowing anything else about the [49:45] situation if the cops decide to arrest [49:47] you it is reasonable to think that your [49:50] chance of dying is around one and 10,000 [49:52] now of course in the United States it's [49:56] higher than it is in other countries so [49:59] I'm not saying this number is acceptable [50:01] but it is what it is for a reason as [50:05] we're about to see now there are a few [50:08] generic points I want to make before we [50:10] get further into these data and they [50:13] should be uncontroversial first it's [50:16] almost certainly the case that of these [50:18] 1,000 officer caused deaths each year [50:22] some are entirely justified right it may [50:26] even be true that most are entirely [50:28] justified and some are entirely [50:31] unjustified and some are much harder to [50:34] judge and that will be true next year [50:37] and the year after that of the [50:40] unjustified killings there are vast [50:43] differences between them [50:46] many have nothing in common but for the [50:49] fact that a cop killed someone [50:51] unnecessarily [50:54] it might have been a terrible [50:55] misunderstanding or incompetence or just [50:59] bad luck in certain cases it could be a [51:02] cop who decides to murder someone [51:04] because he's become enraged or he's just [51:07] a psychopath right and it is certainly [51:10] possible that racial bias accounts for [51:12] some number of these unjustified [51:14] killings [51:15] another point that should be [51:17] uncontroversial but may sound a little [51:20] tone-deaf in the current environment [51:22] after we've been inundated with videos [51:24] of police violence in response to these [51:26] protests but this has to be acknowledged [51:29] whenever we're discussing this topic [51:32] cops have a very hard job [51:36] fact in the current environment they [51:38] have an almost impossible job if you're [51:42] making ten million arrests every year [51:44] some number of people will decide not to [51:48] cooperate now there are many reasons for [51:51] this a person could be mentally ill or [51:53] drunk or on drugs and of course rather [51:58] often the person is an actual criminal [52:00] who simply doesn't want to be arrested [52:03] and among innocent people and perhaps [52:06] this is getting more common these days a [52:09] person might feel that resisting arrest [52:11] is the right thing to do [52:13] ethically or politically or perhaps as a [52:16] matter of affirming his identity may [52:19] after all [52:20] put yourself in his shoes he did nothing [52:23] wrong right why are the cops arresting [52:26] him I don't know if we have data on the [52:29] numbers of people who resist arrest by [52:31] race but I can well imagine that if it's [52:34] common for African Americans to believe [52:37] that the only reason they have been [52:39] singled out for arrest is due to racism [52:41] on the part of the police that could [52:45] lead to greater levels of non-compliance [52:47] which seems very likely to lead to more [52:49] unnecessary injury and death and this is [52:52] certainly one reason why it's wise to [52:54] have the racial composition of a police [52:55] force mirror that of the community its [52:58] policing [52:59] now unfortunately there's no evidence [53:02] that this reduces lethal violence from [53:04] the side of the police in fact the [53:06] evidence we have suggests that black and [53:09] hispanic cops are more likely to shoot [53:12] black and hispanic suspects than white [53:14] cops are [53:16] but it would surely change the [53:18] perception of the community that racism [53:20] is the likely explanation for police [53:21] behavior which itself might reduce [53:24] conflict [53:26] no when a comp goes hands on a person in [53:29] an attempt to control his movements or [53:32] make an arrest that person's resistance [53:36] poses a problem that most people don't [53:39] seem to understand if you haven't [53:42] studied this topic if you don't know [53:44] what it physically takes to restrain and [53:46] immobilize a non-compliant person who [53:49] may be bigger and stronger than you are [53:51] and if you haven't thought through the [53:53] implications of having a gun on your [53:55] belt when attempting to do that a gun [53:57] that can be grabbed and used against you [53:59] or against a member of the public then [54:02] your intuitions about what makes sense [54:04] here tactically and ethically are very [54:08] likely to be bad if you haven't trained [54:11] with firearms under stress if you don't [54:14] know how suddenly situations can change [54:16] if you haven't experienced how quickly [54:19] another person can close the distance on [54:21] you and how little time you have to [54:24] decide to draw your weapon if you don't [54:26] know how hard it is to shoot a moving [54:28] target or even a stationary one when [54:31] your heart is beating out of your chest [54:34] you very likely have totally [54:36] unreasonable ideas about what we can [54:38] expect from cops in situations like [54:41] these and there's another fact that [54:43] looms over all this like the Angel of [54:45] Death literally most cops do not get the [54:50] training they need they don't get the [54:52] hand-to-hand training they need they [54:54] don't have good skills with which to [54:56] subdue people without harming them all [54:58] you need to do is watch youtube videos [55:00] of botched arrests to see this [55:03] the martial arts community stands in [55:05] perpetual astonishment at the kinds of [55:08] things cops do and fail to do once they [55:11] start fighting with suspects and cops [55:14] don't get the firearms training they [55:16] need of course many police departments [55:18] have elite units but most cops don't [55:21] have the training they need to do the [55:24] job they're being asked to do [55:26] it's also true no doubt that some cops [55:29] are racist bullies and there are corrupt [55:32] police departments that cover for these [55:35] guys and cover up police misconduct [55:37] generally whether it's born of racism or [55:39] not but the truth is that even if we got [55:42] rid of all the bad cops which we [55:44] absolutely should do and there were only [55:47] good people left and we got all these [55:49] good people the best possible training [55:52] and we give them the best culture in [55:54] which to think about their role in [55:55] society and we give them the best [55:58] methods for de-escalating potentially [56:00] violent situations which we absolutely [56:03] must do and we scrubbed all the dumb [56:07] laws from our books so that when cops [56:10] were required to enforce the law they [56:13] were only risking their lives in the [56:14] lives of civilians for reasons that we [56:17] deem just and necessary so the war on [56:20] drugs is obviously over even under these [56:24] conditions of perfect progress we are [56:27] still guaranteed to have some number of [56:30] cases each year where a cop kills a [56:33] civilian in a way that is totally [56:35] unjustified and therefore tragic every [56:39] year there will be some number of [56:41] families who will be able to say that [56:43] the cops killed their son or daughter or [56:47] father or mother or brother or sister [56:51] and videos of these killings will [56:55] occasionally surface and they will be [56:58] horrific [56:59] this seems guaranteed to happen so while [57:05] we need to make all these improvements [57:07] we still need to understand they're very [57:11] likely always going to be videos of cops [57:14] doing something inexplicable or [57:17] inexplicably stupid that results in an [57:20] innocent person's death [57:22] or not so innocent persons death and [57:24] sometimes the cop will be white and the [57:27] victim will be black we have 10 million [57:31] arrests each year and we now live in a [57:34] pan Opticon or practically everything is [57:36] videotaped now I'm about to get further [57:39] into the details of what we know about [57:41] police violence but I want to just put [57:44] it to you now if we're going to let the [57:47] health of race relations in this country [57:49] or the relationship between the [57:50] community and the police depend on [57:53] whether we ever see a terrible video of [57:55] police misconduct again the project of [57:58] healing these wounds in our society is [58:01] doomed about a week into these protests [58:05] I heard van Jones on CNN say if we see [58:10] one more video of a cop brutalizing a [58:14] black man this country could go over the [58:16] edge now he said this not as an [58:20] indication of how dangerously inflamed [58:22] people have become he seemed to be [58:25] saying that as an ultimatum to the [58:27] police with 10 million arrests each year [58:31] arrests that have to take place in the [58:34] most highly armed society in the [58:37] developed world [58:38] I hope you understand how unreasonable [58:40] that ultimatum is we have to put these [58:44] videos into context and we have to [58:46] acknowledge how different they are from [58:48] one another [58:50] if some of them are easy to interpret [58:53] but some are quite obviously being [58:55] interpreted incorrectly by most people [58:58] especially by activists and there are a [59:01] range of cases some have video [59:03] associated with them and some don't that [59:05] are now part of a litany of anti-racist [59:07] outrage and the names of the dead are [59:10] intoned is that they were all evidence [59:11] of the same injustice [59:14] and yet they are not Walter Scott was [59:17] stopped for a broken taillight and he [59:20] got out of his car and tried to flee [59:22] there might have been a brief struggle [59:24] over the officers taser that part of the [59:26] video isn't clear but what is clear is [59:28] that he was shot in the back multiple [59:30] times as he was running away [59:32] that was insane there was zero reason [59:36] for the cop to feel that his life was [59:38] under threat at that moment and for that [59:40] unjustified shooting he was sentenced to [59:42] 20 years in prison I'm not sure that was [59:45] long enough actually that seemed like [59:47] straight-up murder to me a George Floyd [59:51] video while even more disturbing to [59:53] watch is harder to interpret now I don't [59:57] know anything about Derek Chauvin the [59:59] cop who knelt on his neck it's quite [60:02] possible he's a terrible person who [60:04] should have never been a cop [60:06] he seems to have a significant number of [60:08] complaints against him though as far as [60:10] I know that details of those complaints [60:11] haven't been released and he might be a [60:14] racist on top of being a bad cop or he [60:17] might be a guy who was totally in over [60:18] his head and thought you could restrain [60:21] someone indefinitely [60:22] by keeping an e on their neck I don't [60:25] know I'm sure more facts will come out [60:28] but whoever he is I find it very [60:32] unlikely that he was intending to kill [60:35] George Floyd [60:37] and think about it he was surrounded by [60:39] irate witnesses and being filmed unless [60:43] he was aspiring to become the most [60:45] notorious murderer in human history it [60:48] seems very unlikely he was intending to [60:50] commit murder in that moment it's [60:52] possible of course but it doesn't seem [60:55] like the likeliest explanation for his [60:57] behavior what I believe we saw in that [61:00] video was the result of a tragic level [61:03] of negligence and poor training on the [61:05] part of those cops or terrible [61:07] recruitment rights possible and none of [61:09] these guys should have ever been cops I [61:11] think for one of them it was only his [61:13] fourth day on the job just imagine that [61:16] just imagine all the things you don't [61:18] know when you're a new cop and it could [61:21] also have been a function of bad luck in [61:23] terms of Floyd's underlying health it [61:25] was reported that he was complaining [61:27] about being unable to breathe even [61:28] before Chauvin pinned him with his knee [61:30] and the truth is the knee on his neck [61:33] might not have been the only thing that [61:34] caused his death [61:35] it could have been the weight of the [61:37] other officer pinning him down this is [61:39] almost certainly what happened in the [61:41] case of Eric garner [61:42] it seems that half the people on earth [61:44] believe they witnessed a cop choke Eric [61:48] garner to death in that video [61:50] that does not appear to be what happened [61:53] okay when Eric garner is saying I can't [61:55] breathe [61:56] he's not being choked he's being held [61:59] down on the pavement by several officers [62:02] now being forced down on your stomach [62:05] under the weight of several people can [62:08] kill a person especially someone with [62:10] lung or heart disease in the case of [62:12] Eric garner it is absolutely clear that [62:15] the cop who briefly attempted to choke [62:17] him was no longer choking him if you [62:21] doubt that watch the video again and if [62:24] you are recoiling now from my [62:26] interpretation of these videos you [62:28] really should watch the video that shows [62:31] the killing of Tony timppa it's also [62:34] terribly disturbing but it removes the [62:38] variable of race and it removes any [62:40] implication of intent to harm on the [62:43] part of the cops about as clearly as you [62:45] could ask it really is worth watching as [62:48] a corrective to our natural [62:50] interpretation of these other videos now [62:54] tony temple was a white man in dallas [62:56] who was suffering some mental health [62:58] emergency and I think cocaine [63:01] intoxication and he actually called 911 [63:04] self and what we see is the body cam [63:07] footage from the police which shows that [63:10] he was already in handcuffs [63:11] when they arrived a security guard had [63:13] cuffed him and then the cops take over [63:16] and they restrained Tempah on the ground [63:19] by rolling him onto his stomach and [63:21] putting their weight on him very much [63:23] like in the case of Eric garner and they [63:26] keep their weight on him one cop has a [63:28] knee on his upper back which is [63:31] definitely much less aggressive than a [63:32] knee on the neck but they crushed the [63:35] life out of him all the same over the [63:38] course of 13 minutes he's not being [63:40] choked [63:42] cops are not being rough there's no [63:44] animus between them and tempeh it was [63:48] not a hostile arrest they clearly [63:50] believe they're responding to a mental [63:52] health emergency but they keep him down [63:54] on his belly under their weight and [63:56] they're cracking jokes as he loses [64:00] consciousness now your knowledge that [64:04] he's going to be dead by the end of this [64:05] video makes their jokes seem pretty [64:08] callous but the truth is this was about [64:11] as benign an imposition of force by the [64:14] cops as you're going to see and the [64:17] crucial insight you'll have watching [64:20] this video is that the officers not only [64:22] had no intent to kill Tony tempeh they [64:27] don't take his pleading seriously [64:29] because they have no doubt that what [64:31] they're doing is perfectly safe [64:33] perfectly within protocol they've [64:35] probably done this a hundred times [64:37] before now if you watch that video and [64:42] again fair warning it's disturbing but [64:46] imagine how disturbing it would have [64:48] been to our society [64:50] if Tony tempeh had been black if the [64:55] only thing you changed about the video [64:57] was the color of tempis skin then video [65:01] would have detonated like a nuclear bomb [65:03] in our society exactly as the George [65:06] Floyd video did [65:08] in fact in one way it is worse or would [65:12] have been perceived to be worse [65:16] imagine white cops telling jokes as they [65:20] crushed the life out of a black Tony [65:23] tempeh given the nature of our [65:26] conversation about violence given the [65:30] way we perceive the videos of this kind [65:33] there is no way people would have seen [65:37] that as anything other than a lynchin [65:40] and it would not have been a lynching [65:44] now I obviously have no idea what was in [65:47] the minds of the cops in Minneapolis and [65:50] perhaps we'll learn more at trial and [65:52] perhaps there'll be a tape of Chauvin [65:55] using the n-word in another context and [65:57] that'll bring a credible allegation of [65:59] racism into the case and it seems to me [66:01] that Chauvin is gonna have a very hard [66:03] time making sense of his behavior but [66:06] most people who saw that video believe [66:09] they have witnessed with their own eyes [66:11] beyond any possibility of doubt a racist [66:15] cop intentionally murder an innocent man [66:18] that's not what that video necessarily [66:21] shows [66:23] as I said these videos can be hard to [66:25] interpret even while seeming very easy [66:27] to interpret in these cases whether they [66:31] have Associated video or not are very [66:34] different the Michael Brown is reported [66:37] to have punched a cop in the face and [66:39] attempted to get his gun as far as I [66:42] know there's no video of that encounter [66:44] but if true that is an entirely [66:47] different situation if you're attacking [66:50] a cop trying to get his gun that is a [66:54] life-and-death struggle almost by [66:56] definition for the cop and in most cases [66:59] it will justify a lethal use of force [67:01] and honestly it seems that no one within [67:05] a thousand miles of black lives matter [67:08] is willing to make these distinctions an [67:11] attitude of anti-racist moral outrage is [67:14] simply not the best lens through which [67:17] to interpret evidence of police [67:19] misconduct I've seen many videos of [67:22] people getting arrested and I've seen [67:24] the outraged public reaction to what [67:25] appears to be the inappropriate use of [67:27] force by the cops one overwhelming fact [67:31] that comes through is that people [67:33] whatever the color of their skin don't [67:36] understand how to behave around cops so [67:38] as to keep themselves safe people have [67:41] to stop resisting arrest [67:43] this may seem obvious but judging from [67:47] most of these videos and from the public [67:49] reaction to them this must be a totally [67:52] arcane piece of information when a cop [67:56] wants to take you into custody you don't [67:59] get to decide whether or not you should [68:01] be arrested when a cop wants to take you [68:05] into custody for whatever reason it's [68:08] not a negotiation and if you turn it [68:11] into a wrestling match you're very [68:14] likely to get injured or killed this is [68:17] a point that I once belabored in a [68:18] podcast with Glenn Lowry and essentially [68:21] it became a public service announcement [68:23] and I've gone back and listened to those [68:26] comments and I want to repeat them here [68:28] this is something that everyone really [68:30] needs to understand and it's something [68:33] that black lives matter should be [68:34] teaching explicitly if you put your [68:38] hands on a cop if you start wrestling [68:40] with a cop or grabbing him because he's [68:43] arresting your friend or pushing him or [68:45] striking him or using your hands in a [68:49] way that can possibly be interpreted as [68:51] you are reaching for a gun you are [68:54] likely to get shot in the United States [68:56] right whatever the color of your skin as [69:00] I said when you're with a cop there is [69:03] always a gun out in the open and any [69:06] physical struggle has to be perceived by [69:09] him as a fight for the gun a cop doesn't [69:12] know what you're going to do if you [69:14] overpower him so he has to assume the [69:16] worst and most cops are not confident in [69:19] their ability to physically control a [69:21] person for good reason because they're [69:24] not very well trained to do that and [69:26] they're continually confronting people [69:28] who are bigger or younger or more [69:30] athletic or more aggressive than they [69:33] are cops are not superheroes they're [69:37] ordinary people with insufficient [69:39] training and once things turn physical [69:42] they can't afford to give a person who [69:45] is now assaulting a police officer the [69:47] benefit of the doubt [69:49] and this is something that people seem [69:51] totally confused about if they see a [69:55] video of someone fighting with a cop and [69:57] punching him or her in the face right [70:00] and the person is unarmed many people [70:03] think the cop should just punch back and [70:06] that any use of deadly force at that [70:09] point would be totally disproportionate [70:12] but that's not how violence works [70:15] right it's not the cops job to be the [70:18] best bare-knuckle boxer on earth so that [70:21] he doesn't have to use his gun a cop [70:24] can't risk getting repeatedly hit in the [70:26] face and knocked out because there's [70:28] always a gun in play right so this is [70:31] the cops perception of the world and [70:33] it's a justifiable one given the [70:35] dynamics of human violence now you might [70:38] think that cops shouldn't carry guns [70:40] right what can't we just be like England [70:43] and that's a point that can be debated [70:46] but it requires considerable thought in [70:50] a country where there are over 300 [70:52] million guns in circulation the United [70:55] States is not England [70:58] again really focus on what is happening [71:02] when a cop is attempting to arrest a [71:05] person it's not up to you to decide [71:10] whether or not you should be arrested [71:12] and does it matter that you know that [71:15] you didn't do anything wrong [71:16] no and how could that fact be [71:19] effectively communicated in the moment [71:21] by you're not following police commands [71:24] I'm going to ask that again how could [71:27] the fact that you're innocent that [71:29] you're not a threat to the cop that [71:32] you're not about to suddenly attack him [71:34] or produce a weapon of your own how [71:37] could those things be effectively [71:39] communicated at the moment he's [71:41] attempting to arrest you by you're [71:44] resisting arrest [71:46] and unless you called the cops yourself [71:48] you never really know what situation [71:51] you're in if I'm walking down the street [71:53] I don't know if a cop who's approaching [71:56] me didn't just get a call that some guy [71:58] who looks like Ben Stiller just [72:00] committed an armed robbery I mean I know [72:03] I didn't do anything I know that I'm [72:05] mystified as to why the cop is paying [72:07] attention to me at that moment but I [72:09] don't know what's in the cops head the [72:11] time to find out what's going on the [72:13] time to complain about racist cops the [72:16] time to scream at them and tell them [72:18] they're all gonna get fired for their [72:19] stupidity and misconduct is after [72:22] cooperating at the police station in the [72:25] presence of a lawyer preferably but to [72:28] not comply in the heat of the moment [72:30] when a guy with a gun is issuing [72:32] commands this raises your risk [72:35] astronomically and it's something that [72:37] most people it seems just do not [72:40] intuitively understand even when they're [72:43] not in the heat of the moment themselves [72:44] but just watching video of other people [72:47] getting arrested okay end of public [72:51] service announcement the main problem [72:54] with using individual cases where black [72:57] men and women have been killed by cops [72:59] to conclude that there's an epidemic of [73:01] racist police violence in our society is [73:03] that you can find nearly identical cases [73:05] of white suspects being killed by cops [73:07] and there are actually more of them [73:10] in 2016 John McWhorter wrote a piece for [73:13] Time magazine about this and here's a [73:16] snippet of what he wrote quote the heart [73:20] of the indignation over these murders is [73:22] a conviction that racist bias plays a [73:25] decisive part in these encounters that [73:28] has seemed plausible to me and I've [73:30] recently challenged those who disagree [73:32] to present a list of white people killed [73:34] within the past few years under [73:36] circumstances similar to those that so [73:38] enrages in cases such as what happened [73:41] to Tamir rice John Crawford Walter Scott [73:44] Sam DuBose and others end quote [73:48] so McWhorter issued that challenge as he [73:51] said and he was presented with the cases [73:54] but there's no song about these people [73:57] admonishing us to say their names and [74:00] the lists of white names is longer and I [74:05] don't know any of them right other than [74:07] Tony tempo I know the black names [74:10] in addition to the ones I just read from [74:12] mcquarters article I know the names of [74:14] Eric garner and Michael Brown and Alton [74:17] sterling and falando castile and now of [74:21] course I know the name of George Floyd [74:24] and I'm aware of many of the details of [74:26] these cases where black men and women [74:28] have been killed by cops I know the name [74:31] of Brianna Taylor I can't name a single [74:34] white person killed by cops in [74:36] circumstances like these other than [74:39] timpa and I just read mcquarters article [74:42] where he lists many of them so this is [74:46] also a distortion in the media right the [74:50] media is not showing us videos of white [74:53] people being killed by cops [74:56] activists are not demanding that they do [74:59] this right I'm sure white supremacists [75:03] talk about this stuff a lot who knows [75:06] but in terms of the story were telling [75:09] ourselves in the mainstream we're not [75:12] actually talking about the data on [75:14] lethal police violence [75:17] so back to the data again cops kill [75:20] around a thousand people every year in [75:22] the United States about 25 percent are [75:25] black about 50 percent are white now the [75:30] data on police homicide are all over the [75:33] place the federal government does not [75:35] have a single repository for data of [75:38] this kind but they've been pretty [75:40] carefully tracked by outside sources [75:42] like the Washington Post at least for [75:45] the last five years or so and this ratio [75:48] between black and white appears stable [75:51] over time and again many of these [75:54] killings are justifiable right we're [75:57] talking about career criminals who are [75:59] usually armed and in many cases trying [76:02] to kill the cops those aren't the cases [76:05] were worried about we're worried about [76:07] the unjustified homicides now some [76:10] people will think these numbers still [76:12] represent an outrageous injustice after [76:15] all African Americans are only 13% of [76:17] the population so at most they should be [76:20] 13% of the victims of police violence [76:23] not 25% and any departure from the [76:26] baseline population must be due to [76:30] racism okay well that sounds plausible [76:33] but consider a few more facts [76:36] blacks are 13% of the population but [76:39] they commit at least 50% of the murders [76:42] and other violent crimes if you have 13% [76:46] of the population [76:48] responsible for 50% of the murders and [76:51] in some city is committing two-thirds of [76:54] all violent crime what percent of police [76:57] attention should it attract I honestly [77:01] don't know but I'm pretty sure it's not [77:04] just 13% and given that the overwhelming [77:07] majority of their victims are black I'm [77:10] pretty sure that most black people [77:12] wouldn't set the dial at 13% either and [77:15] here we arrive somewhere near the core [77:17] of the problem the story of crime in [77:20] America is overwhelmingly the story of [77:24] black on black crime [77:27] it is also in part a story of [77:29] black-on-white crime but for more than a [77:33] generation it really has not been much [77:36] of a story of white on black crime now [77:40] the murder rate has come down steadily [77:41] since the 1990s with only minor optics [77:45] but nationwide blacks are six times more [77:49] likely to get murdered [77:51] than whites and in some cities their [77:53] risk is double that and around ninety [77:56] five percent of these murders are [77:58] committed by members of the [78:00] african-american community [78:02] the weekend these protests and riots [78:04] were kicking off nationwide when our [78:07] entire country seemed to be tearing [78:09] itself apart over a perceived epidemic [78:12] of racist police violence against the [78:15] black community 92 people were shot and [78:19] 27 killed in Chicago alone at one city [78:24] this is almost entirely a story of black [78:30] men killing members of their own [78:32] community and this type of violence is [78:35] far more representative of the kind of [78:37] violence the black community needs to [78:39] worry about and ironically it's clear [78:42] that one remedy for this violence would [78:45] be effective policing [78:49] now these are simply the facts of crime [78:51] in our society as best we understand [78:54] them and the police have to figure out [78:57] how to respond to these facts [79:00] professionally and ethically and the [79:03] question is are they doing that [79:06] and obviously there's considerable doubt [79:07] that they're doing that professionally [79:09] and ethically but Roland fryer the [79:13] Harvard economist whose work I once [79:15] discussed with Glenn Loury on the [79:17] podcast [79:18] he studied police encounters involving [79:20] black and white suspects and the use of [79:22] force his paper is titled [79:24] this is from 2016 an empirical analysis [79:28] of racial differences in police use of [79:31] force and Friar's black and he went into [79:35] this research with the expectation that [79:37] the data would confirm that there's an [79:40] epidemic of the lethal police violence [79:42] directed against black men especially [79:44] but he didn't find that however he did [79:47] find support for the idea that black [79:49] people suffer more non-lethal violence [79:51] at the hands of cops than whites do so [79:55] let's look at this [79:56] the study examined data from ten major [79:58] police departments in Texas Florida and [80:02] California generally fryer found that [80:05] there's a 25% greater likelihood that [80:08] the police would go hands on black [80:10] suspects than white ones cuffing them or [80:14] forcing them to the ground or using [80:16] other non-lethal force specifically in [80:20] New York City in encounters where black [80:22] and white citizens were matched for [80:24] other characteristics they found that [80:27] cops were 17% more likely to go hands on [80:31] black suspects 18 percent more likely to [80:34] push them into a wall 16% more likely to [80:37] put them in handcuffs [80:38] in a situation where they weren't being [80:40] arrested 18 percent more likely to push [80:43] them to the ground 25 percent more [80:45] likely to use pepper spray or a baton 19 [80:49] percent more likely to draw their guns [80:50] and 24 percent more likely to point a [80:53] gun at them so this is more or less the [80:56] full continuum of violence short of [80:59] using lethal force and it seems based on [81:02] the data we have that blacks receive [81:04] more of it than whites so what accounts [81:07] for this disparity racism may be however [81:12] as I said it's inconvenient to note from [81:15] other data that suggests that black cops [81:17] and Hispanic cops are more likely to [81:19] shoot black and hispanic suspects than [81:21] white cops are I'm not sure how an [81:24] ambient level of racism explains that [81:28] are there other explanations well again [81:32] it could be that blacks are less [81:34] cooperative with the police and if so [81:37] this would be worth understanding a [81:40] culture of resisting arrest would be a [81:43] very bad thing to cultivate given that [81:46] the only response to such resistance is [81:49] for the police to increase their use of [81:51] force now whatever is true here is [81:55] something that we should want to [81:57] understand and it's all too easy to see [82:00] how an increased number of encounters [82:02] with cops do to their policing in the [82:05] highest crime neighborhoods which are [82:07] disproportionately black an increased [82:10] number of traffic stops in those [82:12] neighborhoods and an increased [82:14] propensity for cops to go hands-on these [82:16] suspects with or without an arrest for [82:19] whatever reason it's easy to see how all [82:23] of this could be the basis for a [82:24] perception of racism whether or not [82:27] racism is the underlying motive [82:30] and it's totally humiliating to be [82:32] arrested or manhandled by a cop and [82:35] given the level of crime in the black [82:37] community [82:38] it seems that a disproportionate number [82:40] of innocent black men are guaranteed to [82:44] have this experience right and it's [82:46] totally understandable that this would [82:48] make them bitter and mistrustful of the [82:50] police [82:52] this is another vicious circle we have [82:54] to find some way to interrupt [82:57] but fryer also found that black suspects [82:59] are around 25% less likely to be shot [83:02] than white suspects are [83:05] and in the most egregious situations [83:07] where an officer was not first attacked [83:09] but nevertheless fired his weapon at a [83:11] suspect the police seem more likely to [83:14] do this when the suspect is white again [83:18] these data are incomplete this doesn't [83:21] cover every city in the country and a [83:23] larger study tomorrow might paint a [83:24] different picture [83:26] but as far as I know the best data we [83:29] have suggests that for whatever reason [83:31] whites are more likely to be killed by [83:34] cops once an arrest is attempted and a [83:37] more recent study in the Proceedings of [83:39] the National Academy of Sciences by [83:41] David Johnson and colleagues found [83:43] similar results and given the data we [83:46] have [83:46] it seems undeniable that more whites are [83:50] killed by cops each year again both in [83:52] absolute numbers and in proportion to [83:55] their contributions to crime and [83:56] violence in our society [83:59] now can you hear how these facts should [84:01] be grinding in that well-oiled machine [84:04] of woke outraged [84:07] our society is in serious trouble now we [84:11] are being crushed under the weight of a [84:13] global pandemic and our response to it [84:15] has been totally inept and on top of [84:19] that we're now being squeezed by the [84:22] growing pressure of what might become a [84:24] full-on economic depression and the [84:27] streets are now filled with people who [84:30] imagine on the basis of seeing several [84:32] horrific videos that there is an [84:34] epidemic of racist cops murdering [84:38] African Americans look at what this [84:40] belief is doing to our politics and [84:44] these videos will keep coming and the [84:48] truth is they could probably be matched [84:50] to for one with videos of white people [84:53] being killed by cops what percentage of [84:56] people protesting understand that the [85:00] disparity runs this way [85:03] in light of the belief that the data run [85:05] the other way people are now quite happy [85:08] to risk getting beaten and arrested by [85:10] cops themselves right and to even loot [85:13] and burn businesses and most people and [85:17] institutions are supporting the civil [85:19] unrest from the sidelines because they [85:22] to imagine that cops are killing black [85:25] people in extraordinary numbers and all [85:28] of this is calling forth an [85:30] authoritarian response from Trump and [85:32] leading to more examples of police [85:34] violence caught on video [85:36] now as I hope I've made clear we need [85:39] police reform right there's no question [85:42] about this and some of the recent [85:44] footage of the police attacking the [85:46] peaceful protests is totally outrageous [85:49] nothing I just said should signify that [85:53] I'm unaware of that I mean from what [85:55] I've seen and again by the time I [85:58] released this podcast the character of [85:59] this might have changed somewhat but [86:02] from what I've seen the police were [86:04] dangerously passive in the face of [86:06] looting and real crime at least in the [86:09] beginning I mean in many cities they [86:11] just stood by and watched society [86:13] unravel and then they were far too [86:15] aggressive in the face of genuinely [86:18] peaceful protest [86:20] this is a terrible combination it is the [86:23] worst combination I mean there is no [86:26] better way to increase cynicism and [86:29] anger and fear on all sides [86:34] but racializing how we speak about the [86:37] problem of police violence where race [86:39] isn't actually the relevant variable [86:42] again think Tony tempeh this has highly [86:47] negative effects first it keeps us from [86:50] talking about the real problems with [86:53] police tactics for instance you take the [86:55] recent case of Brianna Taylor who was [86:58] killed in a so-called no-knock raid of [87:01] her home as occasionally happens in this [87:04] carnival of moral error we call the war [87:07] on drugs the police had the wrong [87:09] address and they kicked in the wrong [87:11] door and they wound up killing a totally [87:15] innocent woman [87:17] but the truth is this had nothing to do [87:20] with race the problem is not as some [87:23] commentators have alleged that it's not [87:26] safe to be sleeping while black [87:29] the problem is that these no-knock raids [87:31] are an obscenely dangerous way of [87:35] enforcing despicably stupid laws white [87:40] people died under precisely these same [87:42] circumstances and very likely in greater [87:45] numbers I don't have data specifically [87:48] on no-knock raids but we can assume the [87:51] ratio is probably conserved here I mean [87:54] just think about how crazy this policy [87:56] is in a nation where gun ownership is so [88:00] widespread if someone kicks in your door [88:02] in the middle of the night and you're a [88:04] gun owner of course you're going to [88:07] reach for your gun right that's why you [88:09] have a gun in the first place and the [88:11] fact that someone bearing down on you [88:13] and your family out of the darkness [88:15] might have yelled police you know or [88:18] might have not yelled police it's [88:20] alleged in some of these cases that they [88:22] don't yell anything the fact that [88:25] someone yells police isn't necessarily [88:27] convincing right anyone can yell police [88:29] and again think of the psychology of [88:32] this if the police have the wrong house [88:34] and you know there's no reason on earth [88:36] that real cops would take an interest in [88:39] you especially in the middle of the [88:41] night right because you know you've done [88:43] nothing wrong you are not the guy [88:45] running a meth lab right and now you're [88:48] reaching for your gun in the dark of [88:49] course someone is likely to get killed [88:53] but this is not a racial issue [88:56] it's a terrible policy [88:59] now unfortunately the process of police [89:02] reform isn't straightforward and it's [89:05] made more complicated by the kinds of [89:07] things that are happening now I mean yes [89:10] we will be urging police reform in a [89:12] very big way now that seems clear but [89:15] Roland fryer has also shown that [89:18] investigations of cops in a climate [89:20] where viral videos and racial politics [89:23] are operating have dramatic effects and [89:27] dramatically negative effects [89:29] I studied the aftermath of the [89:31] investigations into police misconduct [89:33] that followed the killings of Freddie [89:36] gray and Michael Brown and laQuan [89:38] McDonald and he found that for reasons [89:42] that are pretty easy to intuit proactive [89:45] police contact with civilians decreases [89:48] drastically sometimes by as much as a [89:51] hundred percent once these [89:53] investigations get started this is now [89:56] called the Ferguson effect right and the [89:59] police still answer 911 but they don't [90:02] investigate suspicious activity in the [90:05] same way they don't want to wind up on [90:07] YouTube and when they alter their [90:09] behavior like this homicides go up and [90:12] fryer estimates that the effects of [90:15] these few investigations translated into [90:18] a thousand extra homicides and almost [90:21] forty thousand more felonies over the [90:24] next twenty four months in the US [90:26] and of course most of the victims of [90:28] those crimes were black [90:31] no one shudders to imagine the size of [90:35] the Ferguson effect were about to see [90:37] nationwide [90:38] I'm sure the morale among cops has never [90:42] been lower I think it's almost [90:45] guaranteed that cops by the thousands [90:48] will be leaving the force and it's gonna [90:51] be much more difficult to recruit good [90:53] people to the police force I mean who's [90:56] gonna want to be a cop now who could be [91:00] idealistic [91:01] about occupying that role in society it [91:05] seems to me that the population of [91:06] people who will become cops now will be [91:11] more or less indistinguishable from the [91:13] population of people who become prison [91:15] guards I'm pretty sure there's a [91:17] difference there [91:19] I think we're likely to see that [91:20] difference expressed now in the future [91:24] it's a grim picture unless we do [91:27] something very creative here [91:30] so there's a real question about how we [91:32] can reform police departments and get [91:35] rid of bad cops without negatively [91:38] impacting the performance of good cops [91:40] that's a riddle we have to solve or at [91:43] least we have to understand what the [91:44] trade-offs are here and why is all this [91:47] happening now police killings of [91:49] civilians have gone way down and they [91:52] are very rare events they are 1 in [91:55] 10,000 level events if measured by [91:58] arrests and one in 50 to 60,000 level [92:01] events if measured by police encounters [92:05] and the number of unarmed people who are [92:08] killed by cops is much smaller than that [92:10] right of the thousand people killed by [92:13] cops last year around 50 more unarmed [92:18] and again there were more white people [92:20] killed than black and not all unarmed [92:23] victims are innocent right some get [92:26] killed in the act of attacking the cops [92:28] again the data [92:29] don't tell a clean story or the whole [92:32] story I see no reason to doubt that [92:36] African Americans get more attention [92:38] from the cops though honestly given the [92:43] distribution of crime in our society I [92:45] don't know what the alternative to that [92:48] would be and once the cops get involved [92:51] blacks are more likely to get roughed up [92:53] it seems which is bad right but again [92:57] it's simply unclear that racism is the [93:00] cause of that and contrary to everyone's [93:04] expectations [93:05] it seems that whites are more likely to [93:07] get killed by cops actually one factor [93:11] seems to be that whites are 7 times more [93:14] likely to commit what's called suicide [93:17] by cop and they're actually three times [93:20] more likely to commit suicide generally [93:23] what's going on there who knows there's [93:27] a lot we don't understand about these [93:29] data [93:31] but ask yourself would society seem less [93:35] racist to you if the disparity ran the [93:38] other way [93:39] is less physical contact but a greater [93:43] likelihood of getting shot and killed a [93:45] form of white privilege is a higher [93:49] level of suicide by cop and suicide [93:51] generally a form of white privilege [93:55] we have a problem here that read either [93:58] way you could tell a starkly racist [94:02] narrative we need ethical professional [94:06] policing of course right but the places [94:11] with the highest crime in our society [94:13] need the most of it is there any doubt [94:16] about that I mean a city like Milwaukee [94:20] blacks are 12 times more likely to get [94:23] murdered than whites [94:25] and again they're being killed by other [94:27] african-americans nearly a hundred [94:30] percent of the time I think the lowest [94:32] figure I've seen is ninety three percent [94:34] of the time what should the police do [94:37] about this and what are they likely to [94:40] do now now that our entire country has [94:45] been convulsed over one horrific case of [94:48] police misconduct [94:51] so we need to lower the temperature on [94:53] this conversation and many other [94:55] conversations and to understand what is [94:58] actually happening in our society but [95:01] instead of doing this we now have a [95:03] whole generation of social activists who [95:06] seem eager to play a game of chicken [95:08] with the forces of chaos everything I [95:12] just said about the problem of [95:13] inequality and the need for reform [95:15] stands but I think what we're witnessing [95:18] in our streets and on social media and [95:22] even in the mainstream press is a [95:25] version of mass hysteria and the next [95:28] horrific video of a black person being [95:32] killed by cops won't be evidence to the [95:35] contrary and there will be another video [95:38] right there are 10 million arrests every [95:40] year there will always be another video [95:44] the media have turned these videos into [95:47] a form of political pornography and this [95:51] is deranged us we're now unable to speak [95:54] or even think about facts the media has [95:59] truly been poisoned by bad incentives in [96:02] this regard and social media doubly so [96:05] now in the mainstream of this protest [96:09] movement is very common to hear that the [96:11] only problem with what's happening in [96:13] our streets apart from of the cops are [96:15] doing is that some criminal behavior at [96:19] the margins a little bit of looting a [96:22] little bit of violence has distracted us [96:25] from an otherwise necessary and [96:28] inspiring response to an epidemic of [96:30] racism and most people in the media have [96:33] taken exactly this position right people [96:36] like Anderson Cooper on CNN or the [96:38] editorial page of the New York Times or [96:41] public figures like President Obama or [96:44] Vice President Biden and the most [96:46] prominent liberal voices in our society [96:49] believe that the protests themselves [96:52] make perfect moral sense and perfect [96:54] political sentence and that movements [96:58] like black lives matter are guaranteed [97:01] to be on the right side of history I [97:03] mean how could anyone who's concerned [97:06] about inequality and injustice in our [97:08] society see things any other way [97:12] I mean how could anyone who isn't [97:13] himself racist not support black lives [97:17] matter but of course there is a [97:20] difference between slogans and reality [97:23] there's a difference between the [97:25] branding of a movement and its actual [97:27] aims and this can be genuinely confusing [97:31] and that's why propaganda works right I [97:34] mean for instance many people assume [97:36] that there's nothing wrong with an Tifa [97:39] because this group of total maniacs has [97:43] branded itself as anti-fascist now what [97:47] could be wrong with being anti-fascist [97:48] are you Pro fascism there's a similar [97:52] problem with black lives matter though [97:55] happily unlike an Tifa black lives [97:58] matter actually seems committed to [98:00] peaceful protest which is hugely [98:03] important so the problem I'm discussing [98:06] is more ideological and it's much bigger [98:09] than black lives matter but BLM is the [98:12] most visible symbol of this movement and [98:15] the wider issue is that we are in the [98:18] midst of a moral panic right and it's [98:22] been made possible by a near-total [98:25] unwillingness particularly on the left [98:28] among people who value their careers and [98:31] their livelihoods and their reputations [98:33] and have a legitimate fear of being [98:35] hounded into oblivion online this is [98:38] nearly everyone left-of-center [98:40] politically people are simply refusing [98:43] to speak honestly about the problem of [98:45] race and racism in America [98:48] and we're making ourselves sick right we [98:51] are damaging our society and by [98:54] protesting the wrong thing even the [98:57] slightly wrong thing in unleashing an [99:00] explosion of cynical criminality in the [99:03] process looting that doesn't even have a [99:06] pretense of protest the left is [99:09] empowering Trump whatever the polls [99:12] currently show if we're worried about [99:14] Trump's authoritarian ambitions as I [99:17] think we really should be this is [99:19] important to understand he recently had [99:23] what looked like paramilitary troops [99:25] guarding the White House I don't know if [99:28] we found out who those guys actually [99:29] were but that was genuinely alarming but [99:33] how our democratic calls to abolish the [99:37] police going to play in half the country [99:40] that just watched so many cities getting [99:43] looted we have to vote Trump out of [99:45] office to restore the integrity of our [99:47] institutions and we have to make the [99:50] political case for major reforms to deal [99:54] with the problem of inequality a problem [99:57] which affects the black community most [99:59] of all we need police reform we need [100:02] criminal justice reform we need tax [100:04] reform we need health care reform we [100:07] need environmental reform we need all of [100:10] these things and more and to be just [100:12] these policies will need to reduce [100:15] inequality in our society and if we did [100:18] this african-americans would benefit [100:20] perhaps more than any other group but [100:23] it's not at all clear that progress [100:26] along these dimensions primarily entails [100:30] us finding and eradicating more racism [100:34] in our society [100:36] and just ask yourself what would real [100:39] progress on the problem of racism look [100:42] like what would utter progress look like [100:47] well here's what I think it would look [100:49] like more and more people and ultimately [100:53] all people would care less and less and [100:56] ultimately not at all [100:58] about race as I've said in various [101:01] places skin colour would become like [101:04] hair colour in its political and moral [101:06] significance which is to say it would [101:08] have none [101:10] now maybe you don't agree with that [101:13] aspiration maybe you think that [101:15] tribalism based on skin color can't be [101:18] outgrown or shouldn't be outgrown well [101:22] if you think that I'm afraid I don't [101:25] know what to say to you right it's not [101:27] that there's nothing to say it's just [101:29] there's so much we disagree about [101:31] morally and politically but I don't know [101:34] where to begin [101:34] so that debate if it can even be had [101:37] will have to be left for another time [101:39] for the purposes of this conversation I [101:43] have to assume that you agree with me [101:46] about the goal here which is to say you [101:49] share the hope that there will come a [101:52] time when the color of a person's skin [101:55] really doesn't matter what would that be [101:59] like well how many blondes got into [102:03] Harvard this year does anyone know what [102:07] percentage of the police in San Diego [102:09] are brunette do we have enough redheads [102:13] in senior management in our fortune 500 [102:15] companies no one is asking these [102:18] questions and there's a reason for that [102:21] no one cares and we are right not to [102:25] care imagine a world in which people [102:28] cared about hair color to the degree [102:31] that we currently care or seem to care [102:33] or imagine that others care or allege [102:37] that they secretly care about skin color [102:41] imagine a world in which discrimination [102:43] by haircolor was a thing and it took [102:47] centuries to overcome and it remains a [102:50] persistent source of private pain and [102:53] public grievance throughout society even [102:57] where it no longer exists [102:59] what an insane misuse of human energy [103:02] that would be what an absolute [103:05] catastrophe [103:06] now the analogy isn't perfect [103:09] for a variety of reasons but it's good [103:11] enough for us to understand what life [103:13] would be like if the spell of racism and [103:16] anti racism were truly broken the future [103:20] we want is not one in which we've all [103:24] become passionate anti-racists it's not [103:27] a future in which we are forever on our [103:29] guard against the slightest insult the [103:32] bad joke the akward complement the tweet [103:36] that didn't age well we want to get to a [103:39] world in which skin color and other [103:41] superficial characteristics of a person [103:44] become morally and politically [103:46] irrelevant and if you don't agree with [103:50] that what did you think Martin Luther [103:52] King jr. was talking about and finally [103:56] if you're on the left and you don't [103:58] agree with that if you don't agree with [104:00] this vision of a post-racial future [104:03] please observe that the people who agree [104:06] with you the people who believe that [104:08] there is no overcoming race and that [104:11] racial identity is indissoluble and that [104:13] skin color really matters and will [104:15] always matter and these people are white [104:18] supremacists and neo-nazis and other [104:21] total [ __ ] and these are also people [104:24] I can't figure out how to talk to much [104:26] less persuade [104:28] so the question for the rest of us those [104:32] of us who want to build a world [104:33] populated by human beings merely the [104:37] question is how do we get there how does [104:41] a racial difference become uninteresting [104:44] can it become uninteresting by more and [104:48] more people taking a greater interest in [104:50] it [104:51] can it become uninteresting by becoming [104:54] a permanent political identity [104:57] can it become uninteresting by having [104:59] thousands of institutions whose funding [105:03] and therefore very survival depends on [105:06] it remaining interesting until the end [105:09] of the world can it become less [105:12] significant by being granted more and [105:14] more significance by becoming a fetish a [105:18] sacred object ringed on all sides by [105:22] taboos can race become less significant [105:26] if you can lose your reputation and even [105:29] your livelihood at any moment by saying [105:33] one wrong word about it now I think [105:37] these questions answer themselves to [105:40] outgrow our obsession with racial [105:42] difference we have to outgrow our [105:45] obsession with race and you don't do [105:49] that by maintaining your obsession with [105:51] it [105:52] now you might agree with me about the [105:55] goal and about how a post-racial society [105:58] would seem but you might disagree about [106:02] the path to get there and the question [106:06] of what to do next and in fact one [106:08] podcast listener wrote to me recently to [106:12] say that while he accepted my notion of [106:14] a post-racial future he thinks it's just [106:17] far too soon to talk about putting [106:19] racial politics behind us and he asked [106:23] me to imagine just how absurd it would [106:24] be to have told Martin Luther King jr. [106:27] at the dawn of the civil rights movement [106:29] that the path beyond racism requires [106:32] that he become less and less obsessed [106:34] with race that seems like a fair point [106:38] but Coleman Hughes has actually drawn my [106:40] attention to a string of MLK quotes that [106:43] seemed just as transcendent of racial [106:45] identity politics as I'm hoping to be [106:47] here and you can see these quotations on [106:50] his Twitter feed none of those [106:52] statements by King would make sense [106:55] coming out of black lives matter at the [106:57] moment but in any case as I said I think [107:00] we're living in a very different time [107:02] than Martin Luther King jr. was and what [107:06] I see all around me is evidence of the [107:09] fact that we're paying an intolerable [107:11] price for confusion about racism and [107:15] social justice generally and the [107:18] importance of identity generally and [107:20] this is happening in an environment [107:23] where the path to success and power for [107:27] historically disadvantaged groups isn't [107:30] generally barred by white racists who [107:33] won't vote for them or hire them or [107:36] celebrate their achievements or buy [107:38] their products [107:40] and it isn't generally barred by laws [107:42] and policies and norms that are unfair [107:46] now they're surely still some of that [107:49] but there must be less of it now than [107:53] there ever was the real burden on the [107:55] black community is the continued legacy [107:58] of inequality with respect to wealth and [108:01] education and health and social order [108:05] levels of crime in particular and the [108:08] resulting levels of incarceration and [108:11] single-parent families and it seems very [108:14] unlikely that these disparities whatever [108:18] their origin in the past can be solved [108:20] by focusing on the problem of lingering [108:22] racism especially where it doesn't exist [108:26] and the current problem of police [108:29] violence seems a perfect case in point [108:31] and yet now we're inundated with [108:34] messages from every well-intentioned [108:37] company an organization singing from the [108:40] same book of hymns I mean black lives [108:42] matter is everywhere of course black [108:46] lives matter but the messaging of this [108:49] movement around the reality of police [108:51] violence is wrong and it's creating a [108:55] public Asteria [108:57] I just got a message from the American [108:59] Association for the Advancement of [109:00] science talking about fear of the other [109:03] right and then the quote from the email [109:05] is left unchecked racism sexism [109:08] homophobia and fear of the other can [109:11] enter any organization or community and [109:13] destroy the foundations upon which we [109:15] must build our future ok fine but is [109:20] that really the concern in the [109:22] scientific community right now unchecked [109:26] racism sexism and homophobia [109:30] is that really what ails science in the [109:32] year 2020 I don't think so [109:36] well I'll tell you the fear of the other [109:39] that does seem warranted everywhere [109:42] right now it's the other who has [109:46] rendered him or herself incapable of [109:48] dialogue it's the other who will not [109:51] listen to reason who has no interest in [109:54] facts who can't join a conversation that [109:58] converges on the truth because he knows [110:01] in advance what the truth must be we [110:06] should fear the other who thinks that [110:09] dogmatism [110:10] and cognitive bias aren't something to [110:13] be corrected for because they're the [110:15] very foundations of his epistemology we [110:19] should fear the other who can't [110:20] distinguish activism from journalism or [110:22] politics from science or worse can make [110:26] these distinctions but refuses to and [110:29] we're all capable of becoming this [110:32] person if only for minutes or hours at a [110:35] time and this is a bug in our operating [110:38] system not a feature and we have to [110:41] continually correct for it one of the [110:44] most shocking things that many of us [110:46] learned when the Cova 19 pandemic was [110:48] first landing on our shores and we were [110:51] weighing the pros and cons of closing [110:53] the schools was that for tens of [110:56] millions of American kids going to [110:59] school represents the only guarantee of [111:02] a decent meal on any given day [111:06] now I'm pretty confident that most of [111:09] the kids we're talking about here aren't [111:11] white and whatever you think about the [111:14] opportunities in this country and [111:17] whatever individual success stories you [111:20] can call to mind there's no question [111:23] that some of us start out on third base [111:25] or second base everyone has a lot to [111:29] deal with of course life is hard but not [111:33] everyone is a single mom or a single [111:35] grandparent struggling to raise kids in [111:38] the inner city all the while trying to [111:40] keep them from getting murdered right [111:43] the disparities in our society are [111:45] absolutely heartbreaking and [111:48] unacceptable and we need a rational [111:51] discussion about their actual causes and [111:54] solutions we have to pull back from the [111:57] brink here and all we have with which to [112:01] do that is conversation I mean the only [112:05] thing that makes conversation possible [112:07] is an openness to evidence and arguments [112:10] a willingness to update one's view of [112:13] the world when better reasons are given [112:15] and that is an ongoing process not a [112:19] place we ever finally arrived [112:22] okay well perhaps that was more of an [112:26] exhortation than I intended [112:29] but it certainly felt like I needed to [112:31] say that I hope it was useful and the [112:36] conversations will continue on this [112:38] podcast stay safe everyone [112:47] [Music] [112:49] you